ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

(From  the  Statue  by  Augustus  St.  Gaudene.) 


RECOLLECTIONS 


OF 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


AND 


HIS  ADMINISTKAT1ON 


BY 

L.  E.  CHITTENDEN 

HIS  REGISTER  OF  THE  TREASURY 


V- '»  B 


NEW    YORK 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS,   FRANKLIN    SQUARE 
1891 


Copyright,  1891,  by  HARPER  &  BROTHERS. 

All  rights  reserved. 


THIS  VOLUME 
HAS   GROWN   OUT   OF   MY   LOVE   AND   RESPECT  FOR 

ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

AND  KNOWING  NO  WAY  IN  WHICH  I  CAN  BETTER  ATTEST 
THE   SINCERITY   OF   ITS   PURPOSE 

If  5>eDtcate  it 

TO  HIS  SON 

ROBERT  T.  LINCOLN 

MINISTER  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  THE  COURT  OF  ST.  JAMES 


101529 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

I.  PRELIMINARY  AND  EXPLANATORY.  —ORIGIN  OF  THIS  VOL 
UME. — ITS  SCOPE  AND  PURPOSE 1 

II.  A  GLIMPSE  OF  A  NOTED  CAMPAIGN. — THE  STATE  ELEC 
TIONS  EARLY  IN  OCTOBER,  1860,  WHICH  VIRTUALLY 
SETTLED  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST 8 

III.  OFFICE  -  SEEKING  BY  AN  INEXPERIENCED  CANDIDATE. — 

APPOINTMENT  TO  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE. — SENATOR 
FOOT,  OF  VERMONT.  —  His  PREMONITIONS  OF  REBEL 
LION 17 

IV.  NOTES  ON  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE.  —  THE  PLANS  OF 

THE  CONSPIRATORS.  —  ADAM  GUROWSKI.  —  JAMES  S. 
WADSWORTH 23 

V.  AN  OFFICIAL  CALL  UPON  THE  PRESIDENT. — IT  UNITES 

THE  LOYAL  MEMBERS  OF  THE  CONFERENCE 32 

VI.  ANOTHER  OFFICIAL  CALL. — GENERAL  SCOTT. — His  LOY 
ALTY  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  UPON  THE  DECLARATION 
OF  THE  ELECTORAL  VOTE 36 

VII.  THE  13TH  OF  FEBRUARY,  1861. — THE  ELECTION  OF  PRES 
IDENT  LINCOLN  DECLARED. — FIRMNESS  OF  VICE-PRES 
IDENT  BRECKINRIDGE. — ANGER  OF  THE  SECESSIONISTS    40 
VIII.  ANOTHER  INCIDENT  OF  FEBRUARY  13rrii. — JUDGE  SMAL- 
LEY  ON  TREASON.  —  SEIZURE  OF  ARMS  IN  NEW  YORK 

CITY. — ACTION  OF  ITS  MAYOR 47 

IX.  AN  ALTERCATION  IN  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE.  —  SENA 
TOR  LOT  M.  MORRILL  AND  COMMODORE  STOCKTON. — A 

TEST  OF  NORTHERN  COURAGE 50 

X.  THE  CONSPIRACY  OF  ASSASSINATION. — ITS  DETAILS. — MR. 
LINCOLN  CONSENTS  TO  FOLLOW  THE  ADVICE  OF  His 
FRIENDS  .  .  58 


Vi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

XI.  How  DID  MR.  LINCOLN  "GET  THROUGH  BALTIMORE"?    65 

XII.  A  SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  RECEPTION.  —  MR.  LINCOLN 
CONVERSES  WITH  LEADING  SOUTHERNERS. — His  DUTY 
TO  THE  CONSTITUTION 68 

XIII.  THE  LAST  WEEK  OP  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN'S  ADMINIS 

TRATION 79 

XIV.  THE  INAUGURATION. — A  MEMORABLE  SCENE    ....    84 
XV.  SOME  NOTES  UPON  GENERAL  SCOTT  AND  ROBERT  E.  LEE    93 

XVI.  THE  NONES  AND  IDES  OP  MARCH.  — THE  NEW  CAB 
INET  103 

XVII.  A  NOVEL  INDUCTION  INTO  OFFICE 109 

XVIII.  THE  ISOLATION  OF  THE  CAPITOL. — AN  ALARMED  VIR 
GINIAN 115 

XIX.  BALTIMORE  BLOCKS  THE  WAY .  120 

XX.  THE  FIRST  VOLUNTEER  DEFENDERS  OF  THE  CAPITOL. 
—THE  PLUG-UGLIES  OF  BALTIMORE. — THE  SEVENTH 
NEW  YORK  AND  THE  EIGHTH  MASSACHUSETTS  REGI 
MENTS 125 

XXI.  THE  "TRENT  AFFAIR." — STATESMANSHIP  OF  MR.  SEW- 

ARD 132 

XXII.  THE  ANTAGONISM  OF  THE  REGULAR  TO  THE  VOLUN 
TEER  SERVICE. — THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PRESIDENT  LIN 
COLN 149 

XXIII.  THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.  —  THEIR  INDUSTRY  IN  LEARN 

ING  TO  READ.— THEIR  IMPLICIT  CONFIDENCE  IN  PRES 
IDENT  LINCOLN 158 

XXIV.  SECRETARY  CAMERON.— His  RESIGNATION.— GENERAL 

FREMONT. — His  TROUBLES  IN  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF 
THE  WEST.— SECRETARY  ST ANTON.— His  CHARACTER. 
—Tim  DAVIS  COMMISSION.  —  MR.  O'NEILL'S  REPORT 
ON  SECRETARY  STANTON'S  SERVICES 168 

XXV.  MAKING  $10,000,000  OF  U.  S.  BONDS  UNDER  PRESS 
URE.  —  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  CONFEDERATE  IRON 
CLAD  SHIPS  IN  BRITISH  SHIP- YARDS.  —  THE  DEPART 
URE  OF  Two  PREVENTED. — AN  ENGLISHMAN  OFFERS 
A  GREAT  SERVICE  TO  OUR  REPUBLIC. — His  INCOG 
NITO  .  ....  194 


CONTENTS.  yij 

PAGK 

XXVI.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CONNECTION  WITH  THE  ORI 
GIN  OF  ARMORED  VESSELS. — His  FAITH  IN  IRON 
CLADS. — THE  INFLUENCE  OF  ASSISTANT-SECRETARY 
Fox. — His  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  PRESIDENT  ON 
THE  7TH  OF  MARCH,  1862 212 

XXVII.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CONFIDENCE  IN  ARMORED 
VESSELS,  CONTINUED. — THE  "MONITOR "AND  HER 
BATTLE  WITH  THE  "MERRIMAC"  DESCRIBED  BY 
CAPTAIN  WORDEN 222 

XXVIII.  JOSEPH  HENRY  AND  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 235 

XXIX.  INTER  ARMA,  SCIENTIA. — THE  POTOMAC  NATURAL 
ISTS'  CLUB 239 

XXX.  A  NIGHT  WITH  THE  POTOMAC  NATURALISTS'  CLUB. 

— THE  GIANT  OCTOPUS 246 

XXXI.  HOSPITAL  NOTES. — THE  WOUNDED  FROM  THE  WIL 
DERNESS. — CHARITIES  OF  THE  COLORED  POOR. — 
SISTERS  OF  CHARITY. — ANAESTHETICS 251 

XXXII.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  AND  THE  SLEEPING  SENTINEL. 
— ERRONEOUS  VERSIONS  OF  THE  STORY. — WILL 
IAM  SCOTT,  OF  THE  THIRD  VERMONT,  SENTENCED 
TO  DEATH  FOR  SLEEPING  ON  HIS  POST. — HE  is 
PARDONED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT. — His  LAST  MES 
SAGE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT.  —  His  DEATH  AT  THE 
BATTLE  OF  LEE'S  MILLS 265 

XXXIII.  TREASURY  NOTES  AND  NOTES  ON  THE  TREASURY  .  284 

XXXIV.  NEW    MONEYS   OF    LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. — 

DEMAND  NOTES. — "SEVEN-THIRTIES." — POSTAGE 
CURRENCY.  —  FRACTIONAL  CURRENCY.  —  LEGAL- 
TENDER  NOTES,  OR  "GREENBACKS." — THEIR  ORI 
GIN,  GROWTH,  AND  VALUE 296 

XXXV.  GRANT  AND  MCCLELLAN 316 

XXXVI.  THE  CONFEDERATES  EXCHANGE  A  PARTY  OF  THEIR 

PRISONERS  OF  WAR. 323 

XXXVII.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  STORY  OF  DANIEL  WEBSTER  330 

XXXVIII.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  THE  UNAPPRECIATED  FRIEND 
OF  THE  SOUTH. — His  OFFER  OF  COMPENSATED 
EMANCIPATION.  —  HE  MEETS  A  VERMONT  CON 
TRACTOR. — THEIR  IMPRESSIONS  OF  EACH  OTHER.  335 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PACK 

XXXIX.  THE  PROFESSIONAL  DETECTIVE.  —  His  EMPLOYMENT 
BY  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  UPON 
THE  PEOPLE 341 

XL.  PUBLIC  MISCONCEPTIONS  OF  THE  VALUE  OF  SALARIED 

OFFICERS. — GENERAL  STANNARD 353 

XLI.  WAS  GENERAL  THOMAS  LOYAL  ? 360 

XLII.  THE  IMPARTIAL  JUDGMENT  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 
— THE  RESIGNATION  OF  SECRETARY  CHASE.  —  ITS 
CAUSES  AND  CONSEQUENCES 366 

XLIII.  THE  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  WASHINGTON  IN  1864.— THE 

BATTLE  OF  MONOCACY 385 

XLIV.  GENERAL  EARLY  BEFORE   WASHINGTON   IN    1864.— 

BATTLE  OF  FORT  STEVENS 403 

XLY.  THE  JUDGMENT  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. — His  COOL 
NESS  IN  TIMES  OF  EXCITEMENT. — His  FAITH  THAT 
THE  UNION  CAUSE  WOULD  BE  PROTECTED  AGAINST 
SERIOUS  DISASTER.  —  FOUR  OF  HIS  LETTERS  NOW 
FIRST  PUBLISHED 428 

XL VI.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.— A  SKETCH  OF  SOME  EVENTS  IN 

HIS  LIFE 431 

INDEX *. 455 


BECOLLECTIONS  OF 

PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 


I. 

PRELIMINARY  AND  EXPLANATORY.— ORIGIN  OF  THIS  VOLUME.— 
ITS  SCOPE  AND  PURPOSE. 

WHEN  the  notes  were  made  which  are  now  expanded 
into  a  volume,  I  had  no  purpose  beyond  that  of  record 
ing,  so  far  as  I  had  time  and  opportunity,  my  personal 
knowledge  of  current  events,  which  might  afterwards 
possess  some  interest  for  my  family  and  my  immediate 
personal  friends.  Neither  then  nor  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century  afterwards  had  any  thought  of  their  publica 
tion  occurred  to  me.  As  time  passed,  and  many  of  these 
events  were  imperfectly  or  inaccurately  described  in  the 
numerous  current  publications,  corrections  of  them,  which 
I  verbally  made,  appeared  to  possess  an  unexpected  in 
terest  to  those  who  heard  them.  I  have  been  told  many 
times,  and  by  those  whose  judgments  are  entitled  to  re 
spect,  that  my  version  of  these  occurrences  formed  a  part 
of  the  history  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration,  and  that 
their  publication  and  preservation  was  in  some  sense  a 
duty. 

Accordingly,  and  by  way  of  experiment,  I  brushed 
1 


2  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  dust  of  more  than  a  score  of  years  from  my  note 
books,  and  acting  as  my  own  amanuensis,  wrote  out  the 
article  entitled  "  Making  United  States  Bonds  under 
Pressure,"  which  was  published  in  the  number  of  Har 
per's  Monthly  Magazine  for  May,  1890.  How  that  ar 
ticle  was  received  the  public  knows.  The  correspond 
ence  to  which  it  gave  rise  was  extensive  enough  to  be 
come  a  burden.  While  the  criticisms  were  generally 
favorable,  the  complaint  was  many  times  repeated  that 
I  ought  to  have  given  more  details — that  the  article  was 
too  much  condensed — that  I  should  have  given  more  of 
the  conversations — what  was  said  by  the  President  and 
Secretary  Chase,  etc.  This  complaint  was  unexpected 
because  I  supposed  that  the  more  condensed  it  was,  the 
greater  was  the  merit  of  the  article.  It  was  followed 
by  others  which  were  not  unfavorably  received,  and  the 
interest  excited,  with  the  possibly  too  partial  judgment  of 
my  friends,  has  resulted  in  the  preparation  of  this  volume. 
Whatever  other  criticism  may  be  made,  it  cannot  be 
said  that  the  book  has  been  thoughtlessly  written. 
Thoughts  have  rushed  upon  me  like  a  flood — the  diffi 
culty  has  been  to  avoid  giving  expression  to  them,  and 
to  restrict  my  pen  to  the  record  of  the  events.  The 
reader  will  comprehend  some  of  these  reflections  if  he 
will  place  himself  in  my  position.  He  will  appreciate 
as  he  never  did  before,  how  quickly  "one  generation 
passeth  away  and  another  generation  cometh."  There 
were  giants  in  those  days.  It  has  been  a  labor  of  love 
for  me  to  recall  some  of  their  mighty  works.  But 
where  are  the  giants  now  ?  The  great  war  cabinet,  the 
great  soldier,  and  the  President,  greater  than  all  com 
bined,  have  all  passed  away.  The  last  of  the  three  finan 
cial  secretaries  of  President  Lincoln,  stricken  while  I  am 
writing,  now  lies  upon  what  is  feared  will  be  his  dying 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  3 

couch.  I  am  the  last  surviving  officer  of  the  Treasury, 
above  the  grade  of  a  clerk,  connected  with  the  issue  of 
securities  during  the  war.  General  Spinner,  the  incor 
ruptible  guardian  of  the  gold  of  the  nation,  the  last  of 
my  official  associates,  has  recently  passed  away.  In  his 
letter  to  me,  one  of  the  last  written  by  his  hand,  he  says  : 
"  In  my  S9th  year  an  incurable  disease  has  so  affected  my 
vision  that  I  can  only  write  with  great  difficulty,  and  for 
five  weeks  all  my  letters  have  been  written  by  another 
hand.  I  wish  I  could  write  you  a  long  letter  about  old 
times,  but  I  cannot.  So,  good-bye,  old  friend,  and  may 
God  bless  you !"  His  death  sadly  reminds  me  that  if 
there  is  any  importance  in  having  this  history  written 
by  one  who  had  some  part  in  it — some  personal  knowl 
edge  of  its  details,  I  am  almost  the  only  civil  officer  of 
that  time  upon  whom  the  duty  rests,  and  that  I  have  but 
little  time  left  for  the  performance. 

It  was  natural  that  the  story  of  the  military  and 
naval  operations  of  the  war  should  have  been  first  writ 
ten.  This  work  has  been  comprehensively  performed. 
It  probably  fills  more  volumes  than  the  history  of  any 
other  four  years  since  the  invention  of  printing.  They 
represent  both  parties  to  the  contest,  and  are  usually 
written  by  admirers  of  the  heroes  whose  achievements 
they  record.  They  are  interesting,  but  in  many  details 
they  are  not  history ;  they  are  so  far  from  it  as  to  sug 
gest  a  doubt  whether  events  can  be  accurately  described 
by  their  contemporaries.  If,  as  I  am  sure  he  will,  the 
reader  shall  find  statements  herein  directly  opposed  to 
the  assertions  of  the  authors  of  some  of  these  military 
histories,  I  ask  the  same  charity  which  I  will  concede  to 
others.  Let  the  statements  be  judged  by  all  the  evidence, 
intrinsic  as  well  as  external.  If  they  will  not  stand  that 
test,  they  are  not  true  and  have  no  place  in  history. 


4:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

When  I  took  charge  of  a  bureau  in  the  Treasury,  I 
naturally  wished  to  understand  the  theory  of  its  con 
struction.  What  were  the  functions  of  the  several 
bureaus?  their  relation  to  the  secretary  and  to  each 
other?  I  wanted  a  history  of  the  institution.  Mr. 
Hamilton  was  its  reputed  creator.  What  were  his  plans  ? 
his  objects  ?  How  did  he  propose  to  secure  them  ? 

No  such  history  existed.  The  memoirs  of  Mr.  Ham 
ilton  were  silent  upon  the  details  of  this  the  greatest 
work  of  his  life.  The  only  printed  book  which  gave 
any  promise  of  the  information  I  wanted  was  a  work 
by  "Robert  Mayo,  M.D.,  Compiler  of  a  New  System  of 
Mythology,"  published  in  1847.  In  these  thin  quartos, 
buried  in  an  indigestible  mass  of  circulars,  instructions 
and  decisions  of  secretaries,  were  a  few  details  of  the 
functions  of  the  different  bureaus,  and  that  was  all. 
Such  knowledge  as  I  acquired  of  the  Treasury,  and  of 
all  the  matters  referred  to  in  this  volume,  was  derived 
through  my  own  personal  experience  in  the  operations 
of  the  government  and  personal  contact  with  its  officers. 
I  am  therefore  solely  responsible  for  the  accuracy  of 
my  statements,  where  I  have  not  given  the  authority 
upon  which  they  are  made. 

I  acquired,  as  I  believe  justly,  a  high  opinion  of  the 
Treasury  system  and  of  the  importance  of  a  rigid  en 
forcement  of  its  regulations.  By  its  complete  control 
of  the  finances  during  the  war  it  was  a  mighty  power 
for  evil  as  well  as  for  good.  The  fate  of  the  nation 
depended  upon  its  competent  management.  Directed 
by  an  able  financier  who  could  reinforce  the  military 
and  naval  departments  by  the  confidence  born  of  a 
strong  national  credit,  ours  was  one  of  the  strongest 
governments  on  earth.  In  the  hands  of  an  incompetent 
secretary,  careless  of  the  national  credit,  the  future 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  5 

promised  was  bankruptcy,  defeat  in  the  field,  and  a 
divided  union. 

Important  as  it  was  in  the  suppression  of  the  rebel 
lion,  I  do  not  intend  to  write  the  history  of  Secretary 
Chase's  financial  policy,  nor  any  financial  or  other  his 
tory.  This  volume,  like  the  notes  of  which  it  is  an 
extension,  has  no  special  object.  It  will  meet  all  my 
expectations  if  it  records  facts,  does  no  injustice,  and 
gives  credit  to  whomsoever  credit  is  due. 

I  must  protest  in  advance  against  any  inference 
against  public  men  whom  I  hold  in  high  esteem  because 
the  truth  of  history  requires  me  to  mention  acts  of  theirs 
which  their  friends  have  always  regretted.  ~No  man  is 
at  all  times  entirely  great.  If  he  were,  he  would  be  a 
hero  to  his  valet.  In  the  early  part  of  the  war,  the 
public  judgment  was  very  unreliable.  Those  were  the 
days  when  the  people  were  shouting,  "  On  to  Rich 
mond  !"  and  looking  to  Providence  for  a  Moses  or  a 
Napoleon.  An  unimportant  victory  was  sufficient  to 
make  them  cry  out,  "  Behold,  he  is  a  leader  and  a  com 
mander  to  the  people" — a  single  failure  and  they  were 
equally  ready  to  crucify  him.  Later  on  they  learned  to 
tolerate  errors  and  excuse  failures,  and  value  public  men 
by  the  general  balance  of  their  services.  Their  judg 
ment  was  more  matured  and  reliable  when  Secretary 
Chase,  after  more  than  two  years  of  labor,  had  estab 
lished  the  public  credit,  when  Grant  would  fight  it  out 
on  that  line  if  it  took  all  summer,  and  Sherman  was 
leading  an  army  through  the  enemy's  country  on  a 
march  which  commenced  in  November  and  ended  with 
the  war  in  May. 

The  sectional  divisions  of  the  country  must  be  consid 
ered  by  those  who  would  comprehend  the  earlier  events 
of  the  war.  The  North  believed  that  slavery  was  the 


0  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

sum  of  all  villainies — the  South  that  it  was  the  mother 
of  all  virtues ;  one  that  it  degraded,  the  other  that  it 
ennobled,  the  white  race ;  one  that  it  changed  men  into 
coarse,  brutal  tyrants,  the  other  that  deprivation  of  its 
salutary  influences  had  converted  the  North  into  the 
home  of  a  race  of  traders  too  cowardly  to  fight  and 
too  inferior  to  govern.  With  such  extreme  views,  they 
necessarily  misjudged  and  misunderstood  each  other. 

Sectional  differences  in  our  republic  belong  to  the 
past.  By  the  war,  slavery,  its  cause,  has  perished. 
There  is  no  longer  any  excuse  for  sectional  divisions. 
The  ship  of  state,  manned  by  a  united  crew,  has  turned 
away  from  the  dangers  of  the  past,  and  is  sailing  over 
tranquil  seas  towards  the  peaceful  port  of  her  manifest 
destiny,  the  supremacy  of  the  nations  of  the  "Western 
Continent.  The  enterprise  to  secure  that  supremacy 
will  be  furnished  by  her  own  sons,  the  wealth  to  main 
tain  it  will  be  gathered  from  her  own  mines  and  forests, 
and  the  products  of  her  own  soil,  and  not  from  weaker 
nations  despoiled.  The  sections  devastated  by  the  war 
have  been  the  first  to  recover  their  strength.  Manufac 
tures  are  pushing  southward ;  new  towns  and  cities  are 
springing  up,  and  everywhere  the  sun  of  prosperity  is 
shining  over  a  reunited  and  reconstructed  union. 

Such  political  and  industrial  conditions  must  not  be 
ignored  by  those  who  write  of  the  history  of  the  war. 
Such  writers  owe  a  duty  to  the  future  as  well  as  to  the 
past.  It  is  plainly  a  part  of  that  duty  not  to  revive  old 
controversies  which  the  war  has  settled.  No  one  can 
be  made  better  or  happier  by  threshing  over  the  straw 
of  old  accusations,  which  only  serve  to  awaken  old  ani 
mosities.  There  were  events  of  the  war,  there  are  events 
in  all  wars,  which  good  men  should  regret,  which  should 
as  quickly  as  possible  be  blotted  from  the  memory  of 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  f 

man.  It  would  be  almost  criminal  to  revive  and  per 
petuate  them.  I  have  sought  to  keep  this  duty  and 
these  facts  in  mind  while  writing  this  book.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  to  the  advantage  of  either  section 
that  facts  should  be  suppressed  or  misinterpreted  which 
may  hereafter  be  of  service  by  way  of  warning  or 
instruction.  I  have  corrected  some  misdescription  in 
accounts  of  battles.  I  have  spoken  plainly  of  the  treat 
ment  of  Federal  prisoners,  and  of  those  who  I  believe 
were  responsible  for  that  crime  against  humanity.  But 
here  and  in  every  sentence  I  have  sought  to  write  in 
the  temper  of  mind  which  would  have  controlled  the 
martyr-President,  who,  especially  in  the  closing  days  of 
his  noble  life, was  mindful  that  "the  end  of  the  com 
mandment  is  charity." 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


II. 

A  GLIMPSE  OF  A  NOTED  CAMPAIGN.— THE  STATE  ELECTIONS 
EARLY  IN  OCTOBER,  1860,  WHICH  VIRTUALLY  SETTLED  THE 
PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST. 

VEKMONT  was  the  first  state  which,  held  an  election 
after  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  first  Tues 
day  in  September  had  come,  and  the  Kepublicans  had 
carried  Vermont.  If  doubts  had  existed,  they  were 
now  dispelled.  The  Republicans  were  united;  they 
had  made  a  strong  pull  and  a  pull  all  together,  and  when 
they  made  a  united  effort  they  almost  always  carried 
Vermont.  Their  majority  being  greater  than  the  com 
bined  vote  of  all  their  opponents,  the  state  was  consid 
ered  safe  for  Lincoln  at  the  presidential  election  in  No 
vember. 

As  soon  as  the  election  was  over  I  was  invited  by  the 
National  Committee,  then  in  continuous  session,  to  come 
to  the  Astor  House,  New  York,  for  consultation.  They 
wanted  to  know  something  about  our  Vermont  meth 
ods  ;  also  what  Vermont  could  do  for  other  states  where 
the  contest  was  more  doubtful.  At  the  committee  rooms 
I  first  met  Judge  William  D.  Kelley,  then  making  his 
first  run  for  Congress  in  Philadelphia.  He  had  not  then 
gained  the  name  of  "  Pig-iron  Kelley,"  nor  the  grateful 
affection  of  his  state  and  the  country  which  he  after 
wards  earned  by  long,  efficient,  and  most  reputable  ser 
vice  in  the  popular  branch  of  the  national  legislature. 
"We  made  short  speeches  at  the  same  mass-meeting  in 
Jersey  City.  "When  the  meeting  was  over  he  said  to 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  9 

me,  "  Your  style  will  just  suit  my  district.  Come  over 
to  Philadelphia  with  me,  and  give  us  a  taste  of  your 
Green  Mountain  quality.  You  may  return  to  Kew 
York  early  on  Monday." 

I  assented,  with  little  thought  of  the  danger  of  trust 
ing  myself  to  the  friendly  contact  of  Philadelphia  poli 
ticians.  I  went  with  Judge  Kelley  to  what  was  then  a 
suburb  of  the  city  of  brotherly  love,  Germantown  by 
name,  where  I  made  an  out-door  address  to  ten  thousand 
Wide-awakes  and  other  Republicans.  The  newspapers 
said  the  speech  was  "  a  cracker."  I  had  never  heard  the 
term  before  applied  to  any  form  of  political  or  intellect 
ual  work.  It  was  evidently  commendatory,  and  indi 
cated  the  partiality  of  the  Philadelphians  to  what  I 
thought  was  rather  a  dry  form  of  edible. 

On  the  following  morning  Judge  Kelley  introduced 
me  to  some  of  the  campaign  managers  at  the  committee 
rooms.  I  remember  two  of  them,  for  their  names  be 
came  afterwards  pretty  well  known  to  the  people  of 
this  republic.  There  were  Andrew  G.  Curtin  and  Col. 
Alexander  McClure.  The  first-named  was  running  for 
governor,  and  Col.  McClure  was  running  him.  Both 
greeted  me  with  effusion.  They  could  now  tell  me  in  per 
son  what  I  should  have  learned  later  by  letter.  They  had 
decided  that  Col.  Frank  Blair  and  myself  were  a  matched 
pair  of  speakers  for  the  country.  They  had,  therefore, 
appointed  a  series  of  meetings  for  us  which  would  occu 
py  nearly  every  afternoon  and  evening  until  the  Friday 
preceding  the  state  election  in  October.  They  had  tele 
graphed  the  notices  to  every  town  and  city  where  the 
meetings  were  to  be  held. 

I  objected  that  this  was  rather  a  cool  proceeding ;  that 
Col.  Blair  and  myself  had  never  met ;  that  I  had  busi 
ness  engagements  at  home ;  that  I  protested  on  general 


10  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

principles  against  an  appropriation  of  my  time  for  two 
or  three  weeks  without  mentioning  the  subject  to  me. 
They  swept  my  objections  away  like  cobwebs  ;  declared 
that  we  "  Vermont ers  did  not  know  the  first  principles 
of  running  a  campaign ;  that  if  they  waited  to  arrange 
all  the  details  in  advance,  they  would  never  get  the  speak 
ers  they  wanted ;  that  the  only  safe  way  was  to  make 
the  appointments  and  then  capture  the  speakers ;  that 
in  our  case  there  had  been  no  difficulty ;  Col.  Blair  and 
myself  were  both  within  easy  reach,  and  they  knew  we 
would  never  consent  to  disappoint  fifty  thousand  Repub 
licans,  disarrange  the  plans  of  the  committee,  and  per 
haps  endanger  the  election." 

Resistance  appeared  to  be  unavailing.  I  surrendered, 
telegraphed  home  some  of  the  details  of  my  capture,  and 
that  I  did  not  anticipate  an  early  escape  out  of  the  hands 
into  which  I  had  fallen.  The  next  day  two  very  lively 
young  Republicans  took  charge  of  Col.  Blair  and  myself, 
and  carried  us  far  into  the  dark  regions  of  a  Democratic 
county.  Where  we  travelled,  what  places  we  visited,  I 
never  inquired.  The  image  of  that  fortnight  upon  my 
memory  represents  a  continuous  procession  of  committees 
of  eminent  citizens,  mass -meetings,  torch -light  proces 
sions,  Wide-awakes  in  uniform,  shouting,  singing  political 
songs,  and  hurrahing  for  the  ticket.  In  the  afternoons 
Col.  Blair  and  myself  usually  addressed  the  same  mass- 
meeting.  As  soon  as  one  had  concluded  he  was  hurried 
away  to  a  distant  town  or  city,  to  be  in  time  for  the  even 
ing  meeting.  The  other  made  his  speech,  and  was  rushed 
off  in  the  opposite  direction.  Some  nights  we  were  hun 
dreds  of  miles  apart,  at  noon  the  next  day  together. 
Such  sleep  as  we  got  wras  on  the  cars.  We  were  only 
permitted  to  see  Republican  newspapers,  which  declared 
that  our  converts  were  numerous,  our  missionary  work 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  H 

a  pronounced  success.  We  never  failed  to  make  our 
connections,  and,  as  agreed,  were  returned  to  the  Girard 
House  in  Philadelphia,  on  Friday  preceding  the  Mon 
day  of  the  state  election.  "We  were  a  used-up  pair  of 
campaigners.  We  had  lost  our  voices  ;  could  not  speak 
above  a  whisper,  and  in  desperate  need  of  the  rest  and 
sleep  to  which  we  intended  to  appropriate  the  next  forty- 
eight  hours. 

But  rest  and  sleep  were  not  for  us.  Col.  Blair  was 
hurried  off  somewhere,  and  I  did  not  see  him  again  until 
the  second  year  of  the  war.  John  T.  Nixon,  afterwards 
a  Federal  judge  in  the  southern  district  of  New  Jersey, 
was  lying  in  wait  for  me.  He  was  running  for  Con 
gress  ;  was  having  a  hard  fight,  and  there  were  special 
reasons  why,  he  said,  I  must  go  into  the  southeast  corner 
of  New  Jersey  to  a  great  mass-meeting  and  barbecue, 
where  I  had  been  advertised  to  speak.  I  pleaded  exhaus 
tion,  loss  of  voice,  general  dilapidation  and  worthless- 
ness,  in  vain.  I  could  "save  the  district,"  he  said.  "  A 
'night's  rest  would  set  me  all  right.  I  must  go  and  show 
myself,  if  I  had  to  be  carried  on  a  stretcher,  or  he  would 
be  accused  of  intentionally  deceiving  and  disappointing 
five  thousand  people  in  a  rural  community.  Promptly 
at  seven  next  morning  he  would  come  for  me." 

I  was  awakened  out  of  a  dream.  It  was  early  morn 
ing.  From  my  window  I  saw  that  the  street  in  front  of 
the  hotel  was  filled  by  a  crowd  of  Wide-awakes,  who  were 
loudly  proclaiming,  with  accompaniment  of  trumpet  and 
drum,  that  "  Old  John  Brown's  body  lay  mouldering  in 
the  grave,  but  his  soul  goes  marching  on."  They  were 
to  form  my  escort  to  the  train  for  Southeastern  New 
Jersey. 

Omitting  the  intervening  details,  let  me  say  at  once 
that,  attended  by  Mr.  Nixon  and  a  party  of  his  friends, 


12  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

I  reached  the  place  of  meeting  shortly  after  midday. 
There  was  no  town  or  village,  scarcely  a  collection  of 
houses.  I  do  not  know  that  the  place  had  any  name. 
It  was  near  water  communication  with  Delaware  Bay, 
for  during  the  afternoon  four  steamers  arrived,  bringing 
as  many  thousand  Wide-awakes  from  Philadelphia  and 
vicinity.  Seats  had  been  provided  in  a  lovely  grove, 
and  these  were  already  occupied,  apparently  by  the  pop 
ulation  of  the  locality  en  masse.  Fathers  and  mothers 
with  their  families,  young  persons  of  both  sexes,  to  the 
number  of  six  or  seven  thousand — the  most  orderly,  quiet, 
cleanly  rural  population  it  has  ever  been  my  good-fortune 
to  see.  They  had  come  not  to  shout,  but  to  listen.  Their 
good  example  reacted.  Nobody  could  talk  nonsense  to 
such  an  audience.  The  speeches  were  argumentative, 
sensible,  the  best  I  had  heard  during  the  campaign. 

The  Wide-awakes  attended,  to  close  the  exercises  with 
a  torch-light  procession.  Coming  from  the  city  on  ex 
cursion  steamers,  a  political  organization,  to  attend  a 
political  meeting  in  the  country,  it  may  be  anticipated 
that,  being  well  provided  with  poor  whiskey,  they  turned 
the  meeting  into  a  pandemonium,  and,  to  use  a  phrase 
not  then  invented,  that  they  "  painted  the  place  red." 
Nothing  of  the  kind.  There  were  oxen  roasted  entire, 
refreshments  in  abundance,  but  no  whiskey  nor  evidences 
of  whiskey.  There  was  a  grand  political  meeting,  good, 
sound,  creditable  speeches,  an  attentive,  respectful  audi 
ence,  ending  with  one  of  the  most  beautiful  torchlight 
processions  I  ever  witnessed ;  music,  songs,  but  not  one 
incident  of  rowdyism  or  disorder  to  mark  or  mar  the 
day  or  the  occasion.  At  the  very  close,  two  pre-revolu- 
tionary  anvils  performed  duty  as  cannon,  and  made  con 
siderable  noise.  The  whole  affair  was  a  credit  to  the 
orderly  community  which  conducted  it.  Judge  Nixon, 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  13 

referring  to  it  during  the  next  session  of  Congress,  said 
its  object  was  to  stir  up  the  community.  It  was  at  first 
feared  that  it  had  not  produced  the  effect  desired.  But 
on  election  day,  when  he  carried  the  county  by  an  un 
heard-of  majority,  it  was  decided  that  an  earthquake, 
reinforced  by  a  cyclone,  could  not  have  done  the  work 
so  thoroughly  as  that  quiet,  well-ordered  meeting. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  I  should  return  to  Philadel 
phia  by  one  of  the  steamers.  I  took  the  one  said  to  be 
least  crowded,  but  it  turned  out  that  there  were  at  least 
two  Wide-awakes  for  every  square  foot  of  standing- 
room  it  afforded.  We  got  under  wray  ;  ran  out  into  the 
bay ;  also  into  a  fog  as  thick  as  molasses,  as  dark  as  Ere 
bus,  and  as  cold  as  the  shady  side  of  an  iceberg.  All 
that  long  night,  until  two  hours  after  daylight,  we  rolled 
and  wallowed  in  the  waters  of  the  bay.  The  fog  was  so 
thick  that  it  was  unsafe  to  run  by  compass,  or  even  to 
start  the  boat  ahead.  There  was  not  a  bed  or  a  blanket 
on  board.  In  my  exhausted  condition,  with  no  place  to 
lie  or  even  to  sit  down,  I  suffered  dreadfully.  Some  of 
the  boys  finally  hunted  up  an  old  sail,  wrapped  it  around 
me,  and  laid  me  away  on  a  cushioned  seat  in  the  pilot 
house.  I  slept  through  all  the  racket,  until  we  reached 
the  dock  at  Camden,  where  I  was  taken  to  the  residence 
of  a  hospitable  Republican,  had  a  bath  and  a  bed,  and 
slept  until  election  morning. 

That  was  an  exciting  election  day.  It  settled  the 
presidential  contest.  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  if  I  rightly 
remember,  then  held  their  state  elections  on  the  same 
first  Monday  in  October.  I  was  admitted  to  the  rooms 
of  the  committee.  At  frequent  intervals  during  the  day 
reports  came  from  many  sections  that  the  election  was 
very  quiet,  men  were  keeping  their  promises,  and  all 
seemed  to  be  going  well.  But  there  were  no  results  for 


14:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

comparison  until  evening,  when  the  large  hall  was  packed, 
and  the  street  in  front  completely  blocked  by  an  expect 
ant  crowd,  awaiting  the  announcement  of  victory  or 
defeat  in  the  most  important  election  since  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  It  was  arranged  that  the  reports 
from  other  states  should  come  through  state  committees. 
Those  in  Pennsylvania  came  through  many  sources. 

The  first  figures  were  from  Ohio.  Names  I  have  for 
gotten,  nor  are  they  material.  Call  this  one  Dover. 
The  operator  read  out,  "  Dover,  Eepublican  first  time. 
Seventy  majority.  Last  year  one  hundred  and  ten  Dem 
ocratic."  Some  one  started  a  cheer;  others  shouted, 
"  Hush  !"  The  next  was  from  a  Democratic  county  in 
Pennsylvania.  It  announced  a  Democratic  majority  of, 
say  seventy.  One  who  held  the  record  of  the  last  cor 
responding  votes  added  instantly  to  the  despatch,  "  A 
Democratic  loss  of  ninety  votes."  The  silence  was  still 
unbroken.  Another  Pennsylvania  despatch  :  "  C.  beats 
D.  by  eighty,  and  is  elected."  The  reader  of  the  record 
adds,  "  A  Republican  gain  of  a  member ;  a  Democratic 
loss  on  the  vote  of  nearly  two  hundred."  A  Eepubli 
can,  with  powerful  voice,  exclaimed,  "  That  means  that 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Andrew  Curtin  the  next  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  !"  The  roar  of  triumph  that  went  up  from  that 
crowd  was  enough  to  have  started  the  roof  from  its  fas 
tenings.  It  was  caught  up  outside  as  the  signal  of  vic 
tory,  and  the  sound  of  human  voices  suppressed  the  sound 
of  cannon,  which  instantly  commenced  a  salute  of  one 
hundred  guns.  It  might  well  have  been  impressive,  for 
it  was  Eepublican  notice  to  the  world  that  the  people 
had  decreed,  in  the  words  of  Washington,  that  "  the 
Union  must  be  preserved !" 

The  announcement  was  accidental ;  it  was  dangerously 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  15 

premature.  Prudent  men  were  very  anxious  lest  it  might 
be  necessary  to  recall  it.  But  the  despatches  came  in 
rapid  succession  —  as  fast  as  the  operator  could  read 
them — faster  than  the  vote  could  be  compared  with  that 
of  preceding  years.  Their  tenor  was  constant  Republi 
can  gains,  Democratic  losses !  When  the  returns  upon 
the  state  ticket  began  to  come  in,  the  average  improved. 
It  was  nearly  ten  o'clock,  and  not  until  we  knew  that 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  Indiana,  and  probably  Illinois, 
had  gone  Eepublican,  that  some  remote  little  precinct, 
far  up  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  reported  the  first  tri 
fling  Democratic  gain.  There  was  a  howl  of  derision, 
when  some  one  said,  "I  know  that  place.  It's  where 
they  are  still  voting  for  Jefferson  and  Burr." 

As  soon  as  it  wras  known  to  a  certainty  that  we  had 
carried  these  four  states,  I  quietly  elbowed  my  way 
through  the  crowd  to  my  hotel,  with  a  thankful  heart 
for  the  victory.  The  mighty  crowd  was  celebrating  it 
without  the  least  evidence  of  rioting  or  disorder.  There 
was  but  little  sleep  that  night ;  all  this  noise  and  crowd 
was  directly  underneath  my  window.  But  I  was  so 
weary  that  a  battery  of  artillery,  engaged  in  target-prac 
tice  in  the  next  room,  would  not  have  kept  me  awake. 
I  was  asleep  within  a  minute  after  my  head  rested  on 
the  pillow,  and  for  ten  hours  nothing  disturbed  me.  It 
was  eight  o'clock  next  morning  when  a  delegation  from 
the  committee  called,  to  ascertain  what  disposition  I  had 
made  of  myself,  and,  as  it  happened,  to  give  me  my  first 
lesson  in  "  Practical  Politics." 

"  How  many  city  members  of  Congress  do  the  Repub 
licans  elect?"  I  asked.  "When  I  left  you  last  night 
almost  everything  else  was  settled ;  but  the  Congres 
sional  vote  was  the  last  counted,  and  no  complete  returns 
were  in  from  any  district.  Is  Judge  Kelley  defeated?" 


16  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  I  should  think  not !"  replied  one  of  my  visitors. 
"  We  have  swept  the  decks.  We  have  elected  four  con 
gressmen  from  this  city,  sure.  When  I  left  the  commit 
tee-rooms  they  were  debating  whether  they  should  per 
mit  the  Democrats  to  count  in  the  other.  It  hadn't  been 
decided." 

"  Counting  in,"  I  exclaimed — "  what  do  you  mean  by 
"counting  in  a  member?"  "  You  poor,  unsophisticated 
Yermonter,"  he  said,  "  you  pretend  you  don't  know  what 
'  counting  in '  means !  You  must  have  played  the  count 
ing-out  games  of  children !  This  is  the  same  thing,  only 
it  works  the  other  way." 

Young  men  will  better  comprehend  the  progress  back 
ward  of  politics  within  a  little  more  than  a  fourth  of  a 
century  when  I  say  that  my  guilelessness  was  not  at  all 
assumed.  I  was  born  in  a  community  in  which  the  casting 
of  a  ballot  was  regarded  as  a  solemn  and  serious  duty.  In 
my  boyhood,  election  meetings  were  opened  with  prayer, 
and  until  the  vote  was  counted  there  was  no  act  unbefit 
ting  the  church  in  which  the  elections  were  always  held. 
I  had  never  heard  of  "  counting  out "  or  "  counting  in  "  a 
candidate.  The  suggestion  dawned  upon  me  like  a  sug 
gestion  of  a  crime.  Such  remarks  make  no  impression 
now.  I  have  become  too  familiar  with  the  practice,  pro 
fessionally  and  otherwise.  The  person  referred  to  after 
wards  became  a  Democratic  leader.  I  still  occasionally 
meet  him,  but  never  without  recalling  this  observation 
with  a  sensation  which  is  neither  creditable  to  him  nor 
agreeable  to  myself. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 


III. 

OFFICE-SEEKING  BY  AN  INEXPERIENCED  CANDIDATE.— APPOINT 
MENT  TO  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE.— SENATOR  FOOT,  OF  VER 
MONT.— HIS  PREMONITIONS  OF  REBELLION. 

THE  October  elections  decided  the  presidential  contest. 
Pennsylvania  was  the  keystone.  "  As  goes  Pennsylva 
nia,  so  goes  the  Union !"  was  the  slogan  of  all  the  politi 
cal  clans.  The  praises  which  were  the  reward  of  my 
services  in  Pennsylvania  naturally  increased  my  estimate 
of  the  value  of  those  services,  so  that  when  I  returned  to 
my  law  office  I  looked  about  to  see  what  office  would 
suitably  reward  me.  I  had  been  treading  out  corn  for  a 
month — the  Republicans  would  not  muzzle  the  ox  that 
treadeth  out  the  corn — the  laborer  was  worthy  of  his  re 
ward,  and  I  did  not  doubt  that  I  should  be  strongly  sup 
ported  as  a  candidate  for  any  place  in  my  own  state  for 
which  I  might  apply.  The  collectorship  of  the  port 
would,  as  I  thought,  just  suit  me — the  salary  was  not 
large — under  two  thousand  dollars,  but  it  was  the  largest 
in  the  state  in  the  gift  of  the  President,  and  therefore 
best  worthy  of  my  attention. 

Mindful  of  the  success  of  the  traditional  early  bird,  I 
would  take  time  by  the  forelock  and  secure  the  support 
of  my  Republican  friends  before  any  other  candidate 
started  in  the  race.  I  would  not  even  wait  for  the  elec 
tion.  I  would  begin  now.  I  prepared  letters  to  leading 
Republicans  in  all  parts  of  the  state.  I  am  sure  they 
were  models.  I  put  the  whole  responsibility  upon  my 
friends.  Personally,  I  said,  I  was  rather  disinclined  to 
2 


18  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

take  the  office — but  my  friends  were  so  persistent — they 
insisted  that  I  ought  to  receive  some  substantial  reward 
—that  my  appointment  would  do  credit  to  the  state,  to 
myself,  and  the  party.  I  had  decided  to  take  their  ad 
vice.  If  the  gentleman  addressed  agreed  with  them, 
would  he  kindly  furnish  me  with  his  written  recommen 
dation  to  the  President  for  my  appointment  ? 

The  result  was  a  trifle  disappointing  in  two  respects. 
My  friends,  "  all  with  one  consent,  began  to  make  ex 
cuse."  Every  one  had  pledged  himself  months  before 
to  some  one  else.  Candidates  were  as  numerous  as  the 
counties.  A  few  answered  that  they  would  stand  by  me 
if  I  said  so,  although  it  would  embarrass  them  to  recede 
from  their  pledges.  The  general  tenor  of  the  correspond 
ence  might  be  poetically  expressed  in  the  solemn  words, 
"  Too  late !  Too  late !  Ye  cannot  enter  now." 

October,  November,  December  passed;  Lincoln  and 
Hamlin  were  known  to  be  elected.  What  power  was  it 
that  closed  our  eyes  to  current  events  and  their  conse 
quences  ?  The  people  of  the  South  were  infatuated — of 
the  North,  blind !  blind !  Was  it  one  of  those  mysterious 
ways  in  which  the  Almighty  works  his  sovereign  will, 
which  led  to  the  sealing  up  of  Northern  eyes  ?  Day  after 
day  we  saw  the  funds  of  the  United  States  transferred  to 
Southern  depositories ;  cannon,  small-arms,  and  military 
supplies  transferred  to  Southern  arsenals ;  Southern  lead 
ers  seizing  upon  and  appropriating  moneys  which  the 
United  States  held  in  trust  for  wards  of  the  nation. 
South  Carolina  called  a  convention  which  passed  an  or 
dinance  of  secession,  without  one  dissenting  vote.  Her 
representatives  and  senators  in  Congress  shook  the  dust 
of  Washington  from  their  feet  and  left  the  capital,  with 
insult  and  contumely  for  the  Union  on  their  lips ;  every 
Southern  state  engaged  openly  in  preparations  for  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  19 

destruction  of  the  Union ;  and  while  all  this  was  going 
on  the  people  of  the  Korth  went,  one  to  his  cattle,  an 
other  to  his  merchandise,  and  if  they  cast  a  glance  at  the 
angry  clouds  gathering  in  the  Southern  sky,  declared 
that  they  might  result  in  a  sprinkle,  but  that  we  should 
not  have  much  of  a  shower  after  all !  To  us  the  Union 
was  the  ark  of  our  covenant,  men  might  rage  and  bluster 
and  threaten,  but  to  touch  it  with  unhallowed  hands  in 
volved  a  measure  of  depravity  of  which  we  believed  no 
American  capable. 

That  fine  old  merchant,  manufacturer,  and  patriot, 
Erastus  Fairbanks,  was  then  Governor  of  Vermont.  On 
Saturday,  the  second  day  of  February,  late  in  the  day,  he 
telegraphed  me  that  he  wished  me  to  lay  aside  all  busi 
ness,  and  leave  Burlington  that  evening  for  Washington 
—that  I  was  appointed  a  member  of  a  delegation — my 
associates  would  meet  me  on  the  train — one  of  his  aids 
would  bring  us  our  commissions,with  the  few  suggestions 
he  thought  proper  to  make  to  us.  I  obeyed  his  injunction. 
When  the  train  reached  Troy,  there  were  on  board  of 
it  Gen.  H.  II.  Baxter,  ex-Governor  Hall,  Messrs.  Un 
derwood,  Harris,  and  myself.  There,  a  letter  from 
the  governor  was  handed  us,  stating  that  we  were  dele 
gates  appointed  to  represent  Vermont  in  a  Peace  Confer 
ence  called  by  Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  to  be  held 
in  Washington  on  the  4th  of  February,  only  two  days 
later.  Governor  Fairbanks  bound  us  by  no  instructions, 
made  but  one  brief  recommendation.  It  was  that  we 
should  consult  with  our  delegation  in  Congress,  and  then 
represent  Vermont  in  the  conference  according  to  her 
principles  and  her  traditions,  witholding  nothing  that 
ought  to  be  surrendered,  submitting  to  nothing  that  was 
wrong,  unjust,  or  inconsistent  with  Republican  principles. 

We  reached  Washington  on  time ;  other  delegates 


20  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

boarding  the  train  as  it  passed  through  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Maryland.  We  went  to  Willard's, 
then  the  principal  hotel,  owned  by  two  young  Yermont- 
ers,  who  informed  us  that  the  city  was  crowded  with 
strangers,  principally  from  the  South. 

With  a  brief  delay  to  clear  ourselves  from  the  dust  of 
travel,  we  drove  to  the  Capitol.  Senator  Foot  was  the 
only  member  of  the  Vermont  delegation  we  found  there. 
We  knew  him  at  home  as  a  prudent,  cautious,  rather  re 
tiring  statesman,  very  conservative  in  his  views,  and 
eminently  cautious  in  his  expressions,  in  short,  a  typical 
Yermonter  in  whom  all  Yermonters  had  unlimited  con 
fidence.  He  met  us  with  his  usual  cordiality,  but  the  first 
mention  of  the  Peace  Conference  appeared  to  enrage  him. 

"  It  is  a  fraud,  a  trick,  a  deception,"  he  exclaimed,  "  a 
device  of  traitors  and  conspirators  again  to  cheat  the 
North  and  to  gain  time  to  ripen  their  conspiracy.  I  at 
first  hoped  Governor  Fairbanks  would  pay  no  attention 
to  it.  I  am  now  glad  that  he  has  sent  delegates.  At 
home  they  do  not  believe  we  are  living  here  in  a  nest 
of  traitors.  You  will  be  able  to  see  and  judge  for  your 
selves  !" 

Ex-Governor  Hall,  one  of  the  most  amiable  of  men,  was 
shocked  by  the  senator's  violence.  "  You  do  not  mean, 
senator,"  he  said,  u  that  we  are  on  the  eve  of  rebellion— 
that  there  is  danger  ?" 

"  That  is  precisely  what  I  do  mean,"  he  said ;  "  the  plot 
to  seize  the  Capitol  and  prevent  the  inauguration  of 
Lincoln  is  already  formed — they  will  prevent  the  count 
ing  of  the  votes,  if  they  dare.  Their  chief  present  diffi 
culty  is  want  of  time.  That  time  you  are  to  assist  them 
in  gaining  by  useless  debates  in  a  misnamed  Peace  Con 
ference.  But  you  have  no  need  to  take  my  word  for  it. 
Keep  your  eyes  open  and  judge  for  yourselves !" 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  21 

"  We  are  here  for  consultation,"  continued  Governor 
Hall ;  "  we  have  decided  to  do  nothing  except  upon  con 
sultation  and  the  advice  of  our  delegation  in  Congress." 

"I  think  you  are  wise  in  that,"  said  the  senator. 
"  There  are  no  divided  counsels  in  the  delegation.  We  all 
think  alike,  but  possibly  I  express  my  opinions  with  the 
least  reserve." 

As  we  were  about  to  withdraw  the  senator  observed  : 
"There  is  one  subject  in  addition  which  I  ought  to 
mention.  I  should  speak  plainly,  possibly  to  your  sur 
prise.  The  city  is  overrun  with  Southerners.  A  few  of 
them  are  gentlemen,  but  the  large  majority  are  roughs 
and  adventurers,  who  profess  great  contempt  for  what 
they  call  the  cowardice  of  Northern  men.  They  are  all 
armed — they  believe  that  Northern  men  will  run  rather 
than  fight — that  they  may  be  insulted  with  impunity. 
They  will  probably  insult  you.  I  believe  street  fights 
would  be  common  if  these  fellows  were  not  ruled  with 
an  iron  hand  by  their  leaders,  who  do  not  want  any 
fighting  until  they  are  prepared.  Northern  men  now 
carry  arms  who  never  carried  them  before,  and  are  pre 
pared  to  defend  themselves.  I  think  each  individual 
must  determine  such  matters  for  himself.  I  have  de 
cided  that,  so  long  as  I  represent  Vermont  as  one  of  her 
senators,  I  shall  express  my  opinions  touching  her  in 
terests  upon  all  proper  occasions  in  such  language  as  I 
deem  consistent  with  the  dignity  and  position  of  a  sena 
tor.  If  assaulted  or  insulted  for  such  expressions,  I 
shall  undertake  to  defend  the  honor  of  Vermont.  I  do 
not  believe  in  fighting,  nor  in  submitting  to  the  charge 
of  cowardice.  These  men  are  traitors,  conspirators, 
rebels,  leagued  together  for  the  destruction  of  the  Union. 
I  do  not  hesitate  to  tell  them  so  to  their  faces !" 

"  Senator!"  exclaimed  one  of  our  number,  astounded 


22  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

at  these  expressions  from  one  ordinarily  so  prudent  and 
self-controlled.  "  Do  you  advise  us  to  prepare  for  street 
fights  ?  to  carry  pistols  ?  If  I  had  a  loaded  pistol  in  my 
pocket  I  should  feel  as  if  I  were  preparing  to  commit  a 
burglary." 

"  I  advise  nothing,"  he  responded,  "  I  am  merely  put 
ting  you  upon  your  guard.  You  are  Yermonters ;  you 
know  how  to  defend  your  state  and  yourselves.  After 
you  have  been  here  a  few  days  you  will  judge  for  your 
selves  whether  it  will  be  wise  for  you  to  carry  arms." 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  23 


IV. 

NOTES  ON  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE.— THE  PLANS  OF  THE  CON 
SPIRATORS.— ADAM  GUROWSKL— JAMES  S.  WADS  WORTH. 

I  DO  not  aspire  to  the  dignity  of  a  historian.  I  am  not 
writing  a  history  of  the  Peace  Conference.  I  may,  how 
ever,  venture  to  hope  that  the  incidents  I  shall  describe 
may  be  of  use  to  future  historians.  They  concern  the 
very  origin  of  the  rebellion.  The  Peace  Conference  was 
a  prelude  to  the  bloody  drama  which  followed  it,  and  its 
record  must  be  read  and  understood  by  those  who  would 
comprehend  in  their  chronological  order  the  events 
which  ended  all  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  long- 
pending  controversy  between  freedom  and  slavery  by 
the  opening  gun  against  Fort  Sumter. 

Willard's  great  hotel,  like  a  parasitic  plant,  had  grad 
ually  grown  around  and  taken  in  an  old  Washington 
church,  which  was  then  called  Willard's  Hall.  Here  the 
members  of  the  Conference  were  notified  to  assemble. 
They  found  that  its  self-appointed  managers  had  attend 
ed  to  all  the  preliminary  work.  "Without  any  effort  to 
ascertain  who  were  commissioned  as  members,  a  tempo 
rary  chairman  and  secretary  were  elected,  and  a  Com 
mittee  on  Rules  and  Organization  was  appointed.  An 
uninstructed  member  then  moved  the  admission  of  re 
porters  for  the  press,  a  large  number  of  whom  were 
then  waiting  at  the  door,  directed,  as  the  member  said,  to 
make  public  the  proceedings  of  the  most  important  con 
ference  which  had  been  held  since  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution. 


24  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Mr.  James  A.  Seddon,  of  Virginia,  who  assumed  the 
duties  of  managing  director  of  the  Conference,  objected. 
He  did  not  see  that  any  good  could  possibly  come  of  giv 
ing  publicity  to  its  proceedings.  "Wide  differences  of 
opinion  would  be  found  to  exist  at  the  outset ;  these 
were  to  be  harmonized  by  mutual  concessions  and  com 
promises.  The  interference  and  criticisms  of  the  press, 
he  said,  would  destroy  every  hope  of  success.  Members 
would  not  have  the  courage  to  consent  to  necessary 
compromises  if  they  were  subjected  to  the  daily  attacks 
of  the  newspapers.  If  the  Conference  was  to  produce 
any  good  results,  it  must  transact  its  business  behind 
closed  doors.  The  motion  to  admit  the  reporters,  to  use 
the  Southern  phrase,  "  passed  in  the  negative." 

The  programme  arranged  for  the  three  following  days 
wras  followed  without  the  slightest  change.  The  Repub- 
licans  contented  themselves  by  looking  on,  without  any 
interference  with  the  harmony  of  the  proceedings.  Ex- 
President  John  Tyler  was  made  permanent  president,  a 
series  of  rules  was  reported  by  the  committee  and 
adopted  ;  a  Committee  on  Credentials  was  then  appoint 
ed  and  made  an  immediate  report ;  a  Committee  on 
Resolutions,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  state 
represented,  to  which  all  resolutions  and  propositions  for 
the  adjustment  of  existing  difficulties  between  states 
were  to  be  referred  without  debate,  was  appointed  ly 
the  president. 

After  some  informal  consultations  among  themselves, 
the  Republican  members  decided  that  the  time  had  ar 
rived  for  them  to  take  a  more  active  part  in  the  exer 
cises.  One  of  them,  after  remarking  that  a  record  of  the 
resolutions  introduced  and  disposed  of  should  be  pre 
served  for  future  use,  moved  the  appointment  of  a  re 
cording  secretary.  Another  insisting  that  every  mem- 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  25 

ber  should  be  accurately  reported,  and  should  be  able  to 
show  to  his  constituents  what  he  had  said  as  well  as  how 
he  had  voted,  moved  the  appointment  of  an  official 
stenographer,  who  should  take  notes  of  the  debates  and 
hold  them  subject  to  the  order  of  the  Conference.  Both 
motions  were  promptly  rejected. 

I  obtained  the  bad  distinction  of  casting  the  first  fire 
brand  into  the  inflammable  materials  of  the  Conference. 
I  introduced  a  formal  resolution  for  the  appointment  of 
a  stenographer,  which  was  laid  on  the  table.  I  then  ob 
served  that  it  was  a  part  of  my  duty  to  make  an  accu 
rate  report  of  all  that  transpired  in  the  Conference  to 
the  Executive  of  Vermont ;  that  I  was  no  stenographer, 
and  did  not  crave  the  labor  I  was  about  to  undertake ; 
that,  after  the  votes  declining  to  make  any  record  or  to 
preserve  the  materials  from  which  a  record  might  after 
wards  be  made,  I  intended  openly  to  take  notes  and 
make  the  best  report  of  the  debates  and  record  of  the 
proceedings  I  could,  and  to  make  such  use  of  them  as  I 
thought  proper. 

Then  there  was  trouble.  The  Southerners  arid  their 
Northern  allies  were  furious.  No  member,  they  said, 
had  a  right  to  disregard  the  vote  of  the  Conference. 
One  demanded  that  the  Committee  on  Rules  should  im 
mediately  report  a  vote  of  censure ;  another  demanded 
my  expulsion,  unless  I  would  promise  obedience.  Mr. 
Secldon  called  up  an  amendment  he  had  offered  to  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules,  prohibiting  any  com 
munication  of  the  proceedings  except  by  members  to 
the  states  they  represented,  and  called  for  a  vote  upon  it. 

There  was  great  confusion.  A  dozen  Southerners,  each 
offering  different  remedies,  were  all  trying  to  speak  at 
the  same  time.  There  was  but  one  remark  from  a 
Northern  delegate — William  Curtis  Noyes,  with  a  quiet 


26  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

emphasis  which  cut  like  a  finely  tempered  sabre,  said 
that  there  was  a  considerable  body  of  delegates  on  that 
floor  who  intended  to  secure  the  rights  of  every  indi 
vidual  delegate.  President  Tyler,  whose  discretion  never 
deserted  him,  saw  that  the  time  for  his  interference  had 
come.  He  sternly  commanded  and  restored  order.  He 
announced  peremptorily  that  the  proposed  attempt  to 
control  the  individual  conduct  of  an  orderly  member,  and 
to  interfere  with  his  communications  to  his  constituents, 
was  unparliamentary  and  out  of  order.  The  amend 
ment  of  Mr.  Seddon,  by  the  rule  already  adopted,  must 
be  referred  to  the  Committee.  Order  was  restored,  the 
storm  passed,  and  the  skies  were  clear  again. 

Among  the  singular  people  at  that  time  collected  in 
Washington,  perhaps  the  most  extraordinary  person  was 
Adam  Gurowski.  I  came  to  know  him  intimately  after 
wards,  but  neither  myself  nor  any  one  else,  so  far  as  I 
could  ascertain,  ever  knew  anything  of  his  previous 
history  or  of  what  country  he  was  a  native.  He  was  a 
fine  scholar  and  writer,  with  an  excellent  command  of 
language ;  a  brilliant  conversationalist  in  all  the  modern 
European  tongues.  He  claimed  acquaintance  with  sev 
eral  crowned  heads  and  many  of  the  statesmen  of  Eu 
rope,  was  perfectly  familiar  with  diplomatic  usages,  a 
gentleman  in  dress  and  carriage.  Without  any  very 
definite  knowledge,  I  formed  the  conclusion  that  he  was 
a  Eussian,  who  had  been  connected  with  the  diplomatic 
service,  but  compelled  to  leave  Europe  on  account  of 
opinions  which  were  somewhat  erratic,  if  they  were  not 
revolutionary  and  socialistic.  He  was  unobtrusive,  yet 
he  managed  to  form  the  acquaintance  of  everybody 
of  any  note,  and  usually  to  secure  their  good  opinion. 
Diplomatists,  cabinet  officers,  senators,  and  members  of 
the  House — everybody  was  accessible  to  him  and  re- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  27 

ceived  him  on  a  familiar  footing.  He  was  the  firm 
friend  of  the  North,  and  entertained  an  inveterate  hatred 
of  slavery  and  its  influence.  I  mention  him  here,  be 
cause  I  afterwards  learned  that  his  ability  to  obtain  re 
liable  information  of  important  facts  was  phenomenal. 
His  conclusions  were  usually  accurate,  though  probably 
in  great  part  the  result  of  intuition.  Within  a  week 
after  our  arrival  in  Washington,  we  found  ourselves  con 
versing  with  Gurowski  upon  the  footing  of  an  acquaint 
ance,  and  I  believe  he  had  made  himself  known  to 
every  Northern  member  of  the  Conference. 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  of  our  first  flurry  in  the 
Conference,  Gurowski  called  at  the  rooms  where  the 
Northern  members  were  accustomed  to  confer. 

"  Do  I  intrude  ?"  he  asked.  "  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  call 
at  once  and  congratulate  you.  You  are  beginning  to 
experience  the  maternal  cares  of  the  i  mother  of  the 
presidents,'  '  even  as  a  hen  gathereth  her  chickens  un 
der  her  wing,'  etc.  How  do  you  Northern  gentlemen 
like  the  experience  ?" 

We  denied  his  knowledge  of  what  had  been  done  in 
the  Conference.  He  related  its  action,  the  substance  of 
the  speeches,  the  president's  decision,  with  perfect  ac 
curacy. 

"  You  will  make  a  mess  of  it  between  you,"  he  said. 
"  These  conspirators  do  not  know  how  to  conspire,  and 
you  Eepublicans ! — I  don't  know  how  to  take  you.  Are 
you  lambs  to  be  eaten  up  unresistingly  by  the  wolves  of 
secession  ?  Or  are  you  fishes  with  blood  so  cold  that  it 
cannot  be  stirred  to  action?  Don't  you  know  the  de 
tails  of  the  plot  ?  I  can  give  them  to  you  to  the  dotting 
of  every  i  and  the  crossing  of  every  t — from  the  first 
capital  to  the  final  period.  If  you  knew  them  as  I  do, 
you  would  not  be  wasting  your  time  in  Washington." 


28  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

I  shall  give  Gurowski's  version,  not  because  I  think  it 
should  be  accepted  upon  his  evidence,  but  because  it  pre 
sents  in  a  compact  form  a  plan  of  which  subsequent 
events  furnished  strong  confirmatory  proof. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln's  election,"  he  said,  "  decided  the  ques 
tion  of  secession.  The  leaders  agreed  that  the  electoral 
vote  should  not  be  counted,  that  his  election  should  not 
be  officially  declared.  General  Cass  was  to  be  quarrelled 
out  of  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Buchanan,  naturally  infirm  of 
purpose  and  weakened  by  age,  could  be  controlled  by 
the  remaining  members,  while  as  much  as  possible  of 
the  national  property  was  transferred  into  the  Southern 
states.  South  Carolina  was  to  secede  at  once — other 
states  to  follow  as  fast  as  possible— Washington  was  to 
be  packed  with  fighting  Southerners,  and  on  the  13th  of 
February,  during  the  count  of  the  electoral  vote,  a  riot 
was  to  be  started  in  the  House,  the  Capitol  and  the  de 
partments  seized,  and  a  new  confederacy  proclaimed 
with  Jefferson  Davis  as  President  ad  interim. 

"  Floyd  and  Cobb  had  upset  the  entire  plan  by  their 
premature  and  criminal  acts,  which  drove  them  from  the 
Cabinet,  and  brought  in  General  Dix  and  Mr.  Stanton. 
General  Cass  had  been  driven  out  as  they  intended,  but 
in  a  brief  spasm  of  resolution  Mr.  Buchanan  had  insisted 
upon  putting  Judge  Black  in  his  place,  and  Judge  Black 
could  not  be  trusted  by  the  South.  General  Scott  also 
had  made  an  unexpected  difficulty.  Old  and  rheumatic 
as  he  was,  he  had  declined  to  submit  to  temptation  or 
control ;  he  had  smelt  the  danger,  collected  such  regu 
lars  from  the  army  as  he  could  in  Washington,  and  had 
given  the  plotters  notice  that  the  first  one  that  laid  a 
hand  of  force  on  the  government  should  be  shot  down 
without  trial,  merc}^  or  delay.  When  Congress  convened 
in  December,  the  plot  to  prevent  the  count  of  the  elec- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  29 

toral  vote  was  a  failure.  There  had  been  too  many 
rogues  and  fools  admitted  into  the  counsels  of  the  con 
spirators. 

"  Then  a  new  conspiracy  had  to  be  formed.  It  was 
agreed  that  Jefferson  Davis  should  be  its  head  and  gen 
eral  manager.  Special  work  might  be  assigned  by  him 
to  individuals,  but  he  alone  should  determine  how  far 
others  should  be  admitted  to  a  knowledge  of  its  details. 
It  dated  from  the  day,  or  rather  the  night,  of  the  5th  of 
January,  when  Judah  Benjamin,  Slidell,  Mallory,  and 
Mason  met  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Davis  in  Washington. 
It  was  then  agreed  that  the  electoral  vote  should  be 
counted  and  the  result  declared.  All  the  senators  and 
representatives  should  remain  in  Congress,  drawing  their 
pay,  until  their  respective  states  had  seceded.  South 
Carolina  was  already  out  of  the  Union.  In  the  Gulf 
states,  secession  should  be  hastened  as  much  as  possible. 
Slidell  and  Mallory  were  to  prepare  a  plan  for  the  con 
federacy  and  to  call  a  convention  of  the  seceded  states 
to  adopt  it  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  not  later  than  the 
middle  of  February.  The  Border  states  could  not  be 
voted  out  of  the  Union  in  time,  but  they  were  nearest 
Washington,  and  could  provide  the  men  to  seize  the 
government  on  the  4th  of  March,  to  which  date  the 
rebellion  was  now  postponed. 

"  Here,"  exclaimed  Gurowski,  "  comes  in  the  most  dis 
reputable  part  of  the  conspiracy.  The  people  of  the 
free  states,  their  representatives  in  Congress,  were  to  be 
played  with  like  children.  They  were  to  be  entertained 
by  the  hope  of  an  arrangement,  of  some  peaceful  settle 
ment  of  the  controversy,  which,  at  the  fall  election, 
passed  irrevocably  beyond  the  limits  of  peaceful  settle 
ment.  This  part  of  the  plot  was  committed  to  Mr. 
Mason.  Virginia,  the  home  of  Washington,  the  mother 


30  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

of  the  presidents,  should  apparently  intervene  to  save 
the  Union.  Her  legislature  was  in  session ;  her  governor 
should  invite  the  states  to  send  delegates  to  a  conference 
to  be  held  in  Washington,  to  agree  upon  terms  of  com 
promise  and  peace.  The  North  would  respond,  the  con 
ference  would  occupy  the  time  until  March  4th,  and  so 
long  as  such  a  conference  existed  the  North  would 
sleep  on  undisturbed,  doing  nothing  in  the  way  of  prep 
aration  until  awakened  by  "the  sound  of  revolutionary 
cannon  on  the  morning  appointed  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  in 
auguration. 

"  The  rest  you  know,"  he  continued.  "  Here  you  are 
permitting  yourselves  to  be  used  as  the  instruments  of  a 
treasonable  conspiracy,  when  you  ought  to  be  at  home, 
organizing  and  drilling  your  regiments,  preparing  to  de 
fend  the  only  government  worth  living  under  left  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

"  Adieu,  gentlemen,"  said  the  old  man,  politely  taking 
his  leave ;  "  I  have  made  my  little  speech.  I  have  told 
you  plain  truths,  because  I  love  this  republic,  how  well 
you  will  never  know  until  you  have  passed  through  my 
experiences,  from  which  may  the  Almighty  Father  pro 
tect  and  preserve  you." 

There  was  present  one  of  the  noblest  men  ever  pro 
duced  by  this  or  any  country,  who  afterwards  laid  down 
his  life  for  the  Union — he  was  the  model  of  an  Amer 
ican  gentleman — James  S.  Wadsworth,  of  New  York. 

"  I  suppose  that  man  is  a  crazy  foreigner,"  said  Mr. 
Wadsworth,  "but  I  do  wish  there  were  not  so  much 
method  nor  quite  so  much  intelligence  in  his  madness. 
If  he  is  half  right,  our  position  here  deserves  the  con 
tempt  of  the  world.  Yet  we  cannot  deny  that,  with  few 
exceptions,  the  Northern  press  hailed  the  invitation  of 
Virginia  to  this  Conference  with  favor  and  commen- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  31 

dation.  It  urged  the  Northern  states  to  accept  it,  to 
send  as  delegates  their  most  conservative  and  compro 
mising  men.  It  gives  me  a  chill  to  think  how  carefully 
the  state  of  New  York  has  made  up  her  delegation. 
Subtract  one  member  from  it,  and  the  South  to-day 
controls  one  half  that  delegation.  I  begin  to  think  it  is 
time  we  held  a  caucus,  and  found  how  many  members 
we  have  upon  whom  we  could  absolutely  rely." 

There  was  swift  assent  to  Mr.  Wadsworth's  sugges 
tion.  Different  members  undertook  to  notify  a  caucus 
to  be  held  the  following  evening.  Mr.  Clay,  of  Ken 
tucky,  George  "W.  Summers,  of  Virginia,  and  other 
Southern  members  came  in,  and  there  was  no  opportu 
nity  for  further  consultation. 


32  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


Y. 

AN   OFFICIAL    CALL   UPON   THE    PRESIDENT.  —  IT    UNITES   THE 
LOYAL  MEMBERS  OF  THE   CONFERENCE. 

THEEE  was  but  little  for  the  Conference  to  do  until  the 
Committee  had  reported  their  propositions  for  the  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution.  President  Tyler,  on  the  7th  of 
February,  announced  that  an  official  call  upon  the  Presi 
dent  was  a  manifest  duty  of  the  Conference,  that  he 
had  made  the  necessary  arrangements,  and  the  President 
would  receive  us  immediately  upon  the  adjournment. 
This  call  was  so  clearly  a  part  of  the  programme  that 
no  objection  was  made  to  it.  Preceded  by  the  Vir 
ginia  delegation,  with  President  Tyler  at  its  head,  we 
marched  to  the  Executive  Mansion  with  the  solemnity 
of  a  funeral  procession. 

It  was  to  the  Northern  members  a  memorable  call.  It 
would  be  more  agreeable  to  omit  any  account  of  it,  as  I 
should  certainly  do,  were  it  not  that  the  Executive  was 
a  factor  in  the  existing  situation  which  cannot  be  com 
prehended  unless  the  measure  of  his  influence  is  under 
stood.  We  went  to  the  White  House,  believing  that  the 
President,  the  sworn  defender  of  the  Constitution,  the 
head  of  the  army  and  the  navy,  held  in  his  own  hands 
the  power  to  command  all  the  resources  of  the  republic 
for  the  crushing  of  secession  and  the  suppression  of 
treason.  "We  came  away  convinced  that,  so  far  as  the 
defence  of  the  Union  depended  upon  him,  the  barrier 
against  secession  was  so  frail  that  a  breath  would  blow 
it  away. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  33 

We  found  the  venerable  President  advanced  in  years, 
shaken  in  body,  and  uncertain  in  mind.  He  exhibited 
every  symptom  of  an  old  man  worn  out  by  worry.  JSfo 
one  doubted  his  personal  fidelity  to  his  country,  but 
every  action,  all  his  conversation  with  the  delegates,  in 
dicated  that  his  mind  was  completely  unsettled  by  appre 
hension  and  anxiety.  He  received  every  person  presented 
with  effusion,  with  uncontrollable  emotion.  His  thoughts 
ran  exclusively  upon  compromise  and  concession.  It  was 
very  painful  to  see  him  throw  his  arms  around  the  neck 
of  one  stranger  after  another,  and,  with  streaming  eyes, 
beg  of  him  to  yield  anything  to  save  his  country  from 
"  bloody,  fratricidal  war."  This  appeared  to  be  his  favor 
ite  phrase.  He  used  it  many,  many  times.  He  had  not 
one  word  of  condemnation  for  disunion,  secession,  or 
treason.  He  appeared  to  look  upon  the  South  as  a 
deeply  injured  party,  to  which  the  North  owed  apology 
and  promise  of  better  conduct  in  future.  It  was  natural 
that  the  South  should  resent  assaults  upon  her  domestic 
institutions,  he  said,  and  that  she  should  demand,  if  not 
indemnity  for  the  past,  at  least  security  for  the  future. 
That  security  the  Conference  could  give.  By  consent 
ing  to  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  which  the 
South  demanded,  because  they  were  indispensable  to  sat 
isfy  the  Southern  people,  the  Conference  could  give  peace 
to  a  distracted  country,  and  save  the  Union !  What  a 
noble  object !  What  a  patriotic  work  !  How  could  we 
stop  to  measure  concessions  which  would  produce  such 
grand  results  ? 

His  remarks  Avere  noticeable  for  what  they  did  not, 
as  well  as  for  what  they  did,  comprise.  They  were  so 
nearly  identical  with  those  of  the  Secession  delegates  as 
to  suggest  consultation.  They  did  not  contain  the  slight 
est  reference  to  his  successor  or  to  his  incoming  adminis- 
3 


34:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

tration.  "When  a  delegate  suggested  that,  by  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  people  had  pronounced  judgment 
upon  the  important  claims  now  made  by  the  South,  and 
that  the  Conference  had  no  power  to  reverse  that  judg 
ment,  there  was  an  immediate  interference  in  the  con 
versation  by  several  of  the  Southern  delegates,  and  a 
diversion  to  other  topics.  Such  a  reference  was  evi 
dently  inconsistent  with  the  preconcerted  harmony  of 
the  visit. 

"  "What  do  you  think  of  it  ?"  said  one  Northern  dele 
gate  to  another,  after  witnessing  a  number  of  repetitions 
of  the  emotional  conduct  of  the  President  as  different 
members  were  presented  to  him. 

"  These  views  are  not  original  with  President  Buchan 
an,"  he  said.  "  They  are  the  doctrines  of  Sir  Boyle 
Roche,  the  inimitable  maker  of  Irish  bulls.  He  de 
clared  emphatically  that  he  would  give  up  a  part,  and, 
if  necessary,  the  whole  of  the  Constitution,  to  preserve  the 
remainder  /" 

This  call  upon  the  President  produced  an  impression 
very  different  from  that  anticipated  by  those  who 
brought  it  about.  It  was  well  known  that  disagree 
ments  in  the  Cabinet  had  arisen.  General  Cass  had  been 
compelled  to  resign.  The  position  of  Secretary  Stanton 
was  not,  at  that  time,  known  to  us.  The  despatch  of 
General  Dix  to  Hemphill  Jones,  "If  any  man  hauls 
down  the  American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot !"  had 
sent  a  thrill  through  the  North,  showing  that  there  was 
one  member  of  the  Cabinet  who  was  true  to  his  country. 
Now,  it  was  plain  to  the  delegates  that  a  disorganized 
and  divided  Cabinet,  with  its  President  thus  broken  in 
mind  and  body,  formed  an  Executive  Department  in  no 
condition  to  cope  with  the  adroit,  energetic  agents  of 
secession.  The  dangers  of  the  situation  became  appar- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  35 

ent.  Months  of  debate  could  not  have  united  the  North 
ern  delegates  together  so  lirmly  as  the  insensible  influ 
ence  of  this  formal  call.  Even  before  they  left  the  White 
House,  many  had  decided  that  loyal  men  of  all  shades  of 
political  opinion  must  now  stand  together  in  a  firm  pur 
pose  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  an  unbroken  Union, 
and  to  resist  all  further  aggressions  of  the  slave  power. 
That  evening  a  caucus  was  held,  attended  by  nearly 
every  Republican  delegate  who  had  supported  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  Mr.  Chase  was  made  its  permanent  chairman.  A 
resolution  was  adopted  to  the  effect  that  no  action 
should  be  taken  in  the  Conference  which  the  Republi 
cans  could  delay,  until  it  had  been  first  considered  in 
the  caucus.  Since  probably  none  but  national  ques 
tions  would  arise  in  the  Conference,  upon  which  there 
would  be  only  slight  differences  in  Northern  opinion,  it 
was  decided  that  the  co-operation  of  all  loyal  Democrats 
should  be  cordially  invited.  From  that  time  the  Repub 
lican  delegates  acted  as  a  compactly  united  body. 


36  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


VI. 

ANOTHER  OFFICIAL  CALL.  —  GENERAL  SCOTT.— HIS  LOYALTY 
AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  UPON  THE  DECLARATION  OF  THE  ELEC 
TORAL  VOTE. 

THE  13th  of  February,  the  day  appointed  by  law  for 
counting  the  electoral  vote,  was  rapidly  approaching. 
The  impression  was  almost  universal  that  the  count 
would  not  be  interrupted — that  the  project  of  seizing 
the  government  by  force  was  postponed  to  the  4th  of 
March,  the  day  of  inauguration.  Still,  there  were  many 
indications,  very  troublesome  to  patriotic  minds.  The 
influx  of  Southerners  into  Washington  increased.  Every 
available  room  in  the  hotels,  boarding  or  private  houses, 
was  crowded  with  guests.  They  took  full  possession  of 
all  the  saloons  and  places  where  liquor  was  sold.  One 
of  their  favorite  pastimes  was  to  collect  in  front  of  the 
liquor  saloons  and  jostle  or  crowd  the  "  white-livered, 
black  Republicans"  and  women  into  the  street.  The 
Northern  visitors  to  the  capital  were  careful  to  avoid  all 
collision  with  them. 

The  air  was  filled  with  rumors.  Few  Northern  men  in 
the  city  doubted  that  a  conspiracy  to  seize  the  govern 
ment  existed  among  the  trusted  leaders  of  secession; 
that  the  force  to  execute  it  was  organized,  armed,  and  to 
be  furnished  by  the  adjacent  states  of  Maryland  and 
Virginia  ;  and  that  the  brutal  horde  which  at  that  time 
infested  the  streets  of  Washington  was  a  part  of  that 
force.  Whether  any  adequate  preparations  had  been 
made  for  the  defence  of  the  city  against  such  a  force,  we 


AXD  HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  37 

did  not  know.  There  was,  consequently,  a  general  feel 
ing  of  uneasiness ;  and  if  a  revolution  had  broken  out  at 
any  time,  it  would  not  have  caused  much  surprise.  I 
should  have  mentioned  that  the  argument  for  excluding 
the  public  from  the  debates  of  the  Conference  which  had 
the  most  force  with  the  Republicans  was  that  the  trait 
ors  might  seize  upon  any  confusion  or  disorder  that 
should  arise  as  an  excuse  for  a  riot,  or  an  armed  attack 
upon  the  officers  employed  to  enforce  order,  and  thus 
give  the  signal  for  open  rebellion. 

On  the  8th  of  February,  after  a  brief  session  of  the 
Conference,  filled  with  this  feeling  of  anxious  uncertainty, 
I  determined,  somewhat  impulsively,  to  call  upon  Gen 
eral  Scott,  and  learn  whether  any  preparations  had  been 
made  to  secure  the  undisturbed  counting  of  the  electoral 
vote,  and  declaration  of  the  result  on  the  following 
Wednesday,  only  five  days  later.  His  headquarters 
were  then  in  Winder's  Building,  opposite  the  old  War 
Department,  which  at  that  time  was  under  the  control 
of  Judge  Holt,  the  loyal  successor  of  the  criminal  Floyd. 
I  sent  in  my  card  with  my  address  written  upon  it,  and 
without  the  least  delay  was  shown  by  Colonel  Townsend, 
one  of  his  aides,  into  the  private  room  of  the  lieutenant- 
general.  The  grand  old  man  lay  upon  a  sofa,  He 
raised  his  gigantic  frame  to  a  sitting  posture.  There 
was  infirmity  in  the  movements  of  his  body,  but  it 
was  forgotten  the  moment  he  spoke,  for  there  was  no 
suspicion  of  weakness  in  his  mind. 

"  A  Chittenden  of  Yermont !"  he  said.  "  Why,  that 
was  a  good  name  when  Ethan  Allen  took  Ticonderoga ! 
I  know  the  Yermonters — I  have  commanded  them  in 
battle.  Well,  Yermont  must  be  as  true  to-day  as  she 
has  always  been.  What  can  the  commander  of  the 
army  do  for  Yermont  ?" 


38  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

"  Very  little,  at  present,"  I  answered.  "  I  called  to 
pay  you  my  personal  respects.  You  may,  however,  do 
me  and  some  others  a  favor.  In  common  with  many 
loyal  men,  I  am  anxious  about  the  count  of  the  electoral 
vote  on  next  Wednesday.  Many  fear  that  the  vote  will 
not  be  counted  nor  the  result  declared." 

"  Pray  tell  me  why  it  will  not  be  counted  ?"  he  asked, 
without  any  apparent  effort,  but  with  a  voice  which  rang 
like  an  order  through  a  clear-toned  trumpet.  "  There 
have  been  threats  on  that  subject,"  he  continued, "  but  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  them  recently.  I  supposed  I  had 
suppressed  that  infamy.  Has  it  been  resuscitated?  I 
have  said  that  any  man  who  attempted  by  force  or  un 
parliamentary  disorder  to  obstruct  or  interfere  with  the 
lawful  count  of  the  electoral  vote  for  President  and  Yice- 
President  of  the  United  States  should  be  lashed  to  the 
muzzle  of  a  twelve-pounder  and  fired  out  of  a  window 
of  the  Capitol.  I  wrould  manure  the  hills  of  Arlington 
with  fragments  of  his  body,  were  he  a  senator  or  chief 
magistrate  of  my  native  state  !  It  is  my  duty  to  sup 
press  insurrection — my  duty  /" 

It  had  been  upon  my  lips  to  ask  him  whether  he  had 
any  adequate  force  to  stamp  out  a  revolution  in  the 
capital ;  but  it  wras  awkward  to  do  so.  He  spoke  of  his 
duty  as  something  inevitable ;  its  performance  was  not 
to  be  doubted.  Accordingly,  I  said  : 

"  Permit  me  to  express  my  gratitude,  general.  There 
is  relief,  encouragement,  satisfaction  in  your  assurance. 
The  Vermont  delegation  will  sleep  more  quietly  to-night 
when  they  hear  it.'' 

61 1  will  say  further,"  he  continued,  "  that  I  do  not  be 
lieve  there  is  any  immediate  danger  of  revolution.  That 
there  has  been,  I  know.  But  the  leaders  of  secession  are 
doubtful  about  the  result.  They  are  satisfied  that  some- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  39 

body  would  get  hurt.  I  have  the  assurance  of  the  Yice- 
President  of  the  United  States  that  he  will  announce  the 
election  of  the  President  and  Yice-President,  and  that 
no  appeal  to  force  will  be  attempted.  His  word  is  reli 
able.  A  few  drunken  rowdies  may  risk  and  lose  their 
lives ;  there  will  be  nothing  which  deserves  the  name  of 
a  revolution.  But  no  promises  relieve  me  from  my  duty. 
While  I  command  the  army  there  will  be  no  revolution 
in  the  city  of  Washington !" 

I  made  no  secret  of  this  interview  with  General  Scott. 
It  soon  became  known  that,  although  he  was  suffering 
intensely  from  disease,  he  was  always  to  be  found  at 
his  quarters,  and  that  he  was  the  most  accessible  public 
man  in  Washington.  His  visitors  were  numerous.  Every 
loyal  man  left  his  presence  with  his  hopes  for  the  future 
strengthened,  his  faith  renewed,  his  confidence  in  the 
General  of  the  Army  absolute,  his  principal  regret  be 
ing  that  such  a  tried  and  true  patriot  could  not  exert  a 
more  powerful  influence  upon  the  administration.  There 
was  an  energy  in  the  emphatic  declarations  of  this  loyal 
veteran  which  compelled  belief,  even  in  the  hearts  of 
traitors,  that  he  understood  his  duty,  and  had  accurately 
estimated  his  own  ability  to  insure  its  performance. 


40  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


VII. 

THE  13  TH  OF  FEBRUARY,  1861.— THE  ELECTION  OF  PRESIDENT 
LINCOLN  DECLARED.— FIRMNESS  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT  BRECK- 
INRIDGE.— ANGER  OF  THE  SECESSIONISTS. 

ALL  governments  have  their  crises.  Our  republic 
never  escaped  one  more  alarming  than  that  of  February 
13th,  1861.  It  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  seizure  of 
Washington.  Preparations  had  been  made ;  armed  bod 
ies  of  men  had  been  enlisted  and  drilled,  and  many  of 
them  had  reported  in  the  city  pursuant  to  orders.  When 
the  managers  were  compelled  to  postpone  the  rebellion, 
these  recruits  declined  to  accept  the  necessity  or  to  put 
off  the  opening  drama.  They  had  assembled  for  a  revo 
lution  with  its  natural  consequences — booty  and  plun 
der  ;  any  delay  was  felt  to  be  a  personal  injury  to  each 
individual. 

The  sun  rose  in  a  cloudless  sky  on  the  morning  of 
Wednesday,  February  13th,  the  day  appointed  by  law 
for  counting  the  electoral  vote  and  declaring  the  result. 
Train  after  train  from  the  South,  the  West,  and  the 
North  poured  its  volume  of  passengers  into  the  streets 
of  an  already  overcrowded  city.  As  early  as  eight 
o'clock  in  the  morning  crowds  began  to  climb  the  sides 
of  Capitol  Hill,  every  individual  intent  on  securing  a 
comfortable  seat  in  the  gallery  of  the  hall  in  which  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress  were  to  meet  in  joint  assembly. 
They  were  doomed  to  disappointment.  At  every  en 
trance  to  the  building  stood  a  guard  of  civil  but  inflex 
ible  soldiers,  sternly  barring  admission.  Prayers,  bribes, 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  41 

entreaties,  oaths,  objurgations,  were  alike  unavailing. 
ISTo  one  could  pass  except  senators  and  representatives, 
and  those  who  had  the  written  ticket  of  admission 
signed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  House  or  the  Yice-Presi- 
dent,  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate.  Even  mem 
bers  could  not  pass  in  their  friends.  Consequently  the 
amount  of  profanity  launched  forth  against  the  guards 
would  have  completely  annihilated  them  if  words  could 
kill.  The  result  was  that,  although  solid  humanity  out 
side  could  have  been  measured  by  the  acre,  the  inside 
of  the  building  was  less  crowded  than  usual,  and  there 
was  no  difficulty  in  passing  from  room  to  room  in  all 
parts  of  the  Capitol. 

The  members  of  the  Conference  had  been,  by  vote, 
admitted  to  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
My  certificate  of  membership  enabled  me  to  pass  the 
guard  without  difficulty,  and  by  the  courtesy  of  a  door 
keeper  I  secured  a  seat  in  the  gallery,  where  my  view 
of  the  hall  was  unobstructed. 

By  twelve  o'clock  the  galleries  were  comfortably 
filled,  and  all  the  seats  and  standing-room  in  the  hall 
were  occupied,  except  the  seats  reserved  for  members  of 
the  two  Houses.  The  Southerners  were  a  vast  major 
ity  ;  in  fact,  except  the  members,  there  were  very  few 
persons  present  from  the  Northern  states.  To  one  who 
knew  nothing  of  the  hot  treason  which  was  seething 
beneath  the  quiet  exterior  of  the  spectators,  the  exer 
cises  would  have  appeared  to  be  tame  and  uninter 
esting. 

Except  the  guards  at  the  entrances,  there  were  no  sol 
diers  visible.  None  were  supposed  to  be  present.  A 
friend  who  resided  in  the  city  recognized  me  and  took 
a  seat  by  my  side.  Aware  that  he  had  organized  a 
selected  body  of  loyal  men  into  a  regiment,  of  which  he 


42  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

was  colonel,  more  than  a  month  previously,  I  expressed 
my  surprise  at  his  presence  in  citizen's  dress,  and  said, 
"I  supposed  you  would  be  on  duty  to-day  with  your 
regiment."  He  smilingly  replied,  "  We  are  minute  men, 
you  know ;  that  is,  we  enter  a  room  as  private  citizens, 
and  come  out  of  it  a  minute  afterwards,  a  regiment, 
armed  with  loaded  repeating-rifles.  Such  a  thing  might 
happen  here  to-day,  if  the  necessity  arose.  My  men 
are  within  easy  call,  and  their  rifles  are  not  far  away. 
Some  men  get  excited  on  election  day,  and  require  con 
trol.  However,  I  think  this  is  to  be  a  very  quiet  elec 
tion." 

Two  large  connecting  committee-rooms,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  hall,  were,  as  I  had  noticed,  inaccessible  to 
all  persons.  This  observation  of  the  colonel  explained 
the  reason  why.  The  House  was  now  called  to  order, 
and  my  attention  was  directed  to  its  proceedings.  First, 
a  message  was  ordered  to  be  sent  by  the  House  to  the 
Senate,  informing  senators  that  the  House  was  in  ses 
sion,  awaiting  their  presence,  so  that  in  a  joint  assem 
bly  the  electoral  votes  for  President  and  Yice-President 
might  be  opened  and  counted. 

There  was  a  gathering  of  Southern  members  on  the 
floor  below  me,  which  a  young  member  from  Virginia 
(whose  name  is  omitted,  because  he  is  now,  I  have  no 
doubt,  an  earnest  friend  of  the  Union)  was  addressing 
with  much  gesticulation.  He  was  urging  that  then  was 
"the  best  time  to  give  them  some  music,  before  the 
Senate  came  in."  At  that  moment  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  was  announced,  and,  preceded  by  Yice- 
President  Breckinridge,  the  officers  leading  the  way, 
the  senators  entered.  The  members  of  the  House  arose 
and  remained  standing,  while  the  senators  took  their 
seats  in  a  semicircle  arranged  for  them  in  front  of  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  43 

clerk's  desk.  The  Vice-President  was  conducted  to  the 
chair.  Senator  Trumbull,  and  Messrs.  Washburn  and 
Phelps  of  the  House,  who  had  been  appointed  tellers, 
were  shown  to  seats  at  the  clerk's  desk.  Absolute 
silence  prevailed  throughout  the  hall. 

Yice-President  Breckinridge  rose,  and  in  tones  no 
louder  than  those  of  an  ordinary  conversation,  but  which 
were  heard  in  the  most  distant  corner  of  the  gallery, 
announced  that  the  two  Houses  were  assembled,  pur 
suant  to  the  Constitution,  in  order  that  the  electoral 
votes  might  be  counted  for  President  and  Yice-Presi 
dent,  for  the  term  commencing  on  the  fourth  day  of 
March,  1861.  "  It  is  my  duty,"  he  said,  "  to  open  the 
certificates  of  election  in  the  presence  of  the  two  Houses, 
and  I  now  proceed  to  the  performance  of  that  duty." 

There  is  an  unmeasured,  latent  energy  in  the  per 
sonal  presence  of  a  strong  man.  If  he  could  be  remem 
bered  only  for  his  services  on  that  day,  Yice-President 
Breckinridge  would  fill  a  high  place  in  the  gallery  of 
American  statesmen,  and  merit  the  permanent  gratitude 
of  the  American  people.  He  knew  that  the  clay  was 
one  of  peril  to  the  republic  —  that  he  was  presiding 
over  what  appeared  to  be  a  joint  meeting  of  two  delib 
erative  bodies,  but  which,  beneath  the  surface,  was  a 
caldron  of  inflammable  materials,  heated  almost  to  the 
point  of  explosion.  But  he  had  determined  that  the  re 
sult  of  the  count  should  be  declared,  and  his  purpose  was 
manifested  in  every  word  and  gesture.  Jupiter  never 
ruled  a  council  on  Olympus  with  a  firmer  hand.  It  was 
gloved,  but  there  was  iron  beneath  the  glove. 

One  member  rose — "  Except  questions  of  order,  no 
motion  can  be  entertained,'7  said  the  presiding  officer. 
The  member  exclaimed  that  he  wished  to  raise  a  point 
of  order.  "  Was  the  count  of  the  electoral  vote  to  pro- 


44  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ceed  under  menace  ?  Should  members  be  required  to 
perform  a  constitutional  duty  before  the  janizaries  of 
Scott  were  withdrawn  from  the  hall  ?"  "  The  point  of 
order  is  not  sustained,"  was  the  decision  which  sup 
pressed  the  member,  more  by  its  emphasis  than  by  its 
words.  The  presiding  officer  opened  the  envelope  con 
taining  the  electoral  vote  of  Maine,  handed  it  to  Senator 
Trumbull,  who  read  out  the  long  certificate.  The  vote  of 
Maine  was  announced  for  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  There 
was  a  slight  ripple  of  applause  which  was  instantly  sup 
pressed.  Several  other  states  followed,  the  reading  of 
each  record  occupying  some  minutes.  Senator  Douglas 
suggested  that  the  reading  of  the  formal  parts  of  the' re 
maining  certificates  be  omitted.  There  was  no  objection, 
and  the  announcement  and  record  of  the  votes  proceeded 
rapidly  to  the  end.  The  only  interruption  was  an  ex 
pression  of  mingled  contempt,  respect,  ridicule,  and  ven 
eration  when  the  vote  of  South  Carolina  was  declared. 

In  a  silence  absolutely  profound,  the  Vice-President 
arose  from  his  seat,  and,  standing  erect,  possibly  the 
most  dignified  and  imposing  person  in  that  presence, 
declared : 

"  That  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  having  received 
a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electoral  votes,  is 
duly  elected  President  of  the  United  States  for  the  four 
years  beginning  on  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1861 ;  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  electoral  votes,  is  duly  elected 
Yice-President  of  the  United  States  for  the  same  term." 

The  work  of  the  joint  meeting  was  completed.  The 
Senate  retired  to  its  own  chamber.  The  fuse  was  fired, 
the  outbreak  attempted,  but  the  hoped-for  explosion  did 
not  take  place.  Its  object  had  failed ;  the  election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  by  the  people  of  the  United  States 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  45 

had  been  proclaimed  to  the  world.  A  dozen  angry, 
disappointed  men  were  on  their  feet  before  the  door  had 
closed  upon  the  last  senator,  clamoring  for  recognition 
by  the  speaker.  For  a  few  minutes  the  tumult  was  so 
great  that  it  was  impossible  to  restore  order.  The  con 
centrated  venom  of  the  secessionists  was  ejected  upon 
the  General  of  the  Army.  There  were  jeers  for  the 
"rail-splitter,"  sharp  and  fierce  shouts  for  "cheers  for 
Jeff.  Davis,"  and  "cheers  for  South  Carolina."  But 
hard  names  and  curses  for  "  old  Scott"  broke  out  every 
where  on  the  floor  and  in  the  gallery  of  the  crowded  hall. 
The  quiet  spectators  seemed  in  a  moment  turned  to  mad 
men.  "  Superannuated  old  dotard !"  "  Traitor  to  the 
state  of  his  birth !"  "  Coward !"  "  Free-state  pimp !"  and 
any  number  of  similar  epithets  were  showered  upon 
him.  Members  called  on  the  old  traitor  to  remove  his 
"minions,"  his  "janizaries,"  his  "hirelings,"  his  "blue- 
coated  slaves,"  from  the  Capitol.  I  glanced  around  me. 
The  seat  next  me  was  empty ;  my  military  friend,  and 
the  quiet  gentlemen  I  had  noticed  near  by,  had  van 
ished — where  and  for  what  purpose  I  knew  only  too 
well.  For  a  few  moments  I  thought  they  would  offi 
ciate  in  a  revolution. 

It  was,  however,  "  vox  et  prceterea  nihil"  The  power 
of  the  human  lung  is  limited,  and  howling  quickly  ex 
hausts  it.  The  speaker  soon  pounded  the  House  back 
to  order,  and  the  danger  inside  had  passed.  I  went  out 
at  the  north  front  of  the  Capitol,  and,  entering  the  first 
carriage  I  found,  I  ordered  the  colored  driver  to  take 
me  to  my  hotel.  He  drove  through  the  crowd  on  that 
side  without  difficulty.  It  was  orderly  and  undemon 
strative,  for  just  beyond  the  Square  was  the  old  Capitol, 
and  along  the  street  in  front  of  it  were  two  batteries  of 
artillery,  quiet  themselves,  but  none  the  less  causes  of 


46  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  quiet  around  them.  The  avenue  in  the  direction 
of  the  Treasury  was  choked  with  a  howling,  angry  mob. 
We  escaped  through  one  of  the  cross  streets  to  F  Street, 
and  reached  the  rear  entrance  of  Willard's  Hotel. 

The  mob  had  possession  of  the  avenue  far  into  the 
night.  Reputable  people  kept  in -doors,  and  left  the 
patriots  who  were  so  injured  by  the  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  consume  bad  whiskey  and  cheer  for  Jeff. 
Davis  undisturbed.  There  was  much  street-fighting, 
many  arrests  by  the  police,  but  no  revolution. 

I  believed  at  that  time,  and  I  have  never  since  doubt 
ed,  that  the  country  was  indebted  for  the  peaceful  count 
of  the  electoral  vote,  the  proclamation  of  the  election 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  suppression  of  an  attempted 
revolution  on  that  day,  to  the  joint  influence  of  Major- 
General  "Winfield  Scott  and  Vice- President  Breckin- 
ridge.  A  perfect  understanding  existed  between  them. 
General  Scott  knew  that  he  could  rely  upon  the  prom 
ised  assistance  of  the  Yice-President,  who  had  repeat 
edly  declared  that  until  the  end  of  his  term  he  should 
perform  the  duties  of  his  office,  under  the  sanction  of 
his  oath.  Faithfully,  without  evasion  or  paltering  with 
his  conscience,  after  the  manner  of  Cobb  and  Floyd,  he 
kept  his  pledge.  General  Scott  defined  his  purposes 
upon  all  proper  occasions,  especially  to  the  apologists 
for  secession,  with  emphasis,  and  if  he  was  not  misrep 
resented,  sometimes  with  an  approach  to  profanity. 
When  challenged  by  Wigfall,  whether  he  would  dare 
to  arrest  a  senator  of  the  United  States  for  an  overt 
act  of  treason,  he  was  reported  to  have  answered,  "  No ! 
I  will  blow  him  to  h — 1 !"  These  two  men,  both  South 
ern-born,  on  the  13th  of  February  conducted  the  repub 
lic  safely  through  one  of  the  most  imminent  perils  that 
ever  threatened  its  existence. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  4.7 


VIII. 

ANOTHER  INCIDENT  OF  FEBRUARY  13TH.— JUDGE  SM ALLEY  ON 
TREASON.— SEIZURE  OF  ARMS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.— ACTION 
OF  ITS  MAYOR. 

ANOTHER  incident  of  the  same  13th  of  February  illus 
trates  the  rapidity  with  which  the  spirit  of  national 
patriotism  Avas  overcoming  the  ties  of  party,  and  driv 
ing  good  men  into  their  true  relations  to  the  coming 
contest.  Hon.  David  A.  Sm  alley,  of  Vermont,  had,  in 
the  nominating  convention,  powerfully  contributed  to, 
if  he  had  not  caused,  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 
He  was  chairman  of  the  Democratic  National  Commit 
tee  which  conducted  the  successful  campaign,  and  he 
had  been  rewarded  by  Mr.  Buchanan  with  the  appoint 
ment  of  Judge  of  the  Federal  Court  for  the  District  of 
Vermont.  The  appointment  was  political,  and  few  sup 
posed  that  he  would  exhibit  any  sympathies  of  a  higher 
type  than  those  for  his  party. 

He  proved  a  national  disappointment,  especially  to 
those  who  imagined  that  he  would  carry  his  politics 
upon  the  bench,  or  that  he  would  not  interfere  with 
treasonable  practices,  because  indulged  in  by  Southern 
Democrats. 

Judge  Smalley  held  the  January  term  of  the  Federal 
Court  in  the  Southern  District  of  New  York.  In  his 
charge  to  the  grand  jury  he  had  defined  in  vigorous 
terms  the  elements  of  the  crime  of  treason,  and  the 
duty  of  grand  juries  to  make  inquest  and  present  every 
guilty  person.  He  was  the  first  Federal  judge  who 


48  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

mentioned  the  subject,  and  on  that  account  and  because 
of  its  energetic  language  the  charge  attracted  wide 
attention,  and  one  result  of  its  influence  was  the  seizure 
by  the  police  of  New  York  City  or  a  consignment  of 
arms  to  the  state  of  Georgia,  only  a  few  days  after  the 
charge  was  delivered.  This  seizure  was  denounced  in 
severe  terms  by  Mayor  Fernando  Wood,  in  a  corre 
spondence  with  Senator  Toombs  of  Georgia,  as  an  unjus 
tifiable  and  illegal  interference  with  private  property, 
for  which  the  city  of  New  York  ought  not  to  be  held 
responsible,  because  the  mayor,  most  unfortunately,  had 
no  control  over  the  police,  or  he  would  have  summarily 
punished  such  an  outrage.  This  semi-proclamation  of 
the  mayor  of  New  York  had  given  great  comfort  to  our 
Southern  brethren  in  Washington,  who  regarded  it  as 
a  guarantee  against  further  interference  with  such  ship 
ments,  and  a  sure  indication  that  the  commercial  cities 
of  the  North,  particularly  New  York,  warmly  sympa 
thized  with  secession,  and  rejected  the  views  of  Judge 
Smalley. 

Nor  was  this  conclusion  of  the  active  agents  of  seces 
sion  so  remarkable  as  it  may  appear  to  the  present  gen 
eration.  Some  weeks  before  Judge  Smalley  hurled  his 
judicial  bolt  against  Northern  traitors,  South  Carolina 
had  defined  treason  to  consist  in  adhering  to  the  enemies 
of  that  commonwealth,  and  giving  them  aid  and  com 
fort  ;  a  crime  to  be  punished  with  death  and  an  added 
penalty,  supposed  to  be  especially  severe  where  Chris 
tian  observances  were  so  universal,  death  without  benefit 
of  clergy  !  A  leading  newspaper  in  Alabama  had  an 
nounced  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  life  would  not  be  worth  a 
week's  purchase  after  a  single  gun  had  been  fired  against 
Fort  Sumter.  Mr.  Benjamin  had  taken  leave  of  the 
Senate  in  what  he  called  "  a  conciliatory  speech,"  in 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  49 

which  he  prophesied  that  the  South  could  never  be  sub 
jugated,  a  prediction  received  by  the  packed  galleries 
with  uproarious  shouts  of  applause.  When,  after  such 
expressions,  the  mayor  of  ~New  York  declared  that  inter 
ference  with  the  shipment  of  guns  into  the  South,  to  be 
used  against  the  government,  was  a  lawless  interference 
with  private  rights  of  property,  it  is  not  singular  that 
inexperienced  traitors  deemed  it  safe  to  continue  their 
treasonable  commerce  in  contempt  of  Judge  Smalley's 
charge. 

The  announcement  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
not  the  only  act  of  oppression  which  the  13th  of  Feb 
ruary  imposed  upon  the  persecuted  agents  of  secession. 
They  had  shipped  another  consignment  from  ISTeAV  York, 
this  time  of  fixed  ammunition,  on  a  steamer  bound  for 
the  port  of  Charleston,  and  the  incorrigible  police,  not 
having  the  fear  of  the  mayor  before  their  eyes,  had 
seized  and  carried  it  away.  Instead  of  ordering  the 
ammunition  to  be  released  without  notice  and  without 
delay,  Judge  Smalley  had  returned  the  papers  to  the 
lawyer  who  made  the  application,  with  an  expression 
of  his  regret  that  the  police  "had  not  also  seized  the 
rascals  who  made  the  shipment."  This  seizure  was  the 
subject  of  extended  comment  in  Washington,  and  among 
the  secessionists  the  opinion  was  almost  universal  that 
they  could  not  remain  in  a  Union  where  such  tyranny 
was  tolerated. 
4 


50  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


IX. 

AN  ALTERCATION  IN  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE.— SENATOR  LOT 
M.  MORRILL  AND  COMMODORE  STOCKTON.— A  TEST  OF  NORTH 
ERN  COURAGE. 

THE  Northern  delegates  so  conducted  themselves  as  to 
secure  the  respect  of  the  gentlemen  from  the  South,  and 
were  careful  to  avoid  contact  with  the  rougher  classes. 
In  the  good-natured  discussions,  which  sometimes  oc 
curred,  of  the  relative  fighting  qualities  of  the  represen 
tatives  of  the  two  sections,  the  Northerners  generally 
admitted  (at  all  events  they  did  not  deny)  that  they  were 
not  fighting  men,  and  held  with  Falstaff  that  discretion 
was  the  better  part  of  valor.  An  incident  occurred  in 
the  Conference,  however,  which  may  be  worth  relating, 
for  it  produced  an  impression  that  some  Northern  men, 
notwithstanding  their  protestations,  were  not  altogether 
destitute  of  personal  courage. 

Two  days  after  the  peaceable  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  been  proclaimed,  and  before  the  heated  brains  of 
many  Southern  visitors  to  the  capital  were  reduced  to 
their  normal  temperature,  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
made  a  majority  and  minority  report  to  the  Conference. 
That  of  the  minority  may  be  dismissed  as  unimportant ; 
that  of  the  majority  recommended  amendments  to  the 
Federal  Constitution,  which  should  assert  the  right  of 
the  owner  to  transport  his  slave  through  any  state  or 
territory  and  into  any  state  or  territory  south  of  lati 
tude  36°  30' ;  the  admission  of  new  states  north  or  south 
of  that  parallel  with  or  without  slavery,  as  the  people  of 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  51 

the  new  state  might  determine  ;  that  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  should  not  be  abolished  without  the 
consent  of  Maryland  ;  and  that,  when  these  amendments 
were  adopted,  they,  with  certain  other  articles  of  the 
Constitution,  should  not  be  changed  without  the  consent 
of  all  the  states. 

These  propositions  were  not  prolix,  but  they  were  a 
comprehensive  abandonment  of  the  vital  principles  upon 
which  the  people  had  just  passed  final,  decisive  judgment 
in  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  It  may  appear  incredi 
ble,  after  the  lapse  of  time,  but  it  is  the  fact  that  many 
delegates  from  the  free  states — four  out  of  the  nine  from 
the  state,  and  one  of  them  from  the  city  of  New  York — 
were  ready  and  voted  to  accept  these  drastic  measures, 
solely  to  avoid  a  civil  war,  without  any  pledge  that  one 
of  the  six  states  which  had  then  seceded  would  return  to 
theUnion.  While  the  majority  of  the  Committee  claimed 
that  their  report  presented  fair  terms  of  compromise, 
which  all  the  states  ought  to  accept  as  conditions  of  per 
petual  union,  Mr.  Seddon,  of  Virginia,  objected  to  them, 
because  they  did  not  contain  sufficient  guarantees ;  in 
fact,  because  they  did  not  render  the  humiliation  of  the 
free  states  sufficiently  abject. 

The  general  debate  was  opened  by  Mr.  Seddon.  He 
was  the  most  conspicuous  and  active  member  of  his  dele 
gation,  which  comprised  several  distinguished  men.  His 
personal  appearance  was  extraordinary.  His  frame  was 
fleshless  as  that  of  John  Randolph,  and  he  was  equally 
with  that  statesman  intense  in  his  hatred  of  all  forms  of 
Northern  life — from  the  statesman  of  New  England  to 
the  sheep  that  fed  upon  her  hillsides.  The  pallor  of  his 
face,  his  narrow  chest,  sunken  eyes,  and  attenuated  frame 
indicated  the  last  stages  of  consumption.  His  voice, 
husky  at  first,  cleared  with  the  excitement  of  debate,  in 


52  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

which  he  became  eloquent.  Notwithstanding  his  spec 
tral  appearance,  he  survived  to  become  Secretary  of  W  ar 
in  the  Confederacy.  He  was  the  most  powerful  debater 
of  the  Conference,  skilful,  adroit,  cunning,  the  soul  of 
the  plot  which  the  Conference  was  intended  to  execute. 
His  speech  was  an  arraignment  of  the  free  states  for 
offences  of  which  they  were  not  guilty,  a  picture  of  the 
moral  beauties  of  the  domestic  institution,  an  attempted 
demonstration  of  the  equity  of  the  demands  of  Virginia. 
He  had  no  word  of  condemnation  for  secession,  of  hope 
for  the  return  of  South  Carolina  and  the  five  other  states 
which  by  that  time  had  seceded.  He  struck  the  key-note 
of  the  debate  for  slavery,  and  many  Southern  speeches 
followed  in  the  same  key.  Instead  of  arguing  in  favor 
of  the  report  of  the  majority,  the  position  of  the  speak 
ers  appeared  to  be  opposition  to  any  compromise  which 
did  not  involve  the  complete  humiliation  of  the  North. 

The  effective  answer  to  the  speech  of  Mr.  Seddon  from 
a  Northern  Republican  came  from  Maine,  a  state  repre 
sented  in  the  Conference  by  her  Congressional  delega 
tion.  It  was  made  by  Lot  M.  Morrill,  one  of  her  sena 
tors.  His  age  was  about  sixty  years,  his  figure  rather 
slight,  his  manner  retiring,  and  his  general  appearance 
somewhat  effeminate.  There  was  not  a  trace  of  the 
bully  in  his  composition,  not  the  slightest  suspicion  of 
aggressiveness  in  his  character.  On  the  contrary,  he 
would  have  been  selected  as  almost  the  last  man  in  the 
Conference  to  become  involved  in  a  personal  controversy 
— as  one  naturally  disposed  to  concession,  who  would 
yield  much  for  the  sake  of  peace.  He  was  never  an  abo 
litionist  of  the  extreme  type,  but  he  was  an  early  free- 
soiler,  and  a  good  representative  of  his  state  in  her 
steadfast  opposition  to  the  extension  of  the  territory 
or  the  political  influence  of  slavery.  His  quiet,  peaceful 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  53 

nature  was  deceptive  to  strangers ;  for  at  the  bottom  lay 
a  stratum  of  resolution  which  would  have  carried  him  to 
the  stake  before  he  would  surrender  a  natural  right  or 
abandon  an  important  principle.  His  ideas  were  clear 
and  decided.  He  possessed  great  facility  in  expression 
and  a  command  of  language  which  qualified  him  for  the 
discussion  of  great  questions  with  a  power  and  force  sel 
dom  excelled  in  any  legislative  body. 

Commodore  Stockton  was  one  of  the  delegates  from 
New  Jersey.  Imperious  and  overbearing  by  nature,  his 
long  service  in  the  navy  had  accustomed  him  to  com 
mand,  and  rendered  him  intolerant  of  opposition,  or  any 
contradiction  of  the  opinions  which  he  entertained.  His 
age  must  have  been  above  seventy  years ;  he  stood  six 
feet  high.  His  physique  was  powerful  and  his  manner 
authoritative.  He  was  a  Northern  man  with  Southern 
principles.  He  had  a  lofty  admiration  for  the  Southern 
character,  and  entertained  pro-slavery  views  of  a  more 
pronounced  type  than  those  of  the  delegates  from  the 
Border  slave-states.  He  would  have  been  selected  as  the 
most  fiery,  Senator  Morrill  as  the  least  combative,  mem 
ber  of  the  Conference. 

Although  the  Republicans  had  abandoned  all  expecta 
tion  of  any  beneficial  results  from  the  Conference,  and 
were  not  very  attentive  to  the  debate,  Senator  Morrill 
had  not  been  many  minutes  on  his  feet  before  he  had  a 
large  body  of  interested  auditors.  His  voice,  at  first  low 
and  quiet,  gathered  volume  as  he  proceeded,  until,  as  he 
approached  the  real  points  in  controversy,  his  lucid  argu 
ments  cut  like  a  Damascus  blade. 

"  You  tell  us,"  he  said,  "  that  our  multiplied  offences 
are  more  than  you  can  endure  ;  that  our  unfriendly  criti 
cisms  of  slavery,  our  obstructions  to  the  surrender  of  the 
fugitive  slaves,  our  opposition  to  the  admission  of  Kan- 


54  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

sas  with  a  constitution  which  tolerates  slavery,  justify 
extreme  measures  on  your  part ;  that,  although  some 
have  left  the  Union,  the  states  here  represented  will  con 
done  our  offences  by  one  more  compromise.  But  only 
upon  one  condition :  that  we  consent  to  write  it  into  the 
fundamental  law  that  slavery  is  to  be  perpetual  in  the 
republic,  and  that  any  territory  with  sufficient  popula 
tion,  wherever  situated,  shall,  if  its  people  so  vote,  come 
into  the  Union  as  a  slave  state,  and  its  status  once  fixed, 
shall  be  forever  unchangeable. 

"  I  shall  not  now  debate  the  issues  of  the  past ;  I  look 
to  the  future.  I  agree  with  you  that  the  time  has  come 
to  settle  for  all  future  time  the  grave  questions  which 
have  disturbed  our  peace.  You  say  that  there  is  but  one 
way  to  settle  them.  That  the  North  must  accept  what 
you  term  another  compromise,  or  the  Union  must  perish. 

"  We  have  jnade  compromises  before,  not  one  of  which 
was  ever  broken  by  the  North,  by  every  one  of  which 
the  South  ultimately  refused  to  abide.  You  proposed 
the  Missouri  Compromise.  You  solemnly  agreed  that 
all  the  states  north  of  36°  30'  should  be  free.  How  you 
kept  the  faith  let  Kansas  answer  !  You  demanded  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Act  as  a  condition  of  preserving  the 
Union.  Your  demand  was  conceded,  and  your  slaves 
have  been  returned  to  you  by  Northern  hands  from  under 
the  shadow  of  Bunker  Hill.  Now  you  demand  another 
compromise  which  changes  a  free  republic  into  slave 
territory.  You  say  the  North  must  make  the  conces 
sion  as  the  price  of  union.  Must  is  a  word  which  does 
not  promote  a  settlement  founded  upon  compromise.  If 
we  must,  what  then  1  There  is  in  your  propositions  of 
amendment  no  pledge,  no  promise  on  the  part  of  the 
South.  What  does  the  South  propose  to  do?  If  we 
assent  to  the  terms,  will  South  Carolina — will  the  Gulf 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  55 


states  return  to  the  Union  ?  Or  will  the  South  repeat 
her  history?  —  do  as  she  has  always  done  before?  —  perform 
her  agreement  as  long  as  it  will  serve  her  interests,  and 
then  violate  —  " 

"Silence,  sir!"  shouted  a  voice  from  a  gigantic  form, 
which  rushed  towards  Senator  Morrill  with  violent  and 
angry  gesticulations.  "  We  will  not  permit  our  South 
ern  friends  to  be  charged  with  bad  faith,  and  with  vio 
lating  an  agreement  !  No  black  Republican  shall  — 

The  sentence  was  never  completed.  In  a  moment,  by 
a  common  impulse,  twenty  or  thirty  Republicans  were 
on  the  floor,  and  had  surrounded  Senator  Morrill  like  a 
living  wall.  "  Back  to  your  seat,  you  bully  !"  exclaimed 
a  stalwart  Yermonter,  the  equal  of  Commodore  Stockton 
in  size  and  his  superior  in  strength  and  activity.  The 
Southerners  rushed  to  the  assistance  of  their  volunteer 
defender.  They  could  not  check  the  impetus  of  his  com 
pulsory  retreat,  until  he  was  forced  into  his  seat.  For  an 
instant  many  believed  an  armed  encounter  was  unavoid 
able.  It  was  prevented  by  the  prompt  intervention  of 
President  Tyler. 

"  Order  !"  he  shouted.  "  Shame  upon  the  delegate 
who  would  dishonor  this  Conference  by  violence  !"  His 
command  was  obeyed  ;  the  danger  passed  as  suddenly  as 
it  had  arisen. 

None  of  the  actors  in  this  scene  were  proud  of  their 
participation.  Still,  its  influence  was  excellent.  It  would 
have  surprised  no  one  if  a  gentleman  of  Senator  Merrill's 
delicate  organization  had  exhibited  some  excitement  or 
discomposure  under  such  an  aggressive  attack,  supported 
by  an  angry  crowd  which  was  restrained  from  bloodshed 
only  by  the  effective  interference  of  one  of  their  num 
ber.  But  the  senator's  face  was  not  flushed,  nor  his  cir 
culation  apparently  quickened  by  so  much  as  one  pulsa- 


56  RECOLLECTIONS  OF    PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

tion.  "Without  a  tremor  in  his  voice,  as  soon  as  order 
was  restored,  he  continued  : 

"  As  I  was  inquiring,  Mr.  President,  is  it  the  purpose 
of  the  representatives  of  the  slave-power  to  force  this 
compromise  upon  us,  and  then  to  violate  it,  as  they  have 
violated  all  former  compromises  ?  You  are  wasting  your 
time,  gentlemen.  Until  some  one,  having  authority,  wiJl 
pledge  the  South,  including  the  seceded  states,  to  accept 
your  proposed  amendments  as  a  finality,  and  henceforth 
to  abide  in  the  Union,  the  North  will  never  consider  the 
subject  of  their  acceptance !  Never!  Never!" 

Very  soon  afterwards,  possibly  on  the  following  even 
ing,  in  a  mixed  company  of  moderate  Northern  and 
Southern  men,  this  occurrence  was  adverted  to.  An  able 
and  courteous  Kentuckian,  addressing  an  ex-governor  of 
a  New  England  state,  widely  known  and  loved  as  one  of 
the  purest  and  most  amiable  of  men,  observed : 

"I  do  not  understand  why  you  New-Englanders  so 
persistently  repudiate  the  possession  of  personal  cour 
age.  We  know  in  Kentucky  that  our  citizens  of  New 
England  origin  are  destitute  of  fear.  Senator  Morrill 
showed  to-day  that  he  had  courage  enough  and  to  spare. 
The  men  that  hurried  to  his  support  were  New  England 
men.  Are  you  quite  ingenuous  ?  Is  this  a  time  to  incul 
cate  a  false  estimate  of  Northern  character?  I  prefer 
that  the  South  should  understand  what  I  know,  that,  in 
the  quality  of  personal  courage,  Northern  men  have  no 
superiors,  certainly  not  in  the  South.  Had  the  South 
been  more  accurately  informed  on  the  subject,  we  should 
not  have  drifted  so  near  to  revolution !" 

"  I  think  you  misjudge  us,"  replied  Governor  II . 

"  Northern  men  do  not  know  whether  they  are  men  of 
courage  or  not.  How  is  one  to  know  whether  or  not  he 
is  a  coward  until  he  is  put  to  the  test  ?  The  masses  of 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  57 

Northern  men  go  through  life  without  any  experience  on 
this  subject.  You  would  not  have  us  assume  a  virtue 
which  we  are  not  certain  of  possessing  ?" 

"  I  would  have  both  sections  form  just  estimates  of 
the  character  and  qualities  of  each,"  said  the  Ken- 
tuckian.  "I  do  not  regret  the  occurrence  in  the  Confer 
ence.  I  am  quite  certain  that  it  will  lead  to  a  better 
judgment  among  our  people  of  the  Northern  men." 

This  conversation  took  place  many  years  ago.  I  have 
never  since  heard  from  an  intelligent  Southerner  any  ex 
pression  of  doubt  as  to  the  courage  of  Northern  men. 
In  the  first  year  of  the  war,  such  rabid  sheets  as  the 
Baltimore  Sun  and  the  Charleston  Mercury  were  accus 
tomed  to  use  vile  names,  and  to  declare  that  a  "flunkey," 
a  "  servile  follower,"  was  a  local,  an  unadulterated  Yan 
kee  product;  but  the  experiences  of  the  first  twelve 
months  of  rebellion  relegated  such  expressions  to  the  era 
of  many  other  Southern  errors. 


58  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


X. 

THE   CONSPIRACY  OF  ASSASSINATION.— ITS    DETAILS.— MR.  LIN 
COLN  CONSENTS  TO  FOLLOW  THE  ADVICE  OF  HIS  FRIENDS. 

THE  4th  of  March  was  approaching.  Rumors  of  in 
tended  revolution  multiplied ;  evidences  of  a  design  to 
seize  "Washington  augmented  daily,  attended  by  dark 
hints  of  some  event  which  would  paralyze  the  North  and 
enable  the  Secessionists  to  secure  the  Capitol  without 
loss  of  life.  Gurowsld  openly  said  to  the  Republicans, 
"  Lincoln  is  to  be  assassinated — I  know  it.  I  tell  you  of 
it  in  time  for  you  to  prevent  it.  I  know  that  wagers  at 
heavy  odds  have  been  laid  that  he  will  never  reach 
"Washington  alive.  Yet  you  do  not  believe  what  I  tell 
you !  It  is  not  even  an  independent  plot ;  it  is  part  of 
the  conspiracy  of  secession." 

A  small  number  of  younger  Republicans,  then  tem 
porarily  in  Washington,  had  undertaken  to  act  as  an  in 
dependent  committee  of  safety.  They  were  in  active 
communication  by  wire  with  the  principal  Northern 
cities.  The  investigation  and  exposure  of  rumors  was  a 
part  of  their  work. 

On  the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  February  17th,  when  we 
knew  that  the  President-elect  was  in  Buffalo,  a  mes 
senger,  duly  authenticated,  from  reliable  friends  in  Bal 
timore,  came  to  "Washington  to  tell  us  that  they  wished 
to  have  two  or  three  members  of  our  organization  re 
turn  with  the  messenger  to  that  city.  Their  purpose 
in  inviting  us,  the  latter  stated,  would  be  explained  on 
our  arrival.  It  was  too  important  to  be  trusted  to  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  59 

mails  or  the  telegraph,  or  even  to  be  put  upon  paper. 
He  himself  did  not  know  what  it  was.  He  was  directed 
to  say  to  us  that  our  coming  over  that  evening  was 
necessary  to  enable  the  Eepublican  party  of  Baltimore 
to  sustain  itself,  and  to  be  of  any  service  in  the  coming 
emergency. 

It  was  arranged  that,  with  a  single  companion,  I 
should  take  a  late  train  that  evening  which  made  a  stop 
at  the  Eelay  House,  a  few  miles  out  of  Baltimore.  My 
associate  was  a  contractor,  accustomed  to  deal  with  large 
bodies  of  foreigners.  I  was  an  acquaintance  and  friend 
of  the  Eepublican  who  sent  the  invitation,  but  iny  com 
panion  and  myself  were  alike  strangers  in  Baltimore. 
We  took  the  train  as  arranged.  It  was  boarded  at  the 
Eelay  House  by  my  Baltimore  friend,  who  stared  me  in 
the  face,  and  then  passed  me  without  apparent  recog 
nition.  A  few  minutes  after  the  train  started,  a  stranger 
half  stumbled  along  the  aisle  of  the  dimly  lighted  car, 
partially  fell  over  me,  but  grasped  my  hand  as  he  re 
covered  himself  and  apologized  for  his  awkwardness. 
I  felt  that  he  left  a  paper  in  my  hand.  I  went  into 
the  dressing-room  to  read  it.  It  contained  these  words : 
"Be  cautious.  At  the  station  follow  a  driver  who 
will  be  shouting  <  Hotel  Fountain,'  instead  of  '  Fountain 
Hotel.'  Enter  his  carriage.  He  is  reliable  and  has  his 
directions." 

I  destroyed  the  paper.  We  followed  its  directions, 
and  were  driven — where,  I  never  knew.  It  was,  however, 
to  a  private  residence.  A  gentleman  waiting  outside 
showed  us  into  the  house,  and  the  driver  hurried  away. 
Our  friend  of  the  train  came  soon  after,  and  we  were 
taken  to  an  upper  room  where  were  half  a  dozen  Eepub- 
licans,  to  whom  we  were  presented.  No  time  was 
wasted.  Mr.  II ,  well  known  to  me  as  a  true  Ee- 


60  RECOLLECTIONS  OP  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

publican,  said :  "  We  want  you  to  help  us  save  Balti 
more  from  disgrace,  and  President  Lincoln  from  assassi 
nation.  We  find  our  work  difficult.  We  are  watched 
and  shadowed  so  that  we  cannot  leave  the  city  without 
exciting  suspicion.  We  have  sent  messengers  to  leading 
Republicans  in  Washington,  notifying  them  of  the  plot 
against  the  President's  life ;  but  they  will  not  credit  the 
story,  nor,  so  far  as  we  can  learn,  take  any  action.  We 
also  learn  that  Mr.  Lincoln  declares  that  he  will  pursue 
his  journey  openly,  if  he  loses  his  life  in  consequence. 
Within  ten  minutes  after  the  presidential  train  reaches 
the  Canton  station  it  will  be  surrounded  by  a  mob  of 
twenty  thousand  roughs  and  plug-uglies,  from  which  he 
will  never  escape  alive.  We  have  every  detail  of  the 
plot ;  we  know  the  men  who  have  been  hired  to  kill  him ; 
we  could  lay  our  hands  upon  them  to-night.  But  what 
are  we  to  do  if  our  friends  will  not  believe  our  report  ?" 

"  You  call  the  plot  a  certainty.  What  proof  have 
you  ?  Direct  proof,  I  mean  3" 

""We  will  show  you  some  of  it.  The  sporting  men 
gave  it  away  by  betting  at  odds  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would 
never  reach  Washington.  Recently  they  have  modified 
it  by  betting  that  he  will  not  pass  through  Maryland 
alive.  Then  a  woman  about  to  be  abandoned  by  her 
lover  betrayed  him  to  us — he  had  no  scruples,  and 
promptly  sold  his  associates  in  the  plot." 

"You  cannot  condemn  reputable  men  upon  such  evi 
dence.  He  is  an  accomplice !" 

"  You  should  hear  his  story  and  its  confirmations  be 
fore  you  say  that.  Bring  in  the  fellow !"  he  said  to  one 
of  the  company. 

Two.  men  entered  the  room  with  the  supposed  as 
sassin.  He  looked  the  character.  lie  represented  a 
genus  of  the  human  family  seen  in  pictures  of  Italian 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  61 

bandits.  His  square,  bull-dog  jaws,  ferret-like  eyes, 
furtively  looking  out  from  holes  under  a  low  brow,  cov 
ered  with  a  coarse  mat  of  black  hair ;  a  dark  face,  every 
line  of  which  was  hard,  and  an  impudent  swagger  in  his 
carriage,  sufficiently  advertised  him  as  a  low,  cowardly 
villain.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  imitate  his  dialect,  or  the 
shameless  unconcern  with  which  he  described  his  bar 
gain  to  murder  and  his  betrayal  of  his  associates. 

"  A  bad  president,"  he  said,  "  was  coming  in  the  cars 
to  free  the  negroes  and  drive  all  the  foreigners  out  of 
the  country.  The  good  Americans  wanted  him  killed. 
They  had  employed  Euscelli  to  do  the  job ;  Ruscelli  was 
a  barber  who  called  himself  Orsini  since  he  escaped  from 
Italy,  where  he  was  in  trouble  for  killing  some  men 
who  failed  to  pay  their  ransom.  There  were  five  who 
were  to  put  the  president  out  of  life,  who  were  to  have 
each  a  hundred  dollars,  besides  twenty  dollars  paid 
when  they  made  the  promise.  They  were  to  follow 
Euscelli  into  the  car.  Each  was  to  strike  the  president 
with  a  knife,  to  make  sure.  Then  they  were  to  go  quick 
away  to  sea.  Yes,  the  two  gold  eagles  which  Mr. 
H had  were  a  part  of  his  pay." 

There  were  more  details  of  the  fellow's  story.  He 
and  his  associates  were  the  mere  tools.  Their  employ 
ers  were  known — they  were  secessionists,  pot-house 
politicians  of  a  low  order,  with  some  admixture  of  men 
of  a  better  class,  some  of  them  in  the  police.  Our 
friends  had  an  agent  who  had  joined  the  conspiracy  and 
attended  all  the  meetings.  Through  him  they  had 
learned  that  the  murder  had  been  several  times  in  part 
rehearsed  to  avoid  mistakes. 

At  that  time  the  cars  were  drawn  through  the  city  by 
horses.  At  the  end  of  a  certain  bridge  the  track  was 
to  be  suddenly  torn  up.  When  the  President's  car  was 


62  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

stopped  at  the  obstruction  the  assassins  were  to  follow 
their  leader  into  the  rear  of  the  car,  pass  rapidly  through 
it,  each  knifing  the  president,  out  at  the  forward  door, 
through  the  crowd  to  a  rani  shop,  at  the  rear  of  which 
lay  a  schooner,  with  a  tug  under  steam,  which  would 
immediately  go  down  the  bay  with  the  schooner  in  tow. 
Clearance  papers  would  be  provided  for  the  port  of  Mo 
bile,  to  which  the  schooner  would  as  speedily  as  possible 
make  her  way.  If  he  left  the  cars  for  a  carriage,  its 
progress  was  to  be  blocked,  and  the  President  killed  at 
the  same  crossing.  The  whole  work,  it  was  found,  from 
arresting  the  car  to  the  departure  of  the  schooner,  could 
be  done  in  five  or  six  minutes.  To  add  to  the  confu 
sion,  bombs  and  hand-grenades,  which  exploded  by  con 
cussion,  were  to  be  thrown  into  the  cars  through  the 
windows. 

The  seven  or  eight  gentlemen  present  were  reliable 
citizens  of  Baltimore.  They  had  not  believed  at  first 
that  the  conspiracy  comprised  any  but  members  of  the 
criminal  class.  Now  they  were  satisfied  that  there  were 
leading  Secessionists  privy  to  the  plot ;  some  of  them  in 
fluential  politicians  and  citizens  who  had  argued  them 
selves  into  the  belief  that  this  was  a  patriotic  work 
which  would  prevent  greater  bloodshed  and  possible 
war.  They  provided  the  money  which  had  been  used 
with  a  free  hand  in  purchasing  the  schooner  and  taking 
measures  to  avoid  detection.  The  disappearance  of  the 
hired  ruffian  and  the  woman  through  whom  the  plot  was 
first  discovered  had  made  the  conspirators  watchful,  and 
some  of  them  had  not  only  withdrawn  from  the  plot, 
but  had  left  the  city.  The  others  held  nightly  meetings, 
and  had  no  intention  of  giving  up  the  project.  Our 
friends  were  now  at  a  standstill,  because  Mr.  Lincoln 
persisted  in  passing  through  the  city  openly,  on  the  day 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  63 

appointed,  and  the  leading  Republicans  of  Washington 
would  not  accept  the  evidences  of  the  conspiracy. 

"Why/'  we  asked,  "do  not  the  Republicans  of  Balti 
more  arm,  organize,  and  themselves  protect  the  Presi 
dent  in  his  journey  through  the  city  ?" 

"  Because,"  they  replied,  "  the  police,  from  superinten 
dent  to  patrolmen,  would  oppose  us  and  protect  the  con 
spirators.  The  Plug-Uglies  of  Baltimore  number  thou 
sands,  and  have  been  notorious  for  years  as  the  worst 
fighting  roughs  in  existence.  If  Mr.  Lincoln's  train 
reaches  the  Canton  station,  it  will,  within  five  minutes, 
be  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  rowdies.  If  he  takes  a 
carriage,  the  crowd  will  block  it,  and  have  ample  time 
to  tear  him  to  pieces.  If  driven  to  the  car,  as  they  in 
tend  he  shall  be,  he  cannot  pass  the  bridge.  What 
can  we  do,  with  the  police,  the  roughs,  and  the  Seces 
sionists  against  us  ?  It  would  require  disciplined  regi 
ments  to  control  them.  They  will  surround  the  car  or 
the  carriage,  they  will  swoop  down  upon  it  like  vultures, 
or  swarm  over  it  like  monkeys.  Ko,  we  have  done  all 
that  men  can  do;  we  have  the  names  of  the  conspira 
tors  ;  we  have  agents  who  attend  their  meetings,  who 
contribute  to  their  expenses.  "We  know  that  they  are 
not  all  hired  assassins.  There  are  men  among  them  who 
believe  they  are  serving  their  country.  One  of  them  is 
an  actor  who  recites  passages  from  the  tragedy  of  Julius 
Caesar  in  their  conclaves.  They  are  abundantly  supplied 
with  money.  Where  does  it  come  from,  if  not  from 
men  of  substance?  Ko,  gentlemen,  we  have  done  every 
thing  in  our  power !  If  the  government  itself  will  not 
interfere,  and  if,  as  he  declares  he  will,  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
sists  on  passing  through  Baltimore  in  open  day,  on  the 
train  appointed,  his  murder  is  inevitable.  We  have  in 
vited  you  here  that  you  might  convince  yourselves,  and 


64  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

to  ask  you  to  help  us  to  convince  others.  Have  we 
satisfied  you  ?" 

"  I  am  satisfied,"  said  my  companion,  "  and  I  believe 
I  can  satisfy  General  Scott.  But  I  should  like  first  to 
wring  the  neck  of  that  miscreant  in  the  other  room,  and 
carry  his  head  to  Washington  as  a  voucher  of  the  plot !" 

The  consultation  was  prolonged  until  it  was  time  for 
an  early  morning  train  to  Washington.  In  the  gray  of 
the  morning  we  drove  to  the  house  of  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burn,  called  him  from  his  bed,  and  in  a  few  words 
summed  up  our  night's  experience,  with  the  statement 
that  we  had  come  for  his  assistance  in  precautionary 
measures. 

He  said  that  we  might  put  aside  our  anxiety ;  that  he 
knew  positively  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined  to  fol 
low  the  advice  of  his  friends,  and  would  reach  Wash 
ington  without  risk.  It  was  deemed  wise  that  none  but 
those  who  had  charge  of  the  President's  journey  should 
know  by  what  route  or  at  what  time  he  would  pass 
through  Baltimore,  but  that  he  himself,  Mr.  Seward, 
and  General  Scott  had  become  satisfied  that  precautions 
must  be  taken  to  protect  his  life,  and  they  would  be 
effectual. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  65 


XI. 

HOW  DID  MR.  LINCOLN    "GET   THROUGH  BALTIMORE"? 

THE  story  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  journey  through  Baltimore, 
as  recorded  in  history,  requires  some  correction.  Like 
other  sufferers  by  the  hat  of  the  period,  he  was  pro 
vided  with  a  knitted  woollen  cap  for  use  in  the  cars, 
particularly  at  night.  This  he  wore  on  his  night-trip  to 
Washington.  The  myth  of  the  disguise  and  the  Scotch 
cap  had  "  this  extent,  no  more."  There  was  no  neces 
sity  for  disguise.  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  the  sleeping-car 
at  Philadelphia,  and  slept  until  awakened  within  a  few 
miles  of  Washington. 

The  street-lights  were  not  yet  extinguished  on  the 
early  morning  of  the  23d  of  February,  when  Elihu  B. 
Wasliburn  and  Senator  Seward  stepped  from  a  carriage 
at  the  ladies'  entrance  of  Willard's  Hotel.  A  tall  man, 
with  a  striking  face,  followed  them  into  the  hall,  the 
swinging  doors  closed,  and  the  future  president  and  pre 
server  of  the  republic  was  safely  housed  in  its  capital. 
The  pledge  of  Mr.  Washburn  had  been  kept,  and  Kepub- 
licans  could  lay  aside  their  anxiety. 

There  were  a  few  Republicans  whose  faces  shone  as 
they  greeted  each  other,  when  they  met  at  the  opening 
of  the  Conference  that  day.  They  were  in  the  secret  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival.  Members  were  not  particular 
about  the  position  of  their  seats,  and  mine  then  hap 
pened  to  be  between  one  occupied  by  Mr.  Seddon  and 
that  of  Waldo  P.  Johnson,  an  impulsive  Secessionist, 
afterwards  a  Confederate  general,  who  then,  in  part, 
5 


66  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

represented  Missouri.  The  body-servant  of  whom  Mr. 
Seddon  was  then  proprietor  was  a  man  scarcely  darker 
than  himself,  his  equal  in  deportment,  his  superior  in 
figure  and  carriage.  This  chattel  had  made  himself  a 
favorite  by  his  civil  and  respectful  manner,  and  by  gen 
eral  consent  was  the  only  person,  not  a  member  or  offi 
cer,  who  had  the  entree  to  the  sessions  of  the  Conference. 

As  soon  as  the  meeting  was  called  to  order,  this  ser 
vant  approached  his  master  and  handed  him  a  scrap  of 
paper,  apparently  torn  from  an  envelope.  Mr.  Seddon 
glanced  at  it,  and  passed  it  before  me  to  Mr.  Johnson, 
so  near  to  my  face  that,  without  closing  my  eyes,  I  could 
not  avoid  reading  it.  The  words  written  upon  it  were, 
"  Lincoln  is  in  this  hotel !" 

The  Missourian  was  startled  as  by  a  shock  of  electric 
ity.  He  must  have  forgotten  himself  completely,  for  he 
instantly  exclaimed,  "  How  the  devil  did  he  get  through 
Baltimore?"  With  a  look  of  utter  contempt  for  the 
indiscretion  of  the  impulsive  trans  -  Mississippian,  \the 
Virginian  growled,  "  What  would  prevent  his  passing 
through  Baltimore  ?" 

There  was  no  reply,  but  the  occurrence  left  the  im 
pression  on  one  mind  that  the  preparations  to  receive 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  Baltimore  were  known  to  some  who  were 
neither  Italian  assassins  nor  Baltimore  Plug-Uglies.  Mr. 
Johnson  was  not  the  only  delegate  surprised  by  the  an 
nouncement  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  presence  in  Washington. 
As  the  news  circulated  in  whispers  through  the  hall, 
members  gathered  in  groups  to  discuss  it,  and  were  too 
much  absorbed  to  hear  the  repeated  calls  of  the  chair 
man  to  order.  No  event  of  the  Conference,  not  even 
the  collision  between  Commodore  Stockton  and  Senator 
Merrill,  produced  so  much  excitement.  The  member 
who  was  addressing  the  chair,  after  repeated  attempts 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  67 

to  make  himself  heard  above  the  din  of  voices,  gave  up 
the  effort  and  resumed  his  seat.  It  was  not  until  some 
one  had  moved  an  adjournment  that  the  burden  of  prep 
aration  weighing  upon  so  many  members,  and  the  danger 
of  losing  the  opportunity  of  delivering  their  speeches, 
combined  to  restore  order  and  enable  the  Conference  to 
resume  its  business. 

But  the  attempt  to  go  on  w^ith  the  debate  was  una 
vailing.  The  fact  of  the  arrival  of  the  President-elect 
was  quickly  known  to  every  one.  Members  were  not 
in  a  condition  of  mind  to  make  speeches  or  to  listen  to 
them.  There  was  a  hurried  consultation  among  the 
Republicans,  which  resulted  in  a  motion  by  Mr.  Logan, 
one  of  the  delegates  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  state,  that  the 
president  of  the  Conference  wait  upon  the  President 
elect  and  inform  him.  that  the  Conference  would  be 
pleased  to  visit  him  in  a  body  at  such  a  time  as  would 
suit  his  convenience.  This  motion  was  fiercely  opposed. 
Waste  of  precious  time  was  the  open  ground  of  opposi 
tion.  There  were  cries  of  "  No !  no !  Vote  it  down  !" 
"  Lay  it  on  the  table !"  with  exclamations,  in  an  under 
tone,  of  "  Eail-splitter !"  "  Ignoramus !"  "  Vulgar  clown !" 
etc.  Again  President  Tyler  interfered  to  prevent  the 
making  of  a  disreputable  record.  He  declared  that  "the 
proposal  was  eminently  proper ;  that  the  office,  and  not 
the  individual,  was  to  be  considered ;  that  he  hoped  that 
no  Southern  member  would  decline  to  treat  the  incom 
ing  President  with  the  same  respect  and  attention  already 
extended  to  the  present  incumbent  of  that  honorable  and 
exalted  office."  These  appropriate  observations  sup 
pressed  the  opposition;  the  motion  of  Mr.  Logan  was 
unanimously  adopted,  and  the  Conference,  having  re 
solved  upon  an  evening  session,  adjourned. 


68  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XII. 

A  SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  RECEPTION.— MR.  LINCOLN  CONVERSES 
WITH  LEADING  SOUTHERNERS.  —  HIS  DUTY  TO  THE  CONSTI 
TUTION. 

THE  Kepublican  members  of  the  Conference  were  not 
pleased  with  the  manner  in  which  the  chairman  per 
formed  his  duty.  Instead  of  waiting  upon  the  President 
elect  in  person,  as  directed  by  the  vote,  he  announced  at 
the  evening  session  that  he  had  addressed  him  a  note  of 
inquiry,  in  reply  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  said  that  he  would 
be  happy  to  receive  the  members  at  nine  o'clock  that 
evening,  or  at  such  other  time  as  might  suit  their  con 
venience.  As  Mr.  Lincoln  had  taken  no  exception  to 
the  manner  of  the  invitation,  and  as  President  Tyler 
could  have  pleaded  the  communication  to  Mr.  Buchanan 
as  a  precedent,  they  decided  to  raise  no  question  about 
what  was,  after  all,  but  a  mere  matter  of  form. 

I  thought  it  might  prove  of  advantage  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  have  some  information  in  advance  of  the  men  who 
would  meet  him  that  evening.  I  therefore  called  upon 
him,  with  the  intention  of  informing  him  who  would 
visit  him  out  of  respect,  and  who  would  come  out  of  cu 
riosity,  or  only  to  jeer  and  ridicule.  This,  my  first  meet 
ing  with  him,  was  an  event  which  would  have  been  more 
impressive  had  I  then  appreciated  that  he  was  the  great 
est  of  Americans,  whose  life-labors  would  restore  the 
broken  Union,  and  whose  death  would  cement  the  foun 
dations  of  the  republic. 

As  I  entered  his  apartment,  a  tall,  stooping  figure, 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  69 

upon  which  his  clothing  hung  loosely  and  ungracefully, 
advanced  to  meet  me.  His  kindly  eyes  looked  out  from 
under  a  cavernous,  projecting  brow,  with  a  curiously 
mingled  expression  of  sadness  and  humor.  His  limbs 
were  long,  and  at  first  sight  ungainly.  But  in  the  cor 
dial  grasp  of  his  large  hands,  the  cheery  tones  of  his 
pleasant  voice,  the  heartiness  of  his  welcome,  in  the  air 
and  presence  of  the  great-hearted  man,  there  was  an  as 
cendency  which  caused  me  to  forget  my  errand,  and  to 
comprehend  why  it  w^as  that  Abraham  Lincoln  won 
from  all  classes  and  conditions  of  men  a  love  that 
u  was  wonderful,  passing  the  love  of  Avomen."  "  He  was 
pleased,"  he  said,  "  to  have  an  opportunity  of  meeting 
so  many  representative  men  from  different  sections  of 
the  Union ;  the  more  unjust  they  w^ere  in  their  opinions 
of  himself,  the  more  he  desired  to  make  their  acquaint 
ance.  He  had  been  represented  as  an  evil  spirit,  a  gob 
lin,  the  implacable  enemy  of  Southern  men  and  women. 
He  did  not  set  up  for  a  beauty,  but  he  was  confident  that, 
upon  a  close  acquaintance,  they  would  not  find  him  so 
ugly  nor  so  black  as  he  had  been  painted.  He  hoped 
every  delegate  from  the  slave  states  would  be  present, 
especially  those  most  prejudiced  against  himself.  He 
mentioned  one  or  two  whom  he  had  known  in  Congress ; 
also  Mr.  Hives  and  Judge  Ruffin,  as  influential  states 
men  whom  he  particularly  wished  to  know.  I  left  him, 
having  said  nothing  I  had  intended  to,  with  a  conviction 
that  he  would  require  no  guardian.  From  that  first 
visit  to  the  time  when  my  more  matured  judgment  and 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  noble  qualities  of  his  mind 
and  heart  led  me  to  account  him  the  greatest  of  Ameri 
cans,  he  never  ceased  to  grow  in  my  esteem. 

The  hour  of  nine  arrived ;  the  Conference  adjourned, 
so  that  those  who  wished  might  attend  Mr.  Lincoln's 


70  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

reception.  Not,  as  when  we  called  on  President  Bu 
chanan,  were  we  formed  in  procession  and  marshalled 
on  our  way,  preceded  by  our  presiding  officer ;  but  in 
straggling  groups  we  made  our  way  as  best  we  might 
to  the  drawing-room,  in  which  the  President-elect  was 
to  be  placed  on  exhibition,  before  what  was,  in  the  main, 
a  most  unfriendly  audience.  No  delegate  from  a  slave 
state  had  voted  for  him ;  many  entertained  for  him  sen 
timents  of  positive  hatred.  I  heard  him  discussed  as  a 
curiosity  by  men  as  they  would  have  spoken  of  a  clown 
with  whose  ignorant  vulgarity  they  were  to  be  amused. 
They  took  him  for  an  unlettered  boor,  with  no  fixed 
principles,  whose  nomination  was  an  accident,  and  his 
election  the  victory  of  the  ultra  anti-slavery  faction.  A 
small  number  of  more  conservative  men  from  the  slave, 
and  very  nearly  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  the 
free  states,  were  inclined  to  respect  his  office,  but  regard 
ed  its  prospective  incumbent  as  an  extremist,  with  no 
qualification  for  its  duties.  Some  queried  whether,  like 
old  John  Brown,  he  actually  longed  for  an  insurrection 
of  the  slaves.  Even  the  small  minority  of  his  political 
supporters,  who  had  resolved  in  their  hearts  that  he 
should  be  inaugurated,  though  stanch  in  his  defence, 
had  not  discovered  his  intellectual  strength,  and  sus 
pected  few  of  his  sterling  qualities. 

An  experienced  politician  would  have  prepared  him 
self  for  such  an  occasion.  In  fact,  his  friends  antici 
pated  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  conduct  himself  with  ex 
treme  reserve,  and  use  great  caution  in  the  expression 
of  his  opinions. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  made  the  slightest  preparation. 
He  stood  in  the  corner  of  one  of  the  public  drawing- 
rooms  of  the  hotel  alone,  unattended.  Mr.  Lamon,  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  his  home,  and  who  it  was 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  71 

understood  he  would  appoint  marshal  of  the  district, 
was  not  present  until  a  later  hour.  No  one  had  been 
provided  to  introduce  the  delegates  or  give  any  direction 
to  the  proceedings.  I  observed  the  omission  as  I  en 
tered  the  room,  and,  there  being  no  time  to  stand  upon 
ceremony,  took  a  position,  as  if  by  arrangement,  at  Mr. 
Lincoln's  side,  and  presented  each  member  of  the  Con 
ference  by  name.  Their  number  was  as  large  as  that 
present  at  President  Buchanan's  reception.  A  general 
curiosity  prevailed  to  witness  the  manner  in  which  the 
incoming  President  would  conduct  himself,  and  many 
wished,  by  a  closer  observation  of  his  appearance  and 
awkwardness,  to  nourish  their  contempt  for  the  "  rail- 
splitter."  Many  "  who  came  to  scoff  "  did  not  find  the 
entertainment  to  their  liking,  if  they  did  not  "  remain  to 
pray." 

An  experienced  public  man,  who  had  travelled  con 
stantly  for  ten  consecutive  days,  making  from  one  to 
four  addresses  daily,  who  had  just  escaped  a  conspiracy 
against  his  life,  might  have  pleaded  some  excuse  if,  with 
in  fifteen  hours  after  his  arrival,  in  his  first  public  ap 
pearance,  and  before  a  'contemptuously  inimical  audi 
ence,  he  had  failed  to  seem  entirely  at  his  ease.  But  it 
was  soon  discovered  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
might  dismiss  whatever  anxiety  they  might  have  felt  on 
his  account.  He  was  able  to  take  care  of  himself.  The 
manner  in  which  he  adjusted  his  conversation  to  repre 
sentatives  of  different  sections  and  opinions  was  striking. 
He  could  not  have  appeared  more  natural  or  unstudied 
in  his  manner  if  he  had  been  entertaining  a  company  of 
neighbors  in  his  Western  home. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  reception  of  the  delegates  was  of  an  en 
tirely  informal  character.  There  was  no  crowded  ap 
proach,  nor  hurried  disappearance  ;  no  procession  of  the 


72  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

members  beyond  where  he  stood.  There  was  a  point  of 
attraction — not  of  repulsion.  As  the  guests  were  suc 
cessively  and  cordially  received,  they  gathered  round  him 
in  a  circle,  which  enlarged  and  widened,  until  it  com 
prised  most  of  the  delegates.  His  tall  ligure  and  ani 
mated  face  towered  above  them,  the  most  striking  in  a 
group  of  noted  Americans.  His  words  arrested  the  at 
tention  ;  his  wonderful  vivacity  surprised  every  specta 
tor.  He  spoke  apparently  without  premeditation,  with 
a  singular  ease  of  manner  and  facility  of  expression.  He 
had  some  apt  observation  for  each  person  ready  the  mo 
ment  he  heard  his  name.  "  You  are  a  smaller  man  than 
I  supposed — I  mean  in  person :  every  one  is  acquainted 
with  the  greatness  of  your  intellect.  It  is,  indeed,  pleas 
ant  to  meet  one  wrho  has  so  honorably  represented  his 
country  in  Congress  and  abroad."  Such  was  his  greet 
ing  to  William  C.  Rives,  of  Virginia,  a  most  cultivated 
and  polished  gentleman.  "  Your  name  is  all  the  endorse 
ment  you  require,"  he  said  to  James  B.  Clay.  "  From 
my  boyhood  the  name  of  Henry  Clay  has  been  an  inspi 
ration  to  me."  "  You  cannot  be  a  disunionist,  unless 
your  nature  has  changed  since  we  met  in  Congress  !"  he 
exclaimed  as  he  recognized  the  strong  face  of  Geo.  "W. 
Summers,  of  Western  Virginia.  "  Does  liberty  still  thrive 
in  the  mountains  of  Tennessee  ?"  he  inquired  as  Mr.  Zol- 
licoffer's  figure,  almost  as  tall  as  his  own,  came  into  view. 
After  so  many  years,  much  that  he  said  is  forgotten,  but 
it  is  remembered  that  he  had  for  every  delegation,  almost 
for  every  man,  some  appropriate  remark,  which  was  forci 
ble,  and  apparently  unstudied. 

There  was  only  one  occurrence  which  threatened  to 
disturb  the  harmony  and  good  humor  of  the  reception. 
In  reply  to  a  complimentary  remark  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr. 
Rives  had  said  that,  although  he  had  retired  from  public 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  73 

life,  he  could  not  decline  the  request  of  the  Governor  of 
Yirginia  that  he  should  unite  in  this  effort  to  save  the 
Union.  "But,"  he  continued,  "  the  clouds  that  hang  over 
it  are  very  dark.  I  have  no  longer  the  courage  of  my 
younger  days.  I  can  do  little— you  can  do  much.  Every 
thing  now  depends  upon  you." 

"  I  cannot  agree  to  that,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  My 
course  is  as  plain  as  a  turnpike  road.  It  is  marked  out 
by  the  Constitution.  I  am  in  no  doubt  which  way  to  go. 
Suppose  now  we  all  stop  discussing  and  try  the  experi 
ment  of  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 
Don't  you  think  it  would  work  ?" 

"Permit  me  to  answer  that  suggestion,"  interposed 
Mr.  Summers.  "  Yes,  it  will  work.  If  the  Constitution 
is  your  light,  I  will,  follow  it  with  you,  and  the  people  of 
the  South  will  go  with  us." 

"  It  is  not  of  your  professions  we  complain,"  sharply 
struck  in  Mr.  Seddon's  sepulchral  voice.  "  It  is  of  your 
sins  of  omission — of  your  failure  to  enforce  the  laws — 
to  suppress  your  John  Browns  and  your  Garrisons, 
who  preach  insurrection  and  make  war  upon  our  prop 
erty!" 

"  I  believe  John  Brown  was  hung  and  Mr.  Garrison 
imprisoned,"  dryly  remarked  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  You  cannot 
justly  charge  the  North  with  disobedience  to  statutes  or 
with  failing  to  enforce  them.  You  have  made  some 
which  were  very  offensive,  but  they  have  been  enforced, 
notwithstanding." 

"  You  do  not  enforce  the  laws,"  persisted  Mr.  Seddon. 
"  You  refuse  to  execute  the  statute  for  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves.  Your  leading  men  openly  declare  that 
they  will  not  assist  the  marshals  to  capture  or  return 
slaves." 

"  You  are  wrong  in  your  facts  again,"  said  Mr.  Lin- 


74:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

coin.  "  Your  slaves  have  been  returned,  yes,  from  the 
shadow  of  Faneuil  Hall  in  the  heart  of  Boston.  Our 
people  do  not  like  the  work,  I  know.  They  will  do  what 
the  law  commands,  but  they  will  not  volunteer  to  act  as 
tip-staves  or  bum-bailiffs.  The  instinct  is  natural  to  the 
race.  Is  it  not  true  of  the  South  ?  Would  you  join  in 
the  pursuit  of  a  fugitive  slave  if  you  could  avoid  it  ?  Is 
such  the  work  of  gentlemen  ?" 

"  Your  press  is  incendiary !"  said  Mr.  Seddon,  chang 
ing  his  base.  "  It  advocates  servile  insurrection,  and  ad 
vises  our  slaves  to  cut  their  masters'  throats.  You  do 
not  suppress  your  newspapers.  You  encourage  their 
violence." 

"  I  beg  your  pardon,  Mr.  Seddon,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln. 
"  I  intend  no  oifence,  but  I  will  not  suffer  such  a  state 
ment  to  pass  unchallenged,  because  it  is  not  true.  ~No 
Northern  newspaper,  not  the  most  ultra,  has  advocated 
a  slave  insurrection  or  advised  the  slaves  to  cut  their 
masters'  throats.  A  gentleman  of  your  intelligence 
should  not  make  such  assertions.  We  do  maintain  the 
freedom  of  the  press — we  deem  it  necessary  to  a  free 
government.  Are  we  peculiar  in  that  respect  ?  Is  not 
the  same  doctrine  held  in  the  South  ?" 

It  was  reserved  for  the  delegation  from  New  York  to 
call  out  from  Mr.  Lincoln  his  first  expression  touching 
the  great  controversy  of  the  hour.  He  exchanged  re 
marks  with  ex-Governor  King,  Judge  James,  William 
Curtis  Noyes,  and  Francis  Granger.  William  E.  Dodge 
had  stood,  awaiting  his  turn.  As  soon  as  his  opportunity 
came,  he  raised  his  voice  enough  to  he  heard  by  all 
present,  and,  addressing  Mr.  Lincoln,  declared  that  the 
whole  country  in  great  anxiety  was  awaiting  his  inaugu 
ral  address,  and  then  added  :  "  It  is  for  you,  sir,  to  say 
whether  the  whole  nation  shall  be  plunged  into  bank- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  75 

ruptcy;  whether  the  grass  shall  grow  in  the  streets  of 
our  commercial  cities." 

"  Then  I  say  it  shall  not,"  he  answered,  with  a  merry 
twinkle  of  his  eye.  "If  it  depends  upon  me,  the  grass 
will  not  grow  anywhere  except  in  the  fields  and  the 
meadows." 

"  Then  you  w^ill  yield  to  the  just  demands  of  the  South. 
You  will  leave  her  to  control  her  own  institutions.  You 
will  admit  slave  states  into  the  Union  on  the  same  con 
ditions  as  free  states.  You  will  not  go  to  wrar  on  account 
of  slavery !" 

A  sad  but  stern  expression  swept  over  Mr.  Lincoln's 
face.  "  I  do  not  know  that  I  understand  your  meaning, 
Mr.  Dodge,"  he  said,  without  raising  his  voice,  "  nor  do 
I  know  what  rny  acts  or  my  opinions  may  be  in  the 
future,  beyond  this.  If  I  shall  ever  come  to  the  great 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  I  shall  take  an 
oath.  I  shall  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  of  all  the  United 
States,  and  that  I  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve, 
protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
This  is  a  great  and  solemn  duty.  With  the  support  of 
the  people  and  the  assistance  of  the  Almighty  I  shall 
undertake  to  perform  it.  I  have  full  faith  that  I  shall 
perform  it.  It  is  not  the  Constitution  as  I  would  like  to 
have  it,  but  as  it  is,  that  is  to  be  defended.  The  Consti 
tution  will  not  be  preserved  and  defended  until  it  is  en 
forced  and  obeyed  in  every  part  of  every  one  of  the 
United  States.  It  must  be  so  respected,  obeyed,  en 
forced,  and  defended,  let  the  grass  grow  where  it  may." 

Not  a  word  or  a  whisper  broke  the  silence  while  these 
words  of  weighty  import  were  slowly  falling  from  his 
lips.  They  were  so  comprehensive  and  unstudied,  they 
exhibited  such  inherent  authority,  that  they  seemed  a 


76  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

statement  of  a  sovereign  decree,  rather  than  one  of  fact 
which  admitted  of  debate.  Comment  or  criticism  upon 
them  seemed  out  of  order.  Mr.  Dodge  attempted  no  re 
ply.  The  faces  of  the  Eepublicans  wore  an  expression 
of  surprised  satisfaction.  Some  of  the  more  ardent  South 
erners  silently  left  the  room.  They  were  unable  to  com 
prehend  the  situation.  The  ignorant  countryman  they 
had  come  to  ridicule  threatened  no  crime  but  obedience 
to  the  Constitution.  This  was  not  the  entertainment  to 
which  they  were  invited,  and  it  was  uninteresting.  For 
the  more  conservative  Southern  delegates,  the  statesmen, 
Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  to  offer  an  attraction.  They  re 
mained  until  he  finally  retired. 

A  delegate  from  New  Jersey  asked  Mr.  Lincoln  point 
edly  if  the  North  should  not  make  further  concessions 
to  avoid  civil  war  ?  For  example,  consent  that  the  peo 
ple  of  a  territory  should  determine  its  right  to  authorize 
slavery  when  admitted  into  the  Union  ? 

"It  will  be  time  to  consider  that  question  when  it 
arises,"  he  replied.  "Now  we  have  other  questions 
which  we  must  decide.  In  a  choice  of  evils,  war  may 
not  always  be  the  worst.  Still  I  would  do  all  in  my 
power  to  avert  it,  except  to  neglect  a  Constitutional 
duty.  As  to  slavey,  it  must  be  content  with  what  it 
has.-  The  voice  of  the  civilized  world  is  against  it ;  it  is 
opposed  to  its  growth  or  extension.  Freedom  is  the  nat 
ural  condition  of  the  human  race,  in  which  the  Almighty 
intended  men  to  live.  Those  who  fight  the  purposes  of 
the  Almighty  will  not  succeed.  They  always  have  been, 
they  always  will  be,  beaten." 

A  general  conversation  followed,  in  which  Judges 
Brockenbrough  and  Euffin  and  Mr.  Summers  sought 
to  draw  from  him  some  more  definite  expression  of  his 
views  concerning  the  seceded  states.  Without  exhibit- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  77 

ing  the  slightest  desire  to  conceal  his  opinions,  he  gave 
no  further  expression  to  them.  His  own  duty,  as  defined 
by  the  Constitution,  seemed  to  engross  his  mind.  The 
.  Union  must  be  maintained  if  the  Constitution  was  to  be 
enforced  as  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  If  he  became 
President,  all  the  executive  powers  of  the  government 
would  be  used  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  supreme  law. 
Further  than  this,  he  had  nothing  to  say. 

After  the  reception  several  of  the  delegates  com 
mented  upon  the  remarks  of  the  President-elect.  Mr. 
Rives  expressed  the  change  in  his  own  opinions  concern 
ing  him  with  perfect  candor.  "  He  has  been  both  mis 
judged  and  misunderstood  by  the  Southern  people,"  he 
said.  "  They  have  looked  upon  him  as  an  ignorant,  self- 
willed  man,  incapable  of  independent  judgment,  full  of 
prejudices,  willing  to  be  used  as  a  tool  by  more  able 
men.  This  is  all  wrong.  He  will  be  the  head  of  his  ad 
ministration,  and  he  will  do  his  own  thinking.  He  seems 
to  have  studied  the  Constitution,  to  have  adopted  it  as 
his  guide.  I  do  not  see  that  much  fault  can  be  found 
with  the  views  he  has  expressed  this  evening.  He  is 
probably  not  so  great  a  statesman  as  Mr.  Madison,  he 
may  not  have  the  will-power  of  General  Jackson.  He 
may  combine  the  qualities  of  both.  His  will  not  be  a 
weak  administration." 

Judge  Ruffin  regarded  his  pronounced  opinions  against 
concessions  as  a  misfortune.  The  controversy  had  been 
carried  so  far  that  great  concessions  must  be  made  to 
avoid  actual  conflict.  Still,  he  could  not  find  much 
fault  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  opinions.  They  were  evident 
ly  founded  upon  the  Constitution. 

At  the  close  of  this  interview  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not 
been  twenty-four  hours  in  Washington.  That  he  had 
created  a  profound  impression,  favorable  to  himself,  was 


78  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

undeniable.  The  Republican  members  of  the  Confer 
ence  felt  encouraged  and  strengthened  by  his  presence. 
The  sympathizers  with  secession  were  correspondingly 
discouraged  and  depressed. 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  79 


XIII. 

THE  LAST  WEEK  OF  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

THE  forces  which  change  the  current  of  public  opinion 
are  often  remote  and  difficult  of  discovery.  One  of  the 
most  unexpected  of  these  changes,  occurring  within  my 
experience,  was  synchronous  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival 
in  Washington.  Before  that  day  the  growth  of  disunion 
had  been  vigorous.  True,  it  had  met  with  some  checks, 
principally  caused  by  the  indiscretion  of  those  who 
should  have  been,  and  in  the  future  would  be,  excluded 
from  the  higher  councils  of  the  leaders.  These  checks 
had  compelled  the  postponement  of  the  seizure  of  the 
capital.  General  Dix,  Judge  Holt,  and  Mr.  Stanton 
had  been  disturbing  agencies  in  the  cabinet,  and  General 
Scott  had  made  trouble  by  his  contemptuous  refusal  to 
listen  to  or  temporize  with  secession.  On  the  other 
hand,  six  states  were  already  out  of  the  Union ;  others 
were  ready  to  follow,  a  confederacy  had  been  formed, 
its  president  and  general  officers  elected ;  successive  del 
egations  had  taken  leave  of  Congress,  declaring  that  the 
South  could  never  be  subjugated;  military  supplies, 
money,  and  other  national  property  to  a  large  value  had 
been  transferred  from  the  North  into  the  seceded  states ; 
the  national  credit  had  been  undermined.  Newspapers 
and  influential  leaders  in  Northern  cities  had  declared 
against  the  use  of  force  to  subjugate  the  South;  the 
Peace  Conference  had  performed  its  allotted  service, 
secession  in  Maryland  and  Virginia  was  ripening,  and 


80  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

Congress  would  soon  adjourn,  leaving  a  weakened  gov 
ernment  without  means  of  defence  or  resistance.  On 
the  whole  the  situation  was  satisfactory,  the  future  prom 
ising,  and  the  capture  of  the  government  on  the  4th  of 
March  assured.  It  could  be  accomplished  without  blood 
shed,  if  General  Scott  and  "his  janizaries"  would  not 
interfere.  The  secessionists  were  confident,  the  friends 
of  the  Union  verging  towards  despondency. 

A  change  in  the  situation  came  unexpectedly.  It  was 
coextensive  with  the  political  horizon,  it  w^as  written 
upon  the  faces  of  the  people  of  Washington  and  of  the 
strangers  within  her  gates.  It  began  on  the  morning 
after  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival,  and  before  evening  it  had 
pervaded  the  community.  Ten  regiments  of  veterans, 
coming  to  reinforce  General  Scott's  handful  of  soldiers, 
could  not  have  more  effectually  annihilated  the  plot  for 
armed  seizure  of  the  capital  on  the  morning  of  the  day 
of  inauguration. 

Nor  was  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Lincoln  the  only  event 
which  occurred  to  darken  the  prospects  of  the  disunion- 
ists.  They  had  counted  upon  the  support  of  the  North 
ern  Democrats,  and  of  the  conservative  element  in  the 
Republican  party.  It  w^as  a  common  saying  among 
them  that  no  regiment  for  the  subjugation  of  the  South 
would  be  permitted  to  pass  through  the  city  of  New 
York.  But  now,  the  example  of  General  Cass,  the  ring 
ing  command  of  General  Dix  for  the  protection  of  the 
flag,  Mr.  Stanton's  bold  declaration  to  the  President  that 
the  surrender  of  the  forts  and  property  in  Charleston 
Harbor  was  an  indictable  crime,  and  the  far-reaching, 
though  more  quiet,  influence  of  that  patriotic  Kentuck- 
ian,  Judge  Holt,  began  to  call  back  responsive  echoes 
from  the  North  and  West.  I  cannot  enumerate  these, 
but  I  must  not  omit  to  mention  one  of  the  first  and  most 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  81 

powerful,  the  letter  from  that  tried  old  Democrat,  General 
Wool.  These  statements  proclaimed  a  united  North : 
Douglass  Democrats,  the  numerical  majority  and  all  the 
best  elements  of  Democracy,  together  with  Republicans 
and  men  of  no  party,  declared  they  would  give  short 
shrift  and  swift  execution  to  any  who  should  raise  the 
hand  of  treason  in  the  capital  of  the  republic. 

It  was  also  quickly  known  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would 
call  into  his  cabinet  representative  men  like  Senators 
Seward,  Chase,  and  Cameron,  who  would  unite  the 
country  if  they  did  not  constitute  a  united  cabinet,  and 
that  he  would  offer  one  or  two  places  to  true  men  from 
the  disloyal  states.  General  Scott  also  was  strengthen 
ing  his  defences.  Several  volunteer  companies  of  the 
most  loyal  young  men  in  Washington  had  been  organ 
ized,  and  had  received  their  guns  and  ammunition.  They 
would  be  ready  for  service  on  a  few  moments'  notice. 
Another  type  of  American  now  became  common  in  the 
streets  of  Washington.  They  were  the  young  stalwart 
Republicans  from  all  sections  of  the  North  and  West 
who  had  been  influential  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  who  had  come  to  give  their  personal  attention  to 
his  inauguration.  They  became  quite  as  numerous  as 
the  visitors  with  slouched  hats  from  the  Border  states, 
and  they  had  very  promptly  offered  their  services  to 
General  Scott  to  act  as  guards,  as  soldiers,  or  as  police 
men  on  the  day  of  inauguration. 

Whether  the  joint  operation  of  these  events  was  the 
cause  of  the  change,  or  whether  the  actual  presence  of 
the  President-elect  produced  it  in  whole  or  in  part,  the 
fact  of  the  change  was  beyond  dispute.  The  precautions 
were  not  relaxed,  but  the  extreme  solicitude,  which  had 
previously  influenced  loyal  men,  had  completely  disap 
peared.  Instead  of  the  excitement  anticipated,  the  last 
G 


82  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

days  of  the  Peace  Conference  were  positively  dull.  The 
absence  of  David  Dudley  Field  when  the  final  vote 
was  recorded,  of  which  an  unfair  advantage  was  taken 
by  some  of  his  colleagues,  and  the  decision  of  the  pre 
siding  officer  that  the  vote  of  New  York  should  be  con 
trolled  by  the  delegates  present,  and  not  cast  as  direct 
ed  by  the  resolution  adopted  by  a  clear  majority  of  all 
the  delegates  from  that  state  on  the  previous  evening, 
neutralized  the  vote  of  New  York,  and  led  to  the  adop 
tion  of  the  amendments  proposed  by  the  majority  of 
the  Conference  Committee  on  Resolutions  by  the  slender 
majority  of  one  vote.  Such  a  result  carried  no  weight 
with  Congress  or  the  country.  The  proposed  amend 
ments  were  submitted  to  the  Senate  and  to  the  House. 
But  it  was  during  the  last  hours  of  the  session,  and 
neither  house  would  permit  them  to  be  brought  before 
it  for  action.  They  were  offered  in  the  Senate  by  way 
of  an  amendment  to  the  well-known  Crittenden  Res 
olutions,  and  rejected  by  a  vote  of  twenty -eight  to 
seven.  The  Conference  adjourned  on  the  27th  of  Feb 
ruary,  having  served  the  purpose  of  its  originators  and 
done  one  good  work  for  the  country — that  of  uniting 
the  Republicans  and  many  Democrats  in  the  defence  of 
the  Union. 

From  Monday,  the  25th  of  February,  to  Monday,  the 
4th  of  March,  a  kind  of  paralysis  appeared  to  have  fallen 
upon  the  disunionists.  They  did  almost  nothing  to  at 
tract  public  attention.  The  usual  arrangements  with 
the  outgoing  administration  were  made  for  the  inau 
guration.  The  city  was  crowded  with  visitors,  so  that 
there  was  a  large  overflow  to  Georgetown  and  Balti 
more.  The  event  which  attracted  the  greatest  measure 
of  public  attention  was  an  address  by  Senator  Seward 
to  a  body  of  his  constituents  who  called  upon  him  in 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  83 

Washington,  and  the  chief  point  of  interest  in  this  was 
its  omission  to  disclose  any  of  the  purposes  of  the  in 
coming  administration,  of  which  it  was  understood  that 
he  was  to  become  the  premier. 


84:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 


XIY. 

THE  INAUGURATION.— A  MEMORABLE  SCENE. 

A  BEIGHT  sun  rose  over  the  city  of  Washington  on 
March  4th,  the  day  appointed  by  law  for  the  inaugura 
tion  of  President  Lincoln.  It  was  an  orderly  city ;  a 
stranger  would  not  have  suspected  that  any  preparations 
had  been  made  to  suppress  insurrection,  or  that  the  ne 
cessity  for  such  precautions  existed.  The  leading  seces 
sionists  had  taken  their  departure.  Those  who  remained 
belonged  to  the  reckless,  disorderly  class,  below  the  aver 
age  respectability  of  the  party  they  served.  Since  the 
influx  of  Northern  Republicans,  these  roughs  had  be 
come  less  demonstrative,  so  that  it  was  safe  for  ladies 
and  gentlemen  to  make  use  of  the  streets  and  sidewalks. 
Some  experiments  had  been  tried  in  insulting  and  jos 
tling  the  recent  arrivals,  which  had  resulted  disagreeably 
for  the  assailants,  who  were  much  depressed  by  another 
postponement  of  the  revolution.  General  Scott  had  sta 
tioned  his  small  force  of  regulars  and  volunteers  w^here 
they  were  inconspicuous,  but  could  be  made  serviceable 
at  very  short  notice.  His  dispositions  had  been  so  qui 
etly  made  that  surprise  was  expressed  because  so  little 
had  apparently  been  done  by  way  of  preparation. 

At  an  early  hour  a  dense  multitude  occupied  both 
sides  of  the  avenue  from  the  Executive  Mansion  to  the 
foot  of  Capitol  Hill,  where  it  divided,  surrounding  the 
grounds  and  filling  the  open  space  and  the  square  on 
the  east  front  of  the  Capitol,  on  the  steps  of  which  a 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION,  85 

broad  platform  had  been  erected,  whence  the  inaugural 
address  was  to  be  delivered.  At  all  the  street  crossings 
platforms  with  seats  had  been  built,  all  of  which  were 
crowded.  Every  window  overlooking  the  avenue  was 
filled  with  the  bright  costumes  of  ladies  and  children, 
while  many  displayed  the  national  colors.  Cables  had 
been  stretched  on  either  side  of  the  carriage-way  which 
was  kept  clear  by  a  small  force  of  policemen,  without 
apparent  difficulty.  No  shops Avere  open;  business  was 
suspended,  and  the  real,  and  not  the  pretended  closing 
of  the  liquor  saloons. by  the  order  of  General  Scott, 
essentially  contributed  to  the  order  of  the  day. 

The  procession  set  out  from  the  Executive  Mansion. 
Presidentr -Buchanan  there  entered  the  carriage  which, 
drawn  by  four  led  horses,  and  preceded  by  the  Marshal 
of  the  District  with  his  aids  on  horseback,  moved  out  of 
the  grounds  to  the  avenue.  Here  a  selected  company 
of  the  sappers  and  miners  of  the  regular  army,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Duane  of  the  Engineers,  who  had 
sought  and  obtained  the  position  of  a  guard  of  honor, 
formed  in  a  hollow  square,  with  the  carriage  in  its  cen 
tre.  No  body  of  men  of  finer  appearance  and  discipline, 
or  more  trustworthy  and  loyal,  ever  guarded  the  great 
Frederick  or  a  Roman  emperor.  With  the  surrounded 
carriage  they  moved  down  the  avenue  with  the  unity 
and  precision  of  a  machine,  followed  by  several  compa 
nies  of  uniformed  volunteers,  the  whole  procession  com 
prising  not  more  than  five  hundred  men.  In  front  of 
Willard's  Hotel  a  halt  was  made.  Mr.  Lincoln  walked 
out  through  the  crowd  which  civilly  opened  a  lane  to 
permit  him  to  pass,  and  entered  the  carriage.  The  ven 
erable  form,  pallid  face,  and  perfectly  white  hair  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  contrasted  powerfully  with  the  tall  figure, 
coal-black  hair,  and  rugged  features  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 


86  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

suggested  that  the  exhausted  energies  of  the  old  were 
to  be  followed  by  the  vigorous  strength  of  the  new  ad 
ministration. 

The  appearance  of  the  President-elect  was  the  signal 
for  a  slight  cheer  of  welcome  and  the  waving  of  ban 
ners  from  the  windows.  It  was  time  for  me  to  leave 
for  the  Capitol.  As  my  carriage  drove  rapidly  down 
F  Street,  to  a  station  where  arrangements  had  been 
made  to  pass  invited  guests  through  the  crowd  to  the 
platform,  I  heard  the  volume  of  cheers  roll  down  the 
avenue  pari  passu  with  the  procession.  I  learned  after 
wards  that  the  tall  form  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  exposed 
during  the  whole  distance,  so  that  a  shot  from  a  con 
cealed  assassin  from  any  one  of  the  thousand  windows 
would  have  ended  his  career.  But  not  only  was  no  as 
sault  attempted,  but,  as  I  was  assured  by  the  marshal, 
no  word  of  discourtesy  or  insult  was  heard  during  the 
progress  of  the  procession  through  over  a  mile  of  the 
crowded  streets. 

A  memorable  spectacle  lay  before  our  eyes,  after  we 
had  ascended  the  steps  inside  and  come  out  upon  the 
platform.  North  and  south  from  the  ends  of  the  great 
Capitol  building,  the  ground  fell  off,  while  on  the  east 
were  the  vacant  Capitol  grounds,  a  broad  square,  each 
side  of  which  measured  some  five  hundred  yards,  bound 
ed  on  the  farther  side  by  a  street.  All  this  space,  includ 
ing  the  eastern  portico,  was  filled  by  the  multitude, 
patiently  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  President.  The 
people  were  quiet,  orderly,  silent.  They  had  come  to 
see  and  hear.  A  few  policemen  were  present,  but  the 
only  duties  they  performed  appeared  to  be  the  directing 
of  persons  holding  tickets  to  their  seats  on  the  platform. 
Not  a  soldier  was  visible.  Far  out  on  the  street,  in  front 
of. the  building  afterwards  well  known  as  the  "  Old  Cap- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  $7 

itol  Prison,"  was  a  thin  line  of  mounted  men.  Had  I 
not  been  informed  beforehand,  I  should  not  have  sus 
pected  that  these  horsemen  were  the  visible  parts  of 
two  batteries  of  horse  artillery  of  the  regular  army, 
ready  for  action  should  any  occasion  arise  for  their  ser 
vices. 

We  were  not  long  kept  waiting.  A  passage  had  been 
kept  open  from  the  columns  of  the  eastern  portico, 
across  the  whole  platform,  to  its  front.  From  between 
the  two  central  columns  first  appeared  the  marshal  with 
a  man  of  soldierly  bearing  by  his  side.  The  tall,  bent 
form  with  the  intellectual  face  of  the  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States  followed,  arm  in  arm  with  the  Presi 
dent-elect.  Senators,  congressmen,  officers  of  the  army 
and  navy  brought  up  the  rear.  But  the  crowd  had  no 
eyes  for  them.  All  were  fixed  upon  Mr.  Lincoln.  The 
party  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  platform,  where  a 
small  table  had  been  placed  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  conven 
ience.  Without  seating  himself,  the  silvery  voice  of 
Senator  Baker,  of  Oregon,  rang  out  over  the  multitude 
with  these  simple  words,  u  Fellow-citizens,  I  introduce 
to  you  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  President-elect  of  the 
United  States  of  America!" 

A  slight  ripple  of  applause  followed  this  introduction. 
The  commanding  figure  of  Senator  Baker  receded  into 
the  audience.  "When  I  next  saw  it,  the  soul  had  gone 
out  of  it  at  Ball's  Bluff.  It  lay,  torn  and  disfigured  by 
a  score  of  rebel  bullets,  in  the  east  room  of  the  White 
House,  covered  by  the  flag  in  defence  of  which  he  gave 
his  life.  With  head  uncovered,  towering  above  the 
eminent  men  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  Mr.  Lincoln 
advanced  to  the  table  and  commenced  the  reading  of 
his  address. 

There  were  few  persons  in  that  uncounted  throng  who 


88  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

expected  to  hear,  or  were  in  a  frame  of  mind  to  appre 
ciate,  the  import  of  that  address.  It  needed  the  light 
of  subsequent  events  for  its  comprehension.  I  count  it 
as  one  of  the  valued  opportunities  of  my  life,  that,  seated 
only  a  few  yards  away  from  the  speaker,  I  heard  dis 
tinctly  every  word  he  uttered,  watched  the  play  of  his 
strong  features,  and  noted. the  effect  of  his  emphatic 
sentences  upon  the  persons  around  me.  A  flash  of  light 
swept  over  the  field  as  the  faces  of  the  multitude  were 
turned  towards  Mr.  Lincoln,  when  the  words  "  Fellow- 
citizens  of  the  United  States"  fell  from  his  lips.  Few 
of  those  faces  were  turned  away  until  his  last  words 
had  been  spoken. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  ordinary  voice  was  pitched  in  a  high 
and  not  unmusical  key.  Without  effort  it  was  heard  at 
an  unusual  distance.  Persons  at  the  most  distant  mar 
gins  of  the  audience  said  that  every  word  he  spoke  was 
distinctly  audible  to  them.  The  silence  was  unbroken. 
No  speaker  ever  secured  a  more  undivided  attention,  for 
almost  every  hearer  felt  a  personal  interest  in  what  he 
was  to  say.  His  friends  feared,  those  who  were  not  his 
friends  hoped,  that,  forgetting  the  dignity  of  his  posi 
tion,  and  the  occasion,  he  would  descend  to  the  practices 
of  the  story-teller,  and  fail  to  rise  to  the  level  of  a  states 
man.  For  he  was  popularly  known  as  the  "  Rail-split 
ter;"  was  supposed  to  be  uncouth  in  his  manner,  and 
]ow,  if  not  positively  vulgar,  in  his  moral  nature.  If 
not  restrained  by  personal  fear,  it  was  thought  that  he 
might  attack  those  who  differed  with  him  in  opinion 
with  threats  and  denunciations. 

But  the  great  heart  and  kindly  nature  of  the  man 
were  apparent  in  his  opening  sentence,  in  the  tone  of  his 
voice,  the  expression  of  his  face,  in  his  whole  manner 
and  bearing.  The  key-note  of  his  address  might  have 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  89 

been  shown  in  a  sentence.  Distrustful  of  himself,  and 
relying  upon  the  assistance  of  the  Almighty,  he  should, 
to  the  best  of  his  ability,  discharge  the  trust  which  his 
office  imposed,  of  supporting  the  Constitution,  and  main 
taining  the  Union  of  the  states  in  its  integrity,  as  it  was 
bequeathed  to  us  by  our  fathers.  But  he  required,  he 
desired,  he  besought,  the  cooperation  of  his  fellow-citi 
zens  in  the  execution  of  his  trust.  This  same  duty  rested 
alike  upon  himself  and  all  his  fellow-citizens.  It  was 
the  defence  and  preservation  of  their  joint  inheritance. 
He  was  about  to  take  an  oath  in  their  presence,  before 
Almighty  God,  to  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution. 
Would  his  fellow-citizens  assist  him  to  keep  the  oath, 
and  execute  the  trust  it  involved  ?  Whatever  else  might 
happen,  "  the  Union  must  be,  should  be  preserved !" 

His  introduction  had  not  been  welcomed  by  a  cheer, 
his  opening  remarks  elicited  no  response.  The  silence 
was  long-continued  arid  became  positively  painful.  But 
the  power  of  his  earnest  words  began  to  show  itself; 
the  sombre  cloud  which  seemed  to  hang  over  the  audi 
ence  began  to  fade  away  when  he  said,  "  I  hold  that  in 
the  contemplation  of  universal  law,  and  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  Union  of  these  states  is  perpetual!" — with  the 
words  "  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  itself  ex 
pressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  '  laws  of  the  Union 
shall  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  states  F '  And 
when,  with  uplifted  eyes  and  solemn  accents,  he  said, 
"  The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy, 
and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the 
government,"  a  great  wave  of  enthusiasm  rolled  over 
the  audience,  as  the  united  voices  of  the  immense  mul 
titude  ascended  heavenward  in  a  roar  of  assenting 
applause. 

From  this  time  to  the  end  of  the  address,  Abraham 


90  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Lincoln  controlled  the  audience  at  his  will.  He  had 
gained  the  confidence  of  his  hearers  and  secured  their 
respect  and  affection.  Nor  did  he  abuse  his  power. 
There  was  not  a  trace  of  menace,  not  a  word  of  criti 
cism,  not  an  unfriendly  suggestion  in  the  entire  speech. 
"Who  that  heard  them  will  ever  forget  the  influence  of 
those  affectionate  sentences  with  which  the  address  ter 
minated  ?  "  I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies, 
but  friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion 
may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break,  our  bonds  of 
affection." 

"  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battle-field  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and 
hearthstone,  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the 
chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they 
will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature !" 

There  was  no  hesitancy  in  the  judgment  which  the 
audience  was  prepared  to  pronounce  upon  this  inaugural 
address.  From  end  to  end  of  the  Capitol,  from  the 
farthest  limits  of  East  Capitol  Square,  from  the  distant 
street  where  General  Scott  and  his  batteries  were  posted 
as  a  corps  of  observation,  and  from  every  superficial 
foot  of  the  enclosed  space,  a  burst  of  applause  arose 
which  made  loyal  hearts  beat  more  rapidly,  and  the 
blood  in  loyal  arteries  leap  joyously  to  their  extremities. 
Over  and  over  again  the  cheer  was  repeated.  Grave 
senators  and  judges  "  joined  in  the  rapturous  cry, 
and  even  the  ranks  of  slavery  could  scarce  forbear  to 
cheer !" 

The  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  now  came  for 
ward.  His  venerable  appearance  gave  to  what  might 
have  been  a  mere  matter  of  form  great  dignity  and  im 
pressive  significance.  He  extended  an  open  Bible,  upon 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  laid  his  left  hand,  and,  uplifting  his 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  91 

right  arm,  he  slowly  repeated  after  the  Chief  Justice 
the  words  of  the  Constitution.  "  I  do  solemnly  swear 
that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  So  help  me  God!" 

The  ceremony  ended.  Those  upon  the  broad  platform 
rose  and  remained  standing  as  the  President  and  his 
party  passed  back  into  the  building.  The  procession  re 
formed  in  the  same  order  as  before  and  returned,  leav 
ing  at  the  White  House,  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  the  private  citizen  it  had  escorted  from  the  hotel. 
"Within  the  hour  another  carriage,  in  which  there  was  a 
single  occupant,  was  driven  down  the  avenue  to  the  only 
railroad-station  then  in  Washington.  It  contained  ex- 
President  Buchanan,  returning  as  a  private  citizen  to 
his  Pennsylvania  home,  bearing  with  him  less  credit  for 
loyal  service  to  his  country  than  he  deserved.  The 
crowd  rapidly  melted  away.  The  change  was  com 
pleted.  Without  disorder  or  disturbance,  with  the  dig 
nity  befitting  an  act  of  such  transcendent  importance, 
and,  as  events  proved,  upon  the  very  threshold  of  civil 
war,  the  will  of  the  people  expressed  at  the  ballot-box 
was  executed,  the  old  administration  had  surrendered 
its  great  powers  to  the  new,  and  Abraham  Lincoln, 
with  the  prestige  of  law  and  order  in  his  favor,  had 
become  the  President  of  the  Republic.  To  this  de 
sirable  result,  General  Dix  and  Mr.  Stanton  had  each 
powerfully  contributed ;  Judge  Holt  and  others  less  con 
spicuously.  Mr.  Buchanan  might  justly  have  claimed 
credit  for  patriotic  intentions  partly  executed.  It  was 
less  his  fault  than  his  misfortune  that  the  weakness  of 
declining  years  led  him  to  repose  confidence  in  those 
who  were  false  to  their  country  and  to  himself.  But 


92  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

it  was  the  united  opinion  of  the  closest  observers  that 
the  man  to  whose  prudence,  energy,  and  patriotism  the 
country  was  chiefly  indebted  for  the  peace  of  March 
4th,  1861,  was  Winfield  Scott,  Lieutenant-General,  Com 
manding  the  Army. 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  93 


XY. 

SOME  NOTES  UPON  GENERAL  SCOTT  AND  ROBERT  E.  LEE. 

ACCIDENT,  united  with  admiration  for  some  of  his  ster 
ling  qualities,  at  this  time  gave  me  opportunities  of 
acquaintance  with  General  Scott  and  members  of  his 
military  family.  Disregarding  the  chronology  of  events, 
possibly  this  is  as  good  a  time  as  I  shall  have  to  bring 
together  and  revise  the  impressions  made  upon  me  by 
these  interviews. 

No  man,  not  Mr.  Lincoln  himself,  was  at  this  time 
more  intensely  hated  by  the  secessionists  than  General 
Scott.  A  Yirginian  by  birth  and  education,  he  became  a 
citizen  of  South  Carolina,  and,  while  residing  in  Charles 
ton,  left  the  law  for  the  career  of  a  soldier.  He  was  a 
favorite  with  Southern  officers  throughout  his  long  ser 
vice  in  the  army,  and  they  confidently  anticipated  that 
he  would  side  with  the  South  when  the  hour  of  separa 
tion  came.  He  had  been  called  from  New  York  to  Wash 
ington  early  in  December.  Even  before  the  election, 
correctly  forecasting  its  results,  he  had  urgently  advised 
President  Buchanan  to  reinforce  the  Southern  forts  and 
put  them  in  a  better  condition  for  defence.  Many  times 
after  he  came  to  Washington  he  had  pressed  similar 
suggestions  upon  the  Executive.  He  had  become  suspi 
cious  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  on  one  noted  occa 
sion  had  personally  requested  permission  to  send  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  Avith  munitions  of  war  and  sup 
plies,  to  Fort  Sumter  without  the  knowledge  of  that 


94:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

officer.  His  request  was  disregarded,  and  he  then  turned 
his  attention  to  the  defence  of  Washington  and  its  secur 
ity  during  the  inauguration.  Although  himself  reticent 
upon  the  subject,  it  was  known  to  his  friends  that  strong 
influences,  founded  upon  his  attachment  to  his  native 
state,  had  been  brought  to  bear  to  detach  him  from  the 
cause  of  the  Union ;  that  appeals  to  his  duty  to  Vir 
ginia,  offers  of  high  command,  and  arguments  of  influ 
ential  Virginians  had  failed  to  shake  his  loyalty  to  his 
flag.  He  was  reported  to  have  sternly  informed  one 
Virginia  senator  that  his  friendship  for  that  gentleman 
would  not  survive  a  second  suggestion  of  desertion. 

Unable  to  obtain  even  the  promise  of  his  neutrality, 
they  abandoned  all  hope  of  influencing  him,  and  set  him 
down  as  an  enemy  to  be  removed  or  destroyed.  Then 
there  was  a  change !  The  intensity  of  secession  wrath 
and  fury  contrasted  powerfully  with  the  magnificent  con 
tempt  for  both  with  which  the  veteran  pursued  his  path 
to  duty.  They  exhausted  the  vocabulary  for  words 
of  invective,  and  threats  of  assassination  became  so  nu 
merous  that  a  mail  which  did  not  bring  them  was  the 
exception.  I  shall  not  soil  my  pages  with  the  foul  epi 
thets  with  which  they  made  the  city  vocal. 

One  of  their  charges  had  some  evidence  in  its  support. 
"  He  was  untrue  to  the  South,"  they  said,  "  not  because 
he  loved  the  Union,  but  because  he  hated  Jefferson  Davis. 
They  had  been  enemies  for  thirty  years.  The  cause  grew 
out  of  General  Scott's  vanity,  which  had  been  wounded 
by  changes  in  his  "  General  Regulations  for  the  Army," 
for  which  he  held  Mr.  Davis  responsible  while  he  was 
connected  with  West  Point.  Mr.  Davis,  also,  as  chair 
man  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  had 
felt  bound  to  oppose,  and  had  for  several  years  succeeded 
in  postponing,  the  passage  of  the  resolution  which  au- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  95 

thorized  the  President  to  confer  upon  General  Scott  the 
brevet  rank  of  lieutenant-general.  As  a  cabinet  officer, 
he  had  prevented  any  increase  of  pay  under  the  resolu 
tion,  until  Congress  interfered  by  a  positive  declaration 
that  it  be  allowed.  "  It  was  selfish  interest  and  wounded 
vanity,"  they  said,  "  and  not  patriotism  or  fidelity  to 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  that  bound  him  to  the  decaying 
cause  of  the  Union." 

I  once  heard  the  subject  of  his  relations  with  Mr. 
Davis,  and  this  charge,  mentioned  in  his  presence.  It 
was  on  the  9th  of  February,  the  day  following  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Davis  to  the  Presidency  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy. 

"  I  have  no  quarrel  with  Mr.  Davis,"  said  the  veteran 
chief ;  "  I  must  decline  to  discuss  the  statements  to  which 
you  refer.  Possibly  they  may  have  some  color  of  truth. 
For  more  than  thirty  years  he  has  been  my  persistent, 
deadly  enemy.  Yet  he  never  did  me  much  harm.  The 
American  people  took  excellent  care  that  his  plots  against 
me  should  not  succeed.  But  I  can  give  a  better  reason 
why  loyal  men  ought  not  to  consort  with  him.  He  is 
a  false  man — false  by  nature,  habit,  and  choice.  His 
patriotism  consists  in  promoting  the  interests  of  Jeffer 
son  Davis  and  his  pets.  His  pets  are  the  men  that  he 
can  use.  General  Taylor  should  have  been  a  good  judge 
of  Mr.  Davis,  for  he  was  his  father-in-law,  and  had  excel 
lent  opportunities  of  estimating  his  value.  He  despised 
him  thoroughly." 

"  I  am  amazed,"  he  continued,  warming  to  his  sub 
ject,  "that  any  man  of  judgment  should  hope  for  the 
success  of  any  cause  in  which  Jefferson  Davis  is  a  leader. 
There  is  contamination  in  his  touch.  If  secession  was 
the  '  holiest  cause  that  tongue  or  sword  of  mortal  ever 
lost  or  gained,'  he  would  ruin  it !  He  will  bear  a  great 


96  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

amount  of  watching.  My  friends  in  Congress  learned 
that  he  had  arranged  for  a  veto  of  the  resolution  which 
had  passed  both  Houses,  giving  me  the  pay  and  allow 
ances  of  a  lieutenant-general,  according  to  their  inten 
tion,  of  which  his  machinations  had  deprived  me  for 
three  years.  Against  his  opposition,  they  then  incor 
porated  the  resolution  as  an  amendment  into  the  Mili 
tary  Appropriation  Bill,  which  he  could  not  afford  to 
veto.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Military  Committee; 
they  had  to  appoint  a  committee  of  their  own  number 
to  watch  the  amendment  from  its  adoption  until  it  was 
written  into  the  engrossed  bill  to  prevent  its  being  lost ! 
He  is  not  a  cheap  Judas.  I  do  not  think  he  would  have 
sold  the  Saviour  for  thirty  shillings ;  but  for  the  succes- 
sorship  of  Pontius  Pilate,  he  would  have  betrayed  Christ 
and  the  apostles  and  the  whole  Christian  Church !" 

In  his  intercourse  with  Northern  men,  about  the  time 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration,  General  Scott  expressed 
his  opinions  without  any  apparent  reserve.  He  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  abolitionists ;  his  opinions  were  de 
cidedly  pro-slavery.  Long  after  others  had  abandoned 
all  hope  of  a  peaceful  settlement,  he  clung  to  the  hope 
that  a  great  Union  party  might  be  formed  on  the  basis 
of  the  "Crittenden  Kesolutions,"  which  would  bring 
back  the  seceded  states,  and  prevent  war.  If  war  be 
came  inevitable,  he  declared  it  would  be  long,  bloody, 
and  expensive.  The  North  would  prevail,  because  it 
was  the  stronger  in  numbers  and  resources ;  but  it  was 
hopeless  to  attempt  to  subjugate  the  South  with  an 
army  of  less  than  three  hundred  thousand  men.  The 
assertion  that  the  South  was  the  superior  of  the  North 
in  personal  courage  excited  his  contempt.  He  had  led 
men  in  battle  from  every  state  in  the  Union.  There 
was  little  difference  in  their  fighting  qualities.  "Why 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  97 

should  there  be  ?  They  were  of  the  same  race  and  ori 
gin.  Even  the  immigrants  were  principally  of  the  same 
descent.  If  the  Southern  men  had  more  dash,  the  North 
ern  had  better  staying  qualities. 

He  spoke  of  himself  with  equal  freedom.  "  His  day/' 
he  said,  "  had  passed.  Age  and  pain  had  exhausted  him. 
He  had  not  for  many  months  been  able  to  walk  without 
assistance,  or  to  move  without  pain.  The  general  com 
manding  an  army  must  be  able  to  lead  as  well  as  to 
direct  it.  Successful  generals,  from  Alexander  to  Napo 
leon,  with  few  exceptions,  had  been  young  men.  Desaix 
and  Hoche,  the  youngest  marshals  of  Napoleon,  had 
been  his  most  efficient  generals." 

Twice,  in  my  presence,  General  Scott  spoke  in  compli 
mentary  terms  of  Colonel  Kobert  E.  Lee.  One  of  these 
occasions  was  previous  to  the  day  of  the  inauguration, 
immediately  after  Colonel  Lee  arrived  in  Washington 
from  Texas,  and  about  the  first  of  March.  He  "  knew 
him  thoroughly.  He  was  an  accomplished  soldier,  equal 
to  any  position — to  the  command  of  the  army."  He 
spoke  of  the  opinions  of  Colonel  Lee  as  from  personal 
knowledge.  "  He  is  loyal  to  the  Union,"  he  said,  "  from 
principle  as  well  as  birth,  and  his  education  as  a  soldier." 
He  had  very  recent  evidence  that  Colonel  Lee  was  not 
and  never  would  be  a  secessionist. 

The  biographer  of  General  Lee  has  very  recently 
made  public  the  evidence  which,  I  have  no  doubt,  enabled 
General  Scott  to  speak  so  positively  of  the  opinions  at 
that  time  held  by  Colonel  Lee.  He  has  published  a 
letter  written  by  the  latter  from  Texas  to  his  son  in 
Washington  under  date  of  January  23d,  1861,  in  which 
secession  is  condemned  in  emphatic  terms.  He  said: 
"  Secession  is  nothing  but  revolution.  The  framers  of 
our  Constitution  never  would  have  exhausted  so  much 
7 


98  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

labor,  wisdom,  and  forbearance  in  its  formation,  and  sur 
rounded  it  with  so  many  guards  and  securities,  if  it  was 
intended  to  be  broken  by  every  member  of  the  confed 
eracy  at  will.  It  is  intended  for  perpetual  union,  as 
expressed  in  the  preamble,  and  for  the  establishment  of 
a  government,  not  a  compact,  which  can  only  be  dis 
solved  by  revolution  or  the  consent  of  all  the  people  in 
convention  assembled.  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  secession. 
Anarchy  would  have  been  established,  and  not  a  govern 
ment,  by  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and 
all  the  other  patriots  of  the  ^Revolution." 

Within  six  weeks  after  the  4th  of  March,  I  had  occa 
sion  to  recall  these  strong  expressions  by  General  Scott, 
of  his  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  Colonel  Lee.  Instead 
of  waiting  for  the  paymaster  to  make  his  rounds,  the 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  who  resigned  to  take 
service  with  the  Confederacy,  secured  an  arrangement 
with  their  departments  by  which  they  were  paid,  to  the 
date  of  their  resignations,  by  treasury-warrants.  I  be 
lieve  it  was  General  Spinner,  the  treasurer,  who  suggest 
ed  that,  as  these  gentlemen  were  going  South,  we  should 
pay  them  by  drafts  on  the  stolen  assistant-treasuries  in 
the  seceded  states.  As  the  warrants  passed  my  office,  I 
marked  them  for  such  drafts  when  I  had  the  necessary 
information. 

On  one  of  the  dark  days  which  afterwards  shrouded 
the  capital,  when  these  officers  were  deserting  their  flag 
and  resigning  their  commissions  by  scores — being  care 
ful  to  collect  the  last  dollar  of  their  pay — one  of  these 
warrants,  payable  to  a  member  of  the  family  of  Colonel 
Lee,  was  brought  to  me  for  signature.  It  was  on  the 
20th  day  of  April,  three  days  after  the  secession  of  Vir 
ginia.  I  marked  it,  "  Pay  by  draft  on  Bichmond,"  as 
there  was  more  government  money  there  than  in  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  99 

treasury  at  Washington.  Though  we  knew  the  rebels 
had  seized  it,  we  thought  it  would  serve  for  the  payment 
of  rebel  claims.  My  innocent  note  made  trouble.  Several 
of  the  officer's  friends  called  to  assure  me  that  I  was  do 
ing  himself  and  his  family  great  injustice ;  that  they 
were  all  loyal;  that  he  resigned  because  he  could  not 
fight  his  native  state — but  he  would  never  fight  against 
the  Union.  Then  it  was  that  I  heard  the  report  that  it 
was  not  Colonel  Lee  who  was  to  resign ;  it  was  General 
Scott,  and  Colonel  Lee  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the 
command  of  the  Union  army.  I  was  inflexible.  I  would 
not  change  the  order  except  upon  the  written  pledge  of 
the  officer  not  to  enter  the  Confederate  service.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  add  that  the  pledge  was  not  given. 

At  the  time  I  was  being  urged  to  pay  this  claim,  the 
resignation  of  Colonel  Lee  was  in  the  hands  of  General 
Scott.  "It  has  cost  me  a  struggle,"  he  wrote,  "to 
separate  from  superiors  and  comrades  who  have  been  so 
kind  and  considerate  to  me."  But  for  the  republic,  to 
the  bounty  of  which  he  owed  his  education,  his  position, 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  possessions,  there  was  no 
word  of  gratitude,  obligation,  or  regret.  "  Save  in  de 
fence  of  my  native  state,"  he  said,  "  I  never  desire 
again  to  draw  my  sword."  His  intent  and  purpose  did 
not  correspond  to  his  desire. 

Three  days  later,  in  the  state  house  in  Richmond,  he 
received  from  Governor  Letcher  the  appointment  of 
"Commander  of  all  the  military  and  naval  forces  of 
Virginia,"  as  he  declared,  with  an  approving  conscience, 
there  pledging  himself  to  her  service,  and  asserting  that, 
"except  in  her  lehalf,  lie  would  never  again  draw  his 
sword"  On  the  10th  of  May  he  accepted  the  command 
of  "  all  the  forces  of  the  Confederate  States  in  Virginia." 
Twice  he  led  an  invading  army  to  meet  disaster  and  de- 


100  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

feat  north  of  the  Potomac ;  and  if  the  republic  was  not 
destroyed  and  a  slave-ocracy  erected  upon  its  ruins,  it 
was  not  because  he  failed  to  labor  diligently  to  that  end 
from  the  date  last  named  until  rebellion  was  driven  by 
loyal  hands  to  its  unlamented  grave. 

No  loyal  American  desires  to  abate  or  diminish  by 
one  grain  any  credit  gained  by  any  participant  in  the 
rebellion.  He  is  content  that  the  Confederacy  should 
rest  quietly  on  the  bloody  field  where  it  fell  until  it  has 
faded  from  the  memory  of  man.  It  had  no  right  nor 
reason  to  be.  It  was  a  rebellion  against  the  freest 
government  that  ever  existed.  It  was  sown  in  con 
spiracy,  nourished  by  patriotic  blood,  and  perished  from 
exhaustion.  The  sooner  it  is  forgotten,  the  better  for  those 
who  caused  and  upheld  it,  for  the  country,  and  mankind. 

The  defection  of  Colonel  Lee  has  been  treated  by  the 
loyal  North  with  exceptional  charity.  His  conscientious 
ness  in  resigning  his  commission  has  not  been  questioned. 
His  admirers  should  have  accepted  the  situation  and  not 
have  excited  discussion  by  presenting  his  example  as  one 
worthy  of  imitation  by  patriotic  men.  That  discussion 
inevitably  raises  the  question,  What  would  have  happened 
if  Colonel  Lee  had  followed  the  example  of  General  Scott 
and  Major  Geo.  II.  Thomas,  and  continued  loyal  to  the 
Union  ? 

For  more  than  two  centuries  the  Lees  had  been  the 
most  influential  family  in  Virginia.  It  was  a  Lee  who 
gave  to  Washington  his  deserved  place — "  First  in  war, 
first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen." 
By  his  marriage,  Colonel  Lee  had  united  the  wealth  and 
influence  of  the  Washingtons  and  the  Lees.  He  had 
been  made  the  ward  of  the  republic ;  he  had  been  edu 
cated  at  its  expense ;  he  had  voluntarily  enlisted  in  its 
service.  He  had  obtained  his  first,  and  every  succeeding 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  101 

commission,  by  pledging  himself  on  his  honor,  "  to  bear 
true  faith  and  allegiance  to  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica — to  serve  them  honestly  and  faithfully  against  all 
their  enemies  whatsoever,  and  to  obey  the  orders  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  orders  of  the 
officers  appointed  over  him,  according  to  the  rules  and 
articles  of  war."  If  between  the  two  oceans  that  wash 
its  remotest  limits  there  was  one  man  more  firmly  than 
any  other  bound  to  the  service  of  the  republic  by  tra 
dition,  training,  associations,  pecuniary  considerations, 
and  the  honor  of  a  soldier,  that  man  was  Colonel  Lee. 

The  final  verdict  of  history  must  be  that  Colonel  Lee 
had  no  justification  for  his  course.  A  skilful  casuist  may 
sometimes  break  the  force  of  an  invincible  argument  by 
some  bold  assertion  which,  although  it  may  be  true,  has 
no  relevancy  to  the  subject.  The  only  plea  of  justifica 
tion  made  by  himself  at  the  time,  or  his  eulogists  since, 
was  that  he  "could  not  draw  his  sword  against  Vir 
ginia."  To  this  plea  I  demur,  for  irrelevancy.  There 
was  no  issue  with  Virginia,  no  question  pending  of  draw 
ing  swords  against  her  or  in  her  defence.  Colonel  Lee 
came  to  Washington  on  the  1st  of  March,  opposed  to 
secession,  as  is  shown  by  his  letters.  A  president,  whose 
election  was  admitted  to  have  been  fair  and  by  constitu 
tional  methods,  was  shortly  afterwards  inaugurated,  and 
became  the  head  of  the  government.  He  was  pledged 
to  non-interference  with  slavery,  bound  by  his  oath  to 
maintain  the  Union.  He  had  made  no  threat,  proposed 
no  violent  measures.  Virginia  was  still  a  member  of 
the  Federal  Union.  At  her  last  election  the  Unionists 
were  a  powerful  majority.  Had  Colonel  Lee  remained 
loyal,  had  he  thrown  the  weight  of  his  family,  his  name, 
and  his  influence  into  the  scale  for  the  Union,  had  he 
accepted  the  command  of  the  Union  armies,  which  he 


102  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

says  was  tendered  to  him.  by  the  President's  authority, 
who  shall  say  that  the  balance  would  not  have  been 
turned — that  he  would  not  have  saved  the  country  from 
war  and  Virginia  from  devastation  ? 

The  ability  of  General  Lee  as  a  leader  of  armies  was 
very  great.  It  was  acquired  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States.  His  character  was  elevated,  and  in  many  re 
spects  worthy  of  imitation,  for  its  foundations  were  laid 
in  the  first  military  school  of  the  republic.  He  was 
not  unduly  elated  by  victory,  nor  depressed  by  defeat. 
He  was  respected  by  his  foes,  admired  by  his  intimates, 
beloved  by  his  soldiers.  Next  after  his  desire  to  win 
victories  was  his  purpose  to  mitigate  the  evils  of  war. 
Only  one  unsoldierly  act,  and  that  was  one  of  omission, 
was  ever  mentioned  to  his  discredit.  It  was  that  he  did 
not  actively  interfere  to  suppress  the  horrible  treatment 
of  Union  prisoners.  Of  that  no  man  should  be  accused 
except  upon  plenary  proof.  He  was  the  pride  of  the 
Confederacy,  and  the  love  which  the  Virginians  bore 
him  surpassed  their  love  for  Washington.  Peace  to  his 
ashes,  and  honor  to  his  memory !  But  it  cannot  be  for 
gotten  that  his  otherwise  stainless  life  was  defaced  by 
one  gigantic  error,  which  must  not  be  suppressed  lest 
any  man  fall  after  the  same  example. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  1Q3 


XYI. 

THE  NONES  AND  IDES  OF  MARCH,— THE  NEW  CABINET. 

Tim  inaugural  address  called  forth  opinions  as  diverse 
as  the  issues  which  disturbed  the  country.  The  Union 
ists  in  the  South  received  it  with  favor.  They  said  its 
tone  was  pacific,  and  that  no  just  complaint  could  be 
made  of  the  evident  purpose  of  the  author  to  preserve 
the  Union  and  to  perform  his  constitutional  duty  of 
enforcing  the  laws.  The  organs  of  the  Douglas  Democ 
racy  declared  that  in  its  statesmanship  it  met  the  ex 
pectations  of  the  country,  and  its  effects  would  be  salu 
tary.  The  Secessionists  denounced  it  as  sectional  and 
mischievous,  and  insisted  that  if  the  President  meant 
what  he  said,  it  was  the  knell  and  requiem  of  the  Union, 
and  the  death-blow  of  hope.  The  pronounced  Republi 
cans  were  inclined  to  reserve  their  judgment.  They  did 
not  quite  like  his  positive  pledge  not  to  interfere  with 
slavery ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  with  a  strong  tendency 
to  conciliate,  it  was  decided  in  its  condemnation  of  seces 
sion  and  in  its  purpose  to  preserve  the  Union.  The  fact 
was  that  none  of  the  parties  appreciated  the  dignity  and 
power  of  the  document,  nor  the  ability  and  sound  sense 
of  its  author.  Read  by  the  light  of  subsequent  events, 
it  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  able  state  papers  of  its 
generation,  and  fully  equal  to  the  great  demands  of  the 
emergency. 

The  announcement  of  the  names  of  the  cabinet  officers 
for  the  moment  diverted  the  public  attention  from  other 
subjects.  They  were  obviously  selected  upon  the  novel, 


104:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

and  it  was  feared  dangerous,  principle  of  placing  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  those  members  of  the  suc 
cessful  party  most  in  favor  with  the  people,  as  shown 
by  their  strength  in  the  nominating  convention.  Upon 
this  principle  Mr.  Seward  had  no  competitor  for  the  De 
partment  of  State.  Mr.  Chase  was  selected  for  the 
Treasury,  Mr.  Cameron  for  the  War  Department,  and 
Mr.  Bates  for  the  Attorney-Generalship.  The  President 
desired  that  the  slave-holding  states  should  have  a  more 
decided  representative  of  their  interests  than  Mr.  Bates, 
and  places  were  offered  to  distinguished  statesmen  of  Vir 
ginia  and  North  Carolina.  Upon  their  declination  the 
vacancies  remaining  were  filled  by  Montgomery  Blair, 
of  Maryland,  who  had  considerable  strength  in  the  nom 
inating  convention,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  a  moderate  Repub 
lican  from  Indiana,  and  Mr.  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  a 
very  conservative  representative  of  Isew  England. 

In  the  construction  of  his  cabinet  Mr.  Lincoln  had  ob 
viously  determined  to  secure  strength  at  the  sacrifice  of 
unity.  It  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  the  views  of 
Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Chase,-  or  Mr.  Cameron  and  Mr. 
Bates,  could  be  harmonized.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Cabinet  comprised  some  of  the  strongest  men  of  the 
party,  who  would  administer  their  several  departments, 
each  in  his  own  way,  perhaps,  but  with  force  and  energy. 
One  question  was  settled  by  the  announcement  of  their 
names  :  there  would  be  no  more  concessions  to  slavery ! 

My  own  awakening  to  the  proximity  of  war  occurred 
on  the  evening  of  March  3d.  I  had  been  the  secretary, 
and  Governor  Chase  the  chairman,  of  the  caucus  of  Re 
publican  members  of  the  Peace  Conference.  We  oc 
cupied  adjacent  apartments  at  the  Rugby ;  we  were 
thrown  together  almost  daily,  and  I  had  acquired  a  high 
opinion  of  the  abilities  of  the  Ohio  statesman.  On  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  105 

evening  in  question,  he  called  at  my  rooms,  and  in  his 
peculiarly  concise  manner  said :  "  I  have  consented  to 
accept  the  Treasury  under  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  wish  to  have 
you  take  one  of  its  bureaus." 

I  thanked  him,  but  said  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
accept  the  offer.  I  was  dependent  upon  my  profession, 
I  had  a  young  family  to  educate,  and  I  could  not  afford 
to  accept  office  upon  so  small  a  salary. 

"We  are  living  at  a  time  when  such  considerations 
have  no  weight,"  he  said.  "  Within  a  few  weeks  men  of 
your  age  and  health  will  have  no  choice.  You  will  be 
compelled  to  enter  the  service  of  the  government.  You 
are  worth  more  in  the  Treasury  than  you  can  be  in  the 
field  ;  therefore  it  is  your  duty  to  go  into  the  Treasury." 

"  Is  it  possible,"  I  asked,  "  that  you  think  we  are  on 
the  verge  of  war  ?  that  we  are  to  have  bloodshed  ?" 

"  There  is  no  more  doubt  of  it,  in  my  opinion,"  he  said, 
"  than  there  is  of  your  existence.  There  is  only  one  way 
to  avoid  it.  It  is  that  suggested  by  General  Scott,  to 
say  to  the  seceded  states,  (  Wayward  sisters,  depart  in 
peace  !'  Would  New  England  consent  to  that  P 

"No,"  I  answered,  "  not  to  the  diminution  of  the 
Union  by  one  square  inch !  But  I  cannot  take  in  the 
possibility,  the  suggestion  of  war,  writh  all  its  conse 
quences.  I  must  think  over  what  you  tell  me.  I  can 
not  leave  Vermont — it  is  the  home  of  my  fathers." 

The  words  of  Governor  Chase  were  a  shock  as  well  as 
a  surprise  to  me.  Except  our  brief  experience  in  dis 
tant  Mexico,  the  existing  generation  knew  nothing  of 
war.  We  had  all  assumed  that  the  good  sense  of  Con 
gress  would  discover  some  way  of  avoiding  war — of  ar 
ranging  the  controversy  without  disunion  or  final  sepa 
ration.  This  conviction  of  Mr.  Chase  confounded  me. 
But  I  persisted  that  family  duties  and  professional  busi- 


106  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ness  forbade  my  acceptance  of  any  office  except  the  col- 
lectorship  of  my  own  district,  for  which  I  then  informed 
him  I  should  be  an  applicant. 

I  returned  to  my  Vermont  home  and  my  law  office. 
After  the  confirmation  of  the  Cabinet,  for  nearly  three 
weeks  there  was  a  lull  in  the  public  excitement,  and  ne 
gotiations  on  the  part  of  the  seceded  states  were  again 
attempted.  On  the  22d  of  March  I  was  summoned  to 
Washington.  I  met  Governor  Chase,  who  informed  me 
that  he  had  appointed  a  collector  for  the  district  of  Ver 
mont,  and,  as  I  thought,  with  very  little  consideration 
for  my  claims.  He  again  pressed  me  to  accept  an  ap 
pointment  in  the  Treasury,  which  I  was  again  compelled 
to  decline.  On  my  way  home  I  passed  the  night  at  the 
Astor  House,  in  JSTew  York  city,  and  at  breakfast,  on  the 
morning  of  March  26th,  read  in  the  newspapers  the  an 
nouncement  of  my  confirmation  as  Register  of  the  Treas 
ury,  to  which  office  I  had  been  appointed  on  the  day 
before. 

On  reaching  my  home  I  found  a  letter  from  Secretary 
Chase,  asking  me  to  accept  the  office  of  register,  at 
least  for  the  time,  and  to  return  to  Washington  as  soon 
as  I  could  make  arrangements  for  an  absence  of  a  few 
weeks  from  my  business.  I  set  about  these  arrange 
ments,  and  for  nearly  three  weeks  was  actively  occupied 
with  them. 

On  the  14th  of  April  there  was  a  whispered  rumor, 
which  found  speedy  confirmation.  The  first  gun  of  trea 
son  had  been  fired  against  Fort  Sumter.  Next  we  heard 
that  Sumter  had  fallen.  The  first  effect  of  this  informa 
tion  on  the  public  mind  was  stupefying,  as  when  a  deadly 
blow  is  struck  across  the  temples.  It  was  nearly  two 
days  before  the  reaction  began.  Then  it  swept  every 
thing  before  it.  In  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  107 

eye,  as  if  at  the  call  of  a  trumpet,  the  united  voice  of  the 
loyal  North  denounced  the  treason  and  invoked  judg 
ment  on  the  traitors.  I  have  some  notes  of  the  begin 
ning  of  the  uprising  of  a  great  people  made  at  the  time. 
I  will  transcribe  a  few  of  them : 

"  Monday,  April  15th,  at  9  A.M.,  I  left  Burlington  for 
Washington.  Yesterday  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Fort 
Sumter  to  the  rebels  by  Major  Anderson  swept  through 
New  England.  The  indignation  is  indescribable.  "With 
it  came  the  answer  of  the  President  to  the  delegates 
from  Virginia,  that  he  should  not  depart  from  the  prin 
ciples  of  his  inaugural  address.  Crowds  were  collected 
at  all  the  stations  on  the  railroads,  even  at  the  small 
country  towns,  thirsting  for  news.  At  Rutland  we  had 
the  Troy  morning  papers,  with  the  proclamation  for  an 
extra  session  of  Congress  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  the 
President's  call  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  for  the  re 
capture  of  the  Southern  forts  and  the  defence  of  the 
country.  We  had  an  hour  at  Troy.  The  croAvds  in 
creased  in  numbers  and  exultation.  A  mass-meeting  is 
called  for  to-night  to  arrange  for  enlistments.  Leading 
citizens  sa}r  that  there  is  only  one  party  now — the  party 
of  the  Union.  Gen.  Wool  heads  the  call.  Passed 
through  great  crowds  at  every  station  on  the  railroad, 
and  reached  the  Astor  House  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing.  City  Hall  Square  is  packed  with  an  orderly  crowd, 
which  has  made  a  demonstration  against  the  New  Yorlc 
Herald,  and  compelled  it  to  display  the  Union  flag.  No 
expressions  against  the  Union  or  the  President  are  per 
mitted." 

There  was  little  sleep  that  night  in  the  lower  part  of 
the  city.  Cheers  for  President  Lincoln  and  the  Union, 
and  patriotic  songs  rang  through  the  streets.  A  despatch 
from  Governor  Fairbanks  requested  me  to  ascertain 


108  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

when  the  First  Kegiment  of  Vermont  Volunteers  would 
be  accepted.  I  was  unable  to  get  any  decent  seat  in  the 
train  until  the  following  evening,  and  the  cars  then  were 
crowded.  I  reached  Washington  at  daybreak  on  Wednes 
day,  April  17th.  The  enthusiasm  pervaded  Philadelphia, 
but  was  not  apparent  in  Baltimore,  nor  visible  in  Wash 
ington. 

If  the  experiences  of  that  journey  could  be  adequately 
represented  on  paper,  they  would  serve  as  an  instructive 
lesson  to  all  who  in  future  may  harbor  the  thought  of 
trifling  with  the  Union,  or  showing  any  want  of  respect 
to  the  national  flag.  Men  may  come  and  men  may  go, 
but  the  love  of  Americans  for  the  Stars  and  Stripes  will 
abide  forever.  Never  before  had  the  flag  seemed  to 
me  half  so  glorious.  I  left  my  home  with  no  thought 
but  that  of  returning  to  it  as  soon  as  I  had  performed 
any  temporary  service  which  I  might  be  able  to  render 
to  the  Secretary.  When  I  reached  Washington  I  was 
willing  to  take  any  place  in  which  I  could  render  the 
best  service  to  my  country. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  109 


XYIL 

A  NOVEL  INDUCTION  INTO  OFFICE. 

I  HAD  an  invitation  to  breakfast  with  Secretary  Chase 
at  the  Rugby  House.  He  had  so  many  friends  who 
"waited  on  their  office  according  to  their  order,"  and 
who  pursued  him  even  to  the  breakfast-room,  that  he 
only  had  time  for  a  few  words  with  me.  "  Your  com 
mission,"  he  said,  "  is  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Harrington 
(the  First  Assistant  Secretary).  1  wish  you  would  get 
it,  take  the  oath,  and  assume  possession  of  your  office 
this  morning.  Whatever  may  happen,  I  must  have 
some  Republicans  near  me  upon  whom  I  can  rely." 

Mr.  Harrington  directed  me  to  one  of  the  district 
judges,  before  whom  I  could  take  the  oath  of  office.  A 
clerk,  who  he  said  was  well  known  to  the  judge,  ac 
companied  to  identify  me.  We  found  "  His  Honor  "  not 
in  a  judicial  temper,  and  evidently  much  tossed  about 
in  his  mind.  "  lie  transacted  his  business  in  court,"  he 
said,  "  and  not  at  his  private  residence."  He  declined 
to  recognize  my  attendant.  He  did  not  know  "  why  he 
should  be  annoyed  by  Republican  office-seekers.  He 
should  not  inconvenience  himself  to  accommodate  them ; 
his  court  was  held  at  the  City  Hall ;  it  opened  at  eleven 
o'clock." 

"  I  am  here,"  I  remarked,  "  at  this  early  hour,  at  the 
special  request  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  am 
assured  that  you  have  often  administered  oaths  upon 
the  identification  of  the  clerk  sent  here  with  me.  Being 


HO  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

myself  a  lawyer,  I  can  recognize  an  unsound  excuse  for 
the  non-performance  of  a  judicial  duty.  I  respectfully 
ask  you  to  administer  the  oath,  or,  in  plain  terms,  and 
not  by  inference,  decline  to  do  so." 

He  snatched  the  commission  from  my  hand,  mutter 
ing,  in  an  undertone,  something  about  "  committal "  and 
"  for  disrespect,"  scrawled  his  name  upon  the  paper,  and 
flung  it  at  me  in  a  contemptuous  manner.  "  You  have 
certified  to  what  is  not  true,"  I  said.  "  If  this  manner 
of  administering  an  official  oath  suits  you,  I  think  your 
certificate  will  answer  my  purpose." 

It  was,  I  think,  his  last  judicial  act.  He  "  went  South" 
the  next  day,  and  I  saw  him  no  more.  1  refer  to  this 
incident  because  it  illustrates  the  sullen  anger  of  the 
Secessionists  who  at  that  time  swarmed  in  the  streets  of 
"Washington. 

My  predecessor  in  office  received  me  courteously,  and 
introduced  me  to  the  clerks  and  employes  in  the  bureau. 
He  had  prepared  for  the  change,  and  delivered  the  office 
to  me  in  excellent  working  order.  He  soon  after  took 
his  departure,  offering  his  services  should  I,  at  any  time, 
have  occasion  to  need  them. 

My  first  discovery  in  office  was  that  its  atmosphere 
was  one  which  I  could  not  breathe,  and  to  which  I  could 
never  become  accustomed.  It  was  as  fatal  to  personal 
independence  as  carbonic-acid  gas  to  animal  life.  The 
clerks  approached  the  presence  of  the  head-officer  as  if 
he  were  a  superior  being.  I  never  could  tolerate  the 
sight  of  a  person  who  came  up  to  me  "  washing  his  hands 
with  invisible  soap  in  imperceptible  water."  The  change 
of  a  cringing,  grovelling  carriage  in  the  presence  of  supe 
riors  was  my  first  official  decision.  It  had  been  attend 
ed  with  petty  tyranny  over  inferiors. 

There  were  but  slight  indications  that  Washington 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

would  take  any  part  in  the  answer  which  I  knew  would 
be  returned  from  the  North  to  the  call  of  the  President 
for  seventy-live  thousand  men.  One  or  two  volunteer 
companies  had  tendered  their  services,  and  the  War  De 
partment  had  accepted  them.  But  every  one  seemed 
to  be  waiting  to  see  what  Virginia  would  do.  If  Vir 
ginia  seceded,  the  prevailing  opinion  seemed  to  be  that 
the  cause  of  the  Union  was  hopeless.  I  did  not  like  the 
atmosphere  nor  the  surroundings.  My  first  day  of  offi 
cial  life  was  neither  cheerful  nor  satisfactory. 

The  first  papers  presented  for  my  signature,  on  the 
morning  of  April  18th,  were  certificates  for  the  fraction 
of  the  month's  salary  claimed  by  two  clerks  who  had 
resigned  to  take  office  under  the  Confederacy  at  Mont 
gomery,  Alabama.  My  chief  clerk  said  that  my  cer 
tificates  were  necessary  to  enable  them  to  draw  their 
money. 

"Why  should  they  draw  their  money?"  I  asked. 
"  Does  not  a  deserter  always  forfeit  any  pay  otherwise 
due  him  ?" 

He  did  not  know,  he  said.  It  had  been  the  custom 
in  all  the  bureaus.  My  predecessor  had  always  signed 
the  certificates.  He  supposed  I  would  not  wish  to  change 
the  practice. 

I  said  the  matter  would  require  consideration.  From 
the  effect  produced  by  this  observation,  one  would  have 
supposed  desertion  to  be  a  virtue  rather  than  an  offence. 
The  story  of  the  "  outrage  "  flew  on  the  wings  of  the  wind. 
The  injured  clerks  demanded  an  interview.  They  were 
filled  with  indignation.  Had  they  not  a  right  to  resign  ? 
Could  they  do  otherwise  than  follow  the  fortunes  of  their 
states  ?  The  practice  of  paying  up  to  the  date  of  the 
acceptance  was  universal.  This  refusal  deprived  them 
of  their  earned  wages,  etc. 


112  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

I  made  an  end  of  the  subject  by  the  remark  that,  mor 
ally,  I  could  see  no  distinction  between  their  cases  and 
that  of  a  soldier  who  deserts  his  flag ;  that  I  had  neither 
love  nor  respect  for  traitors  or  deserters,  and  that,  with 
my  present  views,  I  should  not  sign  those  nor  any  simi 
lar  certificates  without  the  special  order  of  the  secre 
tary. 

I  had  scarcely  disposed  of  these  gentlemen  before  I 
received  a  request  to  attend  at  the  office  of  Assistant 
Secretary  Harrington,  at  two  o'clock  on  the  same  day. 
It  was  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs  of  the  bureaus  of  the 
Treasury.  There  were  no  absentees.  Mr.  Harrington 
said  that  the  secretary  would  like  to  have  our  views 
concerning  the  defence  of  the  Treasury,  if  an  attack 
should  be  made  upon  it.  I  think  General  Francis  E. 
Spinner,  wThom  I  then  met  for  the  first  time,  made  the 
first  answer. 

"  I  am  for  defending  the  Treasury,"  he  said;  "but  first 
I  would  put  it  into  a  condition  to  be  defended.  The 
building  needs  cleaning  out.  I  prefer  to  take  my  seces 
sion  clear,  unadulterated,  from  the  outside.  We  should 
know  whom  we  can  depend  upon.  The  doubtful  and 
uncertain  should  be  excluded  from  the  building.  I  do 
not  wish  to  have  men  around  me  who  require  watching." 

These  views  met  with  universal  assent.  In  less  time 
than  is  required  to  write  the  account  it  was  agreed  that 
the  clerks  and  messengers  of  all  the  bureaus  should  be 
called  together  at  four  o'clock,  and  the  number  of  those 
ascertained  who  would  unite  in  the  defence  of  the  Treas 
ury. 

"  I  will  have  my  say !"  said  one,  as  the  indications  of 
adjournment  became  pressing.  "  My  military  education 
was  neglected.  It  consisted  in  blowing  the  fife  one  day 
at  a  June  training.  Why  may  we  not  have  an  officer 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  113 

from  the  War  Department  to  teach  us  at  least  the  drill 
of  the  awkward  squad  ?" 

"Your  question,  I  think,  justifies  me  in  giving  you 
information  of  one  fact,"  said  Mr.  Harrington,  address 
ing  the  meeting.  "  It  was  arranged  that  Captains  Shi- 
ras  and  Franklin,  from  the  War  Department,  should  or 
ganize  the  Treasury  regiment,  when  the  secretary  de 
cided  first  to  consult  you.  You  will  find  the  appearance 
of  the  Treasury  changed  in  the  morning.  There  will  be 
no  want  of  arms  or  instructors." 

We  returned  to  our  offices.  I  can  only  speak  of  what 
took  place  in  my  own.  To  insure  that  all  should  be 
notified,  I  called  the  clerks  into  my  room,  and  gave  the 
notices  in  person.  There  was  a  flutter  of  excitement, 
followed  by  several  applications  for  leave  of  absence. 
.None  were  granted.  At  five  o'clock  each  employe  of 
the  office  had  the  opportunity  to  sign  the  following  pa 
per  :  "  I  will  defend  the  Treasury,  under  the  orders  of 
the  officer  in  charge  of  it,  against  all  its  enemies,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability." 

This  was  not  a  complicated  pledge,  but  it  was  not  re 
ceived  with  enthusiasm.  In  fact,  it  reminded  me  of  the 
reception  of  an  invitation  mentioned  by  St.  Luke,  for 
"They  all,  with  one  consent,  began  to  make  excuse." 
I  do  not  know  that  any  of  them  had  bought  a  piece  of 
ground,  or  five  yoke  of  oxen,  or  had  married  a  wife,  but 
one  had  a  sick  wife,  another  was  surrounded  by  Seces 
sionist  neighbors,  who  would  make  his  life  a  burden  if 
he  openly  joined  any  Union  organization;  there  was  a 
perfect  epidemic  of  heart  and  nervous  diseases,  and  one 
belonged  to  a  family  in  which  palpitation  of  the  heart 
was  hereditary,  and  always  brought  on  by  any  sudden 
shock.  I  assured  them  that  I  sincerely  regretted  their 
unfortunate  situations,  but  I  could  not  see  that  it  was 
8 


114  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

important  to  the  government  whether  it  was  deprived 
of  their  services  by  cowardice  or  misfortune ;  it  was  the 
loss  of  the  services  in  defence  of  the  Treasury  which  was 
material. 

It  remained  for  an  old  Southerner  to  put  them  to 
shame.  He  had  been  in  the  office  almost  half  a  century ; 
he  belonged  to  an  old  Carolina  family.  He  had  been 
appointed  when  very  young,  and  was  put  in  charge  of 
surrendered  ship's  registers,  in  the  basement  of  the 
Treasury,  where  scarcely  any  one  ever  had  occasion  to 
go,  and  where  he  had  been  for  so  long  a  time  that  con 
nections  with  his  family  and  friends  had  long  since  ceased 
to  exist.  "  I  never  fired  a  gun  in  my  life,"  he  said.  "  I 
could  not  hit  the  side  of  a  barn,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
I  am  a  coward.  But  as  long  as  the  star-spangled  ban 
ner  waves,  I  have  something  to  live  for.  If  I  am  too  old 
to  be  of  any  other  use,  I  can  at  least  act  as  a  powder- 
monkey,  and  my  body  will  stop  a  Secession  bullet  with 
the  best  of  you."  He  seized  the  pen,  and  the  name  first 
signed  to  the  paper  was  that  of  Francis  Lowndes. 

His  example  was  followed  by  all  except  two  or  three. 
They  were  directed  to  report  for  further  orders  at  nine 
o'clock  on  the  following  morning. 

On  the  six-o'clock  train  between  five  and  six  hundred 
Pennsylvanians  arrived,  the  first  volunteers  for  the  de 
fence  of  the  capital.  "  There  is  a  rumor  that  the  Vir 
ginia  Convention  has  passed  the  ordinance  of  secession ! 
All  the  cars  and  locomotives  have  been  sent  to  Richmond. 
The  government  should  have  seized  them  ten  clays  ago. 
Commodore  Paulding,  from  Norfolk,  reports  no  disturb 
ance  there,  and  that  he  has  two  ships  in  position  to  pro 
tect  the  government  property.  These  reports  are  unsat 
isfactory.  If  Virginia  has  seceded,  a  long  war  seems  to 
me  inevitable."  Such  was  my  note  of  that  day. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  H5 


XVIII. 

THE  ISOLATION  OF  THE  CAPITOL.— AN  ALARMED  VIRGINIAN. 

!Nb  account  of  the  isolation  of  Washington  has  yet 
been  written.  It  began  on  Friday,  April  19,  and  ended 
on  the  Thursday  following.  It  was  unpredicted,  and  to 
many  as  alarming  as  eclipses  formerly  were  to  super 
stitious  peoples. 

On  Friday  morning  the  Treasury  seemed  singularly 
metamorphosed.  Armed  men  guarded  its  entrances, 
and  excluded  all  but  officers  and  employes.  Stacks  of 
rifles  and  boxes  of  cartridges  occupied  the  halls ;  busy 
men  were  fitting  huge  beams  into  the  openings,  and  pil 
ing  sand-bags  into  exposed  places.  Barricades,  from 
floor  to  ceiling,  closed  the  way  to  the  vaults,  and  the 
sharp  notes  of  the  bugle  rang  out  at  intervals.  Captains 
Franklin  and  Shiras  had  opened  an  enlistment  office,  and 
were  forming  the  Treasury  regiment,  and  recruits  in 
squads  were  already  being  drilled  in  all  the  unoccupied 
spaces. 

Applications  to  the  register  for  leaves  of  absence 
were  numerous.  The  epidemic  of  nervous  diseases  was 
on  the  increase.  I  granted  them  freely.  I  did  not  ex 
pect  the  applicants  would  return,  and  I  was  not  disap 
pointed. 

Colonel  Lane,  of  Kansas,  and  Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Ken 
tucky,  each  formed  volunteer  companies  from  strangers 
temporarily  in  the  city,  which  were  accepted  as  guards 
of  the  Executive  Mansion.  Squads  of  these  companies 
were  under  instruction,  and  were  being  drilled  in  the 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

vacant  lots  and  broad  streets  in  the  vicinity  of  the  White 
House  and  the  Treasury. 

The  first  news  received  from  the  outside  was  that  the 
company  of  regulars  at  Harper's  Ferry  had  sent  as  many 
of  the  arms  as  they  could  place  on  the  train  to  "Wash 
ington,  and  had  burned  the  remainder— about  fourteen 
thousand  stands.  The  Virginians  had  organized  a  force 
to  capture  the  armory  as  soon  as  the  ordinance  of  seces 
sion  had  been  adopted  by  the  Virginia  Convention. 

At  noon  another  rumor  convulsed  the  city.  It  was 
said  that  the  Seventh  New  York  Eegiment  had  been  cut 
to  pieces  by  a  mob  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore.  I  knew 
that  regiment  had  not  yet  left  New  York.  But  some 
regiment  had  been  attacked,  and  it  was  assumed,  in  the 
excitement,  that  a  similar  attack  would  be  made  upon 
the  few  volunteers  in  Washington.  Soon  we  heard  that 
the  regiment  had  fought  its  way  through  Baltimore, 
and  was  coming,  with  its  dead  and  wounded,  on  a  train 
which  would  arrive  about  six  o'clock  that  evening. 

I  went  to  the  station  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  train. 
The  crowd  was  large,  and  in  no  mood  to  listen  to  trea 
sonable  observations.  I  heard  one  man  remark  that  the 
regiment  was  one  of  those  sent  by  that  d — d  abolitionist, 
Governor  Andrew.  The  next  moment  he  was  sprawling 
in  the  gutter.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  by  his  assailant. 

The  train  arrived.  The  soldiers  left  the  cars  and 
formed  in  two  lines  on  the  street.  Then  a  procession  of 
men,  with  stretchers,  came  out  of  the  station.  On  each 
lay  a  wounded  man.  I  counted  seventeen.  Their  dead 
they  had  left  in  Baltimore.  The  wounded  were  placed 
in  ambulances  and  sent  to  the  Washington  Infirmary. 

"  Three  or  four  persons  in  citizen's  dress  were  engaged 
in  an  excited  conversation  with  a  number  of  officers. 
They  were  from  Baltimore,  and  had  come  to  arrest  the 


AXD   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  117 

soldier  who  had  fired  from  the  train  and  killed  one  Davis, 
a  Baltimore  merchant.  These  officers  claimed  that  they 
could  identify  the  soldier,  and  proposed  to  arrest  him  on 
the  spot.  The  colonel  said  that  he  would  interpose  no 
objection,  but  he  would  not  assist  them  in  making  the 
arrest,  because  the  man  was  cheering  for  Jeff.  Davis 
when  he  was  shot.  He  should  leave  the  matter  with  his 
men.  The  men,  with  few  words,  convinced  the  officers 
that  they  could  not  arrest  one  man  unless  they  were 
prepared  to  arrest  the  entire  regiment,  whereupon  they 
abandoned  the  undertaking. 

A  Baltimore  acquaintance  described  the  march  of  the 
last  one  hundred  men  through  the  streets  as  an  act  of 
singular  gallantry.  They  wTere  cut  off  from  the  rest  of 
the  regiment,  and  surrounded  by  the  mob.  Forming 
into  a  square,  with  fixed  bayonets,  in  double-quick  time 
they  drove  their  way  through  a  howling  crowd  of  a 
hundred  times  their  number,  and  a  shower  of  clubs, 
stones,  and  shots,  to  the  train,  without  firing  a  shot  in 
return. 

The  rumors  flying  over  the  city  on  Saturday  were 
numerous,  contradictory,  and  kept  every  one  who  gave 
them  much  attention  in  a  flutter  of  excitement.  The 
steamers  running  to  Aquia  Creek  were  ordered  to 
Kichmond,  but  were  sent  to  the  navy  yard,  and  taken 
possession  of  by  the  "War  Department.  The  Department 
was  closed  at  twelve  o'clock,  the  keys,  except  of  the 
vaults,  being  left  in  the  doors  to  enable  the  engineers 
and  two  hundred  regulars  under  their  orders  to  com 
plete  the  defences  of  the  building.  Awkward  squads, 
belonging  to  the  Department  regiments,  were  being 
drilled  wherever  there  was  a  suitable  place.  • 

Sunday  morning  brought  a  heavy  crop  of  new  rumors, 
but  no  mails  or  newspapers  from  the  North.  The  mo- 


118  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

notony  of  the  day  was  broken  by  one  incident,  which  was 
both  amusing  and  interesting.  After  church,  I  walked 
down  the  avenue  in  the  direction  of  the  Capitol.  The 
sidewalks  were  crowded,  and  I  was  suddenly  thrown 
into  the  carriageway  by  a  person  who,  with  head  bowed 
down,  was  rushing  madly  forwards,  apparently  desirous 
of  avoiding  observation.  Believing  that  I  recognized  an 
acquaintance,  acting  in  a  very  strange  manner,  I  over 
took  him,  and,  with  some  difficulty,  identified  him.  It 
proved  to  be  the  author  of  the  "  Private  Libraries  of 
New  York" — a  native  of  Virginia,  recently  domiciled 
in  New  York  city.  He  would  not  recognize  me  at  first, 
but  on  my  insisting,  he  assumed  a  position  of  entreaty 
and  exclaimed,  "  Hush,  hush !  I  must  not  be  known. 
For  God's  sake,  tell  me  how  I  can  get  across  the  river." 
I  thought  he  had  gone  crazy,  but  he  proved  to  be  only 
excited.  I  invited  him,  and,  after  much  persuasion,  in 
duced  him,  to  go  to  my  rooms.  But  he  insisted  that  he 
was  pursued — that  his  life  was  in  danger,  and  he  should 
not  be  safe  until  he  could  reach  Virginia.  He  was  suf 
fering  from  hunger  as  well  as  terror.  He  was  an  edu 
cated  gentleman,  naturally  of  a  nervous  temperament, 
who  really  believed  the  North  had  gone  mad.  From 
his  account  of  the  departure  of  the  Seventh  New  York, 
and  the  preparations  for  the  great  meeting  on  Saturday, 
I  began  to  gain  some  idea  of  the  great  uprising.  After 
I  had  persuaded  him  to  take  some  refreshment,  which 
somewhat  quieted  his  nerves,  I  ascertained  that  he  had 
come  by  the  way  of  Annapolis,  and  might  be  able  to 
give  some  reliable  information  concerning  the  New  York 
Seventh  and  the  Massachusetts  Eighth  regiments,  which 
we  had  last  heard  from  at  Philadelphia  on  Saturday, 
where  they  were  taking  steamers  to  come  to  Washing 
ton,  either  by  way  of  Annapolis,  or  up  the  Potomac 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  119 

River.  He  was  uncommunicative,  until  I  proposed  that 
if  he  would  go  with  me  to  the  Executive  Mansion  and 
give  the  President  all  the  information  he  had,  I  would 
procure  him  a  pass  across  the  Potomac  into  Virginia. 
He  accepted  the  offer.  I  introduced  him  to  the  Presi 
dent,  who,  by  a  skilful  cross-examination,  extracted  the 
few  facts  in  his  possession. 

New  York,  he  said,  was  ablaze  with  excitement. 
Nothing  favorable  to  the  South  was  permitted  to  be 
published  or  spoken.  All  the  Southerners  had  been 
notified  to  leave  the  city  within  ten  hours  on  pain  of 
death;  all  their  property  had  been  seized,  and  "several 
had  been  hung  to  the  lamp-posts.  He  saw  the  Seventh 
Regiment  depart.  The  whole  city  was  out  to  see  them 
off.  They  had  left  Philadelphia  on  Saturday  with  a 
Massachusetts  regiment  on  separate  steamers,  and  had 
not  since  been  heard  of.  The  bridges  on  the  railroads 
had  been  burned ;  he  saw  some  of  them  burning.  He 
was,  or  claimed  to  be,  unable  to  tell  by  what  route  he 
came.  One  prevailing  idea  filled  his  mind.  The  whole 
North  was  already  on  the  way  to  the  invasion  and  de 
struction  of  the  South !  They  were  coming  down  like 
an  avalanche.  General  B.  F.  Butler  was  to  be  the  leader 
of  the  invading  army. 

The  information  extorted  from  the  doctor  scarcely 
paid  for  the  trouble.  He  received  his  pass,  however, 
and  disappeared,  making  rapid  speed  in  the  direction  of 
the  Long  Bridge  across  the  Potomac  River. 


120  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XIX. 

BALTIMORE  BLOCKS  THE  WAY. 

ON  Saturday,  April  20th,  Washington  was  detached 
from  the  loyal  states.  We  had  no  mails  from  the  North, 
no  communication  by  railroad  or  telegraph  with  Phila 
delphia,  Harrisburgh,  or  places  north  or  west  of  either 
city.  For  news  we  had  only  rumor,  which  informed 
us  that  bridges  had  been  burned  on  all  the  railroads 
running  into  Baltimore ;  that  the  steam  ferry-boat  at 
Havre-de-Grace  had  been  sunk,  and  that  no  regiments 
on  the  way  could  reach  the  capital. 

For  outside  information  we  were  served  with  the 
Baltimore  Sun.  That  rebel  sheet  declared  that  "  Yes 
terday  the  best  blood  of  Maryland  was  spilled  by  North 
ern  mercenaries."  It  demanded  that  u  not  another  sol 
dier  from  the  North  shall  desecrate  the  soil  of  Maryland." 
It  reported  a  public  meeting  of  citizens  of  Baltimore, 
one  of  whom,  Carr  by  name,  was  "  ready  to  shoulder  his 
musket  for  the  defence  of  Southern  homes,"  and  who 
demanded  to  be  immediately  informed,  "  whether  the 
minions  of  Lincoln  should  cross  the  soil  of  Maryland,  to 
subjugate  our  sisters  of  the  South."  And  the  citizens 
answered  by  unanimous  shouts,  "  No !  never !" 

There  has  been  so  much  written  that  is  wrong  touch 
ing  the  .action  of  the  officers  and  people  of  Maryland  on 
and  after  the  19th  of  April,  that  I  feel  justified  in  con 
tributing  some  definite  facts  to  the  literature  of  the  sub 
ject.  Maryland  never  seceded.  Her  governor,  and  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  121 

members  of  her  Legislature  were  elected  as  Union  men. 
Baltimore  was  a  Secessionist  city.  With  the  exception 
of  a  small  minority  of  true  and  daring  Republicans,  her 
people  were  disunionists.  When  the  call  for  seventy- 
five  thousand  men  was  issued,  for  the  general  service  of 
the  government,  Governor  Hicks  had  undertaken  to  say 
that  "  no  troops  would  be  sent  from  Maryland  unless  it 
may  be  for  the  defence  of  the  national  capital;"  and 
the  mayor  of  Baltimore  had  joyously  exclaimed  '-Amen !" 
In  fact,  the  governor,  instead  of  boldly  placing  himself 
on  the  side  of  the  Union,  had  practically  surrendered 
his  authority  to  the  officials  of  Baltimore. 

Accordingly,  no  preparations  were  made  to  protect 
the  Northern  regiments,  and  the  second  one  that  passed 
through  Baltimore  had  to  fight  its  Avay  through  a  mob 
of  ten  times  its  number  of  ruffians,  who  knew  they  had 
the  moral  support  of  the  authorities.  The  newspapers 
said  that  only  three  soldiers  were  killed  and  eight  wound 
ed,  when  more  than  twenty,  with  serious  injuries,  were 
lying  in  the  Washington  Infirmary.  The  mayor  of  the 
city  forthwith  despatched  to  the  President  a  committee 
"  to  explain  the  fearful  condition  of  affairs,"  and  to  in 
form  him  that  "  the  people  are  exasperated  to  the  highest 
degree  by  the  passage  of  troops,  and  the  citizens  are 
universally  decided  that  no  more  troops  should  be  or 
dered  to  come ;"  also  that  "  the  authorities  of  the  city 
did  their  best  to  prevent  a  collision,  and,  but  for  their 
efforts,  a  fearful  slaughter  would  have  occurred."  Gov 
ernor  Hicks  fully  concurred  in  all  that  was  said  by  the 
mayor  in  the  above  communication.  "  A  public  meet 
ing  of  citizens,"  continued  the  mayor,  "  has  been  called, 
and  the  troops  of  the  state  and  the  city  have  been  called 
out  to  preserve  the  peace.  They  will  be  enough."  The 
governor,  the  mayor,  and  the  police  board  telegraphed 


122  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  president  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  to 
"  send  back  the  troops  from  Rhode  Island  and  Massa 
chusetts  to  the  borders  of  Maryland,"  and  President 
Garret t  "  most  cordially  approved  the  advice,  and  gave 
the  necessary  order." 

The  mayor  and  his  committees  met  the  President  and 
General  Scott  on  the  20th  and  21st,  and  reported  that 
the  President  recognized  the  good  faith  of  the  city  and 
state  authorities ;  that  his  sole  object  in  concentrating 
troops  was  the  defence  of  the  capital ;  that  he  protested 
that  none  of  the  troops  brought  through  Maryland  were 
intended  for  any  purpose  "aggressive  as  against  the 
Southern  states,"  and  that,  while  insisting  that  troops 
were  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  capital,  both  the 
President  and  General  Scott  agreed  that  they  would 
bring  them  around  the  city,  and  not  irritate  the  people 
by  marching  them  through  Baltimore.  The  report  is 
too  long  for  insertion  here,  but  in  substance  it  repre 
sented  the  President  as  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the 
Baltimore  authorities ;  that  he  was  conscious  that  the 
"  people  of  all  classes  were  fully  aroused,  and  that  it  was 
impossible  for  any  one  to  answer  for  the  consequences 
of  the  presence  of  Northern  troops  anywhere  within  the 
borders  of  Maryland." 

Had  these  statements  been  true,  had  the  President  and 
General  Scott  been  in  the  temper  of  mind  here  repre 
sented,  Washington  would  have  been  in  rebel  hands 
within  forty-eight  hours.  There  were  many  official  acts 
of  President  Lincoln  which  seem  to  have  exerted  a  pow 
erful  influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  republic,  but  there 
was  none  more  beneficial  in  its  results,  or  which  more 
clearly  shows  his  cool  judgment,  than  his  dealing  with 
the  Secessionists  of  Baltimore  at  this  time  of  universal 
excitement,  almost  at  the  beginning  of  his  official  career. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  123 

When  he  gave  these  gentlemen  his  answer,  he  knew 
of  some  events  of  which  they  were  ignorant.  He  knew 
that  his  call  for  men  had  already  been  approved  by  the 
loyal  nation ;  that  more  men  than  he  had  called  for  had 
been  tendered  by  a  single  state ;  that  there  had  been  a 
great  uprising  of  the  people  which  rendered  the  insolent 
answers  of  some  rebel  governors  pitiful  by  contrast ;  that 
every  hamlet,  as  well  as  every  city,  from  Maine  to  Ore 
gon,  was  alive  with  the  work  of  preparation,  and  that 
choice  regiments  from  Massachusetts  and  New.  York,  the 
advance  guard  of  the  legions  to  follow,  were  already 
within  the  waters  of  Maryland. 

No  ;  Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  take  that  moment  to 
bargain  with  Secessionists.  It  is  not  impossible  that  these 
gentlemen  were  deceived  by  his  apparent  unconcern.  In 
the  account  given  by  himself  to  Baltimore  Republicans 
of  his  interview  with  the  mayor  and  his  friends,  he  said 
that  he  told  them  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to 
prevent  bloodshed,  and  that  the  service,  for  which  the 
regiments  were  called,  was  expressed  in  the  call  itself. 
It  was  "  to  repossess  the  forts,  places,  and  property  which 
have  been  seized  from  the  Union."  He  said  that  the 
defence  of  the  capital  was  first  to  be  provided  for,  and 
that  the  routes  by  which  the  regiments  came  were  mat 
ters  with  which  he  had  nothing  to  do.  They  concerned 
General  Scott  and  his  subordinates.  What  he  was  anx 
ious  about  was  to  have  the  regiments  get  here.  Vir 
ginia  had  now  seceded ;  it  was  reported  that  she  would 
close  the  Potomac  River  by  her  batteries.  Maryland 
bounded  Washington  on  the  north  and  west.  These 
regiments  could  not  fly  over  her  in  a  balloon  or  dig  un 
der  her  by  a  tunnel.  How  were  they  to  get  here  with 
out  crossing  Maryland  ?  Those  who  objected  to  the  way 
proposed  must  find  some  other ! 


124:  KECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

The  Baltimore  delegation  admitted  the  difficulties. 
They  could  not  remove  them,  and  did  not  come  for  that 
purpose.  They  proposed  to  relieve  themselves  from  the 
responsibility  for  bloodshed.  The  Marylanders  were  a 
proud  and  sensitive  people ;  the  sight  of  these  Northern 
invaders  was  offensive  to  them.  They  would  not  permit 
them  to  pass  through  Baltimore,  probably  not  to  enter 
the  state.  They  would  rise  as  one  man,  and  defend 
their  state  from  such  an  invasion ! 

The  final  answer  of  the  President  was  that  he  regret 
ted  such  a  conclusion,  and  that  he  would  have  to  refer 
them  to  General  Scott.  He  supposed  the  War  Depart 
ment,  like  all  other  departments,  was  much  engaged  just 
then  in  preparing  for  the  defence  of  the  capital  against 
the  disloyal  persons,  with  whom  the  people  of  Maryland 
were  apparently  in  sympathy.  'But  if  the  condition  of 
public  opinion  in  Maryland  was  accurately  represented 
by  the  committee,  he  was  quite  certain  that  some  means 
would  be  found  of  informing  the  people  of  that  state 
that  "  there  was  no  piece  of  American  soil  too  good  to 
be  pressed  by  the  foot  of  a  loyal  soldier  on  his  march  to 
the  defence  of  the  capital  of  his  country." 

Such  was  President  Lincoln's  account  of  his  interviews 
with  the  mayor  of  Baltimore  and  his  associates.  It  dif 
fers  materially  from  the  versions  made  public  by  them 
immediately  afterwards.  It  was  accepted  by  the  loyal 
friends  of  the  Union.  It  certainly  had  the  probabilities 
in  its  favor. 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  125 


THE  FIRST  VOLUNTEER  DEFENDERS  OF  THE  CAPITAL.— THE 
PLUG-UGLIES  OF  BALTIMORE.— THE  SEVENTH  NEW  YORK 
AND  THE  EIGHTH  MASSACHUSETTS  REGIMENTS. 

FOKT  SUMTER  fell  on  Saturday.  On  Monday,  April 
15th,  the  President  called  for  seventy -five  thousand  men. 
On  Thursday  Pennsylvania  sent  her  first  regiment  into 
Washington.  On  Friday,  at  noon,  the  Sixth  Massachu 
setts  was  fighting  its  way  through  the  Baltimore  mob. 
When  it  reached  the  capital,  all  the  railroads  through 
Maryland  were  broken,  and  the  state  for  all  practical 
purposes  was  under  Rebel  control. 

At  the  hour  when  the  Sixth  was  fighting  the  Seces 
sionist  rabble,  the  Eighth  Massachusetts  was  speeding 
southward  to  the  defence  of  Washington  on  an  express 
train  through  New  Jersey.  A  few  hours  later  the  Em 
pire  State  had  sent  her  choicest  regiment,  the  gallant 
Seventh,  one  thousand  strong,  with  like  speed  on  the 
same  errand.  At  Philadelphia  these  regiments  learned 
that  the  railroad  bridges  had  been  burned,  and  that  the 
steam  ferry-boat,  Maryland,  the  only  means  of  crossing 
the  Susquehanna,  had  been  sunk.  Ordinary  men  would 
have  gone  into  camp  and  awaited  the  opening  of  the  rail 
road  ;  but  General  Butler  pushed  on  to  Havre-de-Grace, 
where  he  found  the  Maryland  still  afloat,  and,  placing 
his  regiment  on  board,  he  started  for  Annapolis.  Colonel 
Lefferts  chartered  the  first  steamer  he  could  find,  the 
Seventh  boarded  her  in  Philadelphia,  and  on  Sunday 
morning  was  on  the  ocean  outside  the  capes  of  Dela- 


126  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

ware.  Turning  into  the  capes  of  Virginia,  he  sailed  up 
the  bay,  and,  hearing  that  the  Potomac  was  commanded 
by  rebel  batteries,  turned  northward,  and  at  dawn  on 
Monday  dropped  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Annapolis. 
The  Maryland  was  already  there ;  but,  in  towing  the  old 
Constitution  out  of  danger  of  .rebel  seizure,  by  the  treach 
ery  of  the  pilot  she  had  been  run  aground  with  the  regi 
ment  on  board.  After  laboring  in  vain  all  day  to  get 
her  off,  just  at  evening  the  regiments  were  landed,  disre 
garding  the  protests  of  the  mayor  and  citizens,  that  their 
appearance  would  cause  bloodshed,  Colonel  Lefferts  ob 
serving  that,  if  they  were  "let  alone,  they  would  dis 
turb  nobody." 

The  railroad  from  Annapolis  to  Annapolis  Junction, 
with  the  main  line  from  Baltimore  to  Washington,  was 
torn  up,  and  many  of  the  rails  were  carried  away  and  sunk 
in  deep  water.  The  locomotives  had  been  dismantled,  and 
bodies  of  rebels  were  lurking  about  the  vicinity  ready  to 
attack  the  regiments  if  opportunity  offered.  Massachu 
setts  soldiers  reconstructed  the  engines,  placed  cannon 
and  men  to  serve  them  on  a  platform-car  in  front,  the 
baggage  of  the  two  regiments  was  loaded  on  cars  in  the 
rear,  and,  writh  the  train  thus  made  up,  they  took  up  their 
march,  rebuilding  the  railroad  as  they  advanced.  Com 
panies  were  detailed  to  forage  and  cook,  for  they  lived 
on  the  country.  Their  progress  was  slow,  but  on  Thurs 
day  morning  they  reached  Annapolis  Junction.  Learn 
ing  that  a  party  of  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  rebels 
was  preparing  to  attack  them,  the  Massachusetts  regi 
ment  remained  at  the  junction  to  meet  them.  The 
Seventh  New  York  took  a  train  for  "Washington,  where 
they  arrived  a£  noon  on  Thursday,  April  23d,  a  little 
more  than  five  days  after  their  departure  from  New 
York. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  127 

As  already  mentioned,  Baltimore  had  for  some  years 
bred  a  new  variety  of  the  human  species  called  the 
"  Plug-Ugly  " — a  hybrid  of  slavery  and  brutality,  first 
developed  for  political  purposes.  Its  representatives 
had  no  reason  for  existence,  no  visible  means  of  support. 
They  were  idle,  vicious,  muscular,  sensual  brutes,  who 
subsisted  upon  whiskey  and  crime.  They  were  very  bold 
in  the  presence  of  the  weak,  and  very  cowardly  in  con 
tact  with  brave  men.  Their  numbers  had  enormously 
multiplied  with  the  growth  of  secession.  Washington 
had  caught  the  overflow,  attracted  by  the  hope  of  pos 
sible  plunder  when  the  rebellion  should  break  out.  Its 
postponement  had  made  them  hungry  and  desperate. 
Now  that  war  was  inevitable,  they  thought  their  time 
had  come.  They  had  a  rude  sort  of  organization,  which 
enabled  them  to  collect  in  great  numbers  at  a  given 
point  on  short  notice. 

To  the  "  Plug-Uglies  "  was  assigned  the  congenial  task 
of  burning  the  bridges,  breaking  up  the  railroads,  and  fall 
ing  upon  and  destroying  the  new  and  inexperienced  regi 
ments  on  their  way  to  Washington.  They  professed 
great  contempt  for  the  "  counter-jumpers  "  and  "  kid- 
gloved  darlings  "  who  constituted  these  regiments,  and 
regarded  their  destruction  as  a  pleasant  pastime. 

As  soon  as  they  knew  that  communication  was  to  be 
attempted  from  Annapolis,  they  selected  the  junction  of 
the  branch  railroad  with  the  main  line  as  the  best  place  at 
which  to  fall  upon  the  Yankees.  It  was  central,  their 
friends  could  come  by  rail  from  Baltimore  and  Washing 
ton,  and  it  was  a  good  point  at  which  to  concentrate  the 
bands  scattered  over  the  state.  They  arranged  to  collect 
there  a  force  of  fifteen  thousand,  and  widely  proclaimed 
that  Annapolis  Junction  was  the  selected  field  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Northern  invaders. 


128  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

So  successfully  had  they  spread  this  proclamation  that 
a  battle  at  the  junction  was  regarded  as  inevitable.  It 
would  have  taken  place  if  General  Butler  and  Colonel 
Lefferts  with  their  regiments  could  have  been  persuaded 
to  wait  a  week  or  ten  days  longer.  But  they  would  not 
wait.  These  regiments  expected  to  fight — that  was  the 
purpose  of  their  coming.  Many  messengers  had  been 
sent  from  "Washington  to  inform  them  of  the  rebel  prepa 
rations.  One  or  two  of  them  escaped  capture,  and 
brought  contradictory  advices.  Col.  Landers,  the  last, 
brought  such  an  account  of  the  anxiety  of  General  Scott 
for  the  safety  of  Washington,  that  Colonel  Lefferts 
determined  to  push  forward,  though  he  expected  to 
meet  with  a  loss  of  a  portion  of  his  men.  Annapolis 
Junction  had  been  reached.  The  Massachusetts  regi 
ment  halted  there  to  await  the  promised  attack,  and  the 
Seventh  started  for  Washington  without  coming  within 
musket-shot  of  an  armed  rebel. 

The  Eighth  Massachusetts,  after  waiting  some  hours 
for  the  attack,  came  to  the  Capitol,  and  were  comforta 
bly  quartered  under  its  dome  before  the  Secessionists  as 
near  as  Baltimore  could  be  convinced  that  they  had 
passed  the  junction.  Farther  South  they  refused  to 
credit  the  collapse  of  the  plan  so  elaborately  prepared 
for  a  victory  at  Annapolis  Junction.  A  Baltimore  paper 
of  the  25th  published  the  report,  as  coming  from  "  three 
or  four  different  sources,"  "that  the  Seventh  had  been 
cut  to  pieces  at  Annapolis."  "  It  was  probably  true, 
but  it  would  be  well  to  wait  for  further  confirmation." 

The  papers  of  Charleston  and  other  cities  put  no  such 
restraint  upon  their  exultation.  For  some  hours  they  gave 
free  rein  to  their  wild  delight.  They  announced  in  bold 
head-lines,  "Glorious  news!  The  crack  regiment  of 
New  York  cut  to  pieces  between  Annapolis  and  Marl- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  129 

boro  !  Three  times  three  cheers  for  the  brave  Mary- 
landers  !" 

While  the  seceded  states  were  giving  this  ludicrous 
exhibition  of  their  joy  over  a  victory  before  the  battle 
was  fought,  I  was  an  eye-witness  of  a  different  picture. 
The  Seventh  New  York  was  marching  between  two 
mighty  waves  of  cheers  from  the  masses  of  loyal  citi 
zens  which  filled  the  broad  streets  of  the  capital.  The 
regiment  halted  near  the  open  space,  west  of  the  Na 
tional  Hotel.  That  space  contained  the  Washington 
contingent  of  the  species  described,  which  their  sympa 
thizers  supposed  was  at  the  junction.  They  had  infested 
the  streets  since  the  previous  February,  and  were  readily 
recognized.  For  the  first  time  I  passed  through  them 
without  insult.  They  appeared  depressed.  Sorrow  was 
on  their  faces  and  blasphemy  on  their  lips.  As  the 
Seventh  halted  I  stood  on  a  corner  and  saw  that  vil 
lainous  multitude  melt  away.  It  was  their  last  appear 
ance,  they  were  visible  for  the  last  time.  That  night 
there  was  a  flight  into  the  Egypt  of  secession  of  a  most 
unholy  family.  The  species  became  extinct  in  Washing 
ton,  and  everywhere  north  of  the  Potomac  excessively 
rare. 

As  a  frost  cuts  down  the  noxious  weeds  which  choke  the 
sprouting  corn,  so  did  the  tread  of  these  two  regiments, 
as  they  landed  upon  her  shores,  arrest  and  deaden  the 
rank  growth  of  secession  in  Maryland.  In  one  week 
from  the  time  of  the  President's  call,  they  had  formed 
the  front  rank  of  the  great  column  from  the  loyal  states, 
had  burst  their  way  through  rebel  obstructions,  and 
stood  almost  two  thousand  strong  within  the  shadow 
of  the  dome  of  the  Capitol.  It  was  afterwards  said  that 
the  President  seemed  pleased  with  their  appearance; 
that  he  was  very  cordial  to  them  without  distinction  of 
9 


130  RECOLLECTIONS  OF    PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

rank.  Could  they  have  seen  him  a  day  or  two  before, 
when  his  countenance  wore  that  peculiar  expression,  I 
think  the  saddest  ever  shown  upon  the  face  of  man, 
they  would  have  more  perfectly  comprehended  his  esti 
mate  of  the  value  of  their  services. 

The  citizens  of  Washington  would  have  made  these 
soldiers  their  guests.  They  felt  hurt  because  discipline 
required  the  men  to  go  into  camp  and  sleep  under  can 
vas.  There  was  not  one  instance  in  which  a  private  of 
either  regiment  was  guilty  of  the  slightest  excess  or  in 
subordination.  They  were  gentlemen  always  as  well  as 
soldiers.  They  were  overwhelmed  with  civilities  and 
comforts,  which  they  divided  with  less-favored  regiments. 
A  private  of  the  Seventh  lost  his  life  by  an  accident.  The 
whole  city  mourned  his  loss,  and  hundreds  sent  expres 
sions  of  sympathy.  Having  been  selected  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  President  and  to  lead  the  march  into  Vir 
ginia,  the  work  of  this  regiment  was  accomplished.  They 
offered  to  re-enlist  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  ser 
vice,  but  were  finally  discharged  with  this  statement,  that 
"it  is  the  desire  of  the  War  Department,  in  relinquishing 
the  services  of  this  gallant  regiment,  to  make  known  the 
satisfaction  that  is  felt  at  the  prompt  and  patriotic  man 
ner  in  which  it  responded  to  the  call  for  men  to  defend 
this  capital  when  it  was  believed  to  be  in  peril,  and  to 
acknowledge  the  important  service  which  it  rendered 
by  appearing  here  in  an  hour  of  dark  and  trying  ne 
cessity." 

I  knew  many  members  of  the  Seventh  personally,  and 
saw  much  of  them  during  their  thirty  days'  service. 
I  thought  then,  and  I  have  never  since  changed  the 
opinion,  that,  in  the  succession  of  stirring  events,  the 
public  attention  was  so  diverted  that  the  regiment  failed 
to  receive  that  full  measure  of  appreciation  which  its 


AX.D   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  131 

services  deserved.  The  debt  which  the  republic  owes 
for  its  gallant  service  was  largely  due  to  the  cool  judg 
ment  and  splendid,  soldierly  accomplishments  of  Marshal 
Lefferts,  its  colonel  and  commander. 


132  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXI. 

THE  "TRENT  AFFAIR."— STATESMANSHIP  OF  MR.  SEWARD. 

IT  has  been  stated  already  that  no  attempt  would  be 
made  to  arrange  these  notes  as  a  connected  history  or 
in  chronological  order.  There  were  weeks  and  some 
times  months  when  great  events  were  happening,  but 
when  no  time  could  be  spared  for  any  but  official  duties. 
Occasionally  it  wras  possible  to  record  memoranda  of 
some  occurrence  of  special  importance  of  which  I  hap 
pened  to  have  knowledge.  One  of  these  was  the  "  Trent 
affair"  as  it  was  called,  which,  because  it  so  clearly  illus 
trates  the  influence  and  statesmanship  of  Secretary  Sew- 
ard,  I  thought  worthy  of  particular  notice,  and  which 
may  as  well  be  presented  in  the  present  connection. 

The  "  Trent  affair"  was  an  incident  of  the  war  which 
furnished  the  only  occasion  within  my  recollection  when 
the  judgment  of  a  substantial  majority  of  the  people 
was  reversed  by  the  publication  of  a  single  state  paper. 

Before  the  commencement  of  hostilities  there  were 
good  reasons  for  anticipating  the  friendship  of  Great 
Britain  for  the  loyal  North.  The  relations  of  that  power 
to  slavery  alone  would  have  furnished  a  basis  for  such  a 
hope,  which  was  confirmed  by  the  leading  English  jour 
nals.  The  London  Times  had  declared  that  "  the  seces 
sion  of  states  and  the  formation  of  a  new  confederacy  are 
events  which  this  journal  has  always  declared  to  be  im 
possible  ;"  "  that  should  the  clamor  of  secession,  by  any 
chance,  be  carried  too  far,  and  the  threat,  uttered  in  jest 
or  earnest,  lead  to  bloodshed,  .  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln  will  in 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  133 

that  case  command  a  majority  in  Congress,  and  carry 
with  him  the  support  of  all  those  who,  however  tolerant 
of  slavery,  will  not  acquiesce  in  its  becoming  the  basis 
of  a  hostile  and  illegal  confederacy."  The  Saturday 
Review  had  declared  that  "  the  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
so  far  from  being  hailed  as  a  profitable  transaction,  will 
be  lamented  in  this  country  (England).  ...  It  is  a  truth, 
absolutely  certain,  that  any  policy  will  miscarry  which 
assumes  that  England  can  be  coaxed  or  bribed  into  a 
connivance  at  the  extension  of  slavery."  Less  influen 
tial  papers  teemed  with  similar  articles. 

During  the  first  six  months  of  the  war,  there  was  an 
extraordinary  change  in  the  sentiments  of  the  English 
people.  The  Times  proclaimed  that  "there  must  be 
two  federations — on  no  other  footing  will  peace  ever  be 
made."  "  In  our  opinion,  the  forcible  subjugation  of  the 
South  will  prove  a  hopeless  task."  The  Saturday  Re 
view  said  that  it  was  "  the  unanimous  opinion  of  nine 
teen  out  of  twenty  educated  Englishmen  that  a  more 
hopeless  enterprise  than  the  reconquest  of  the  South  by 
the  Federal  government  has  never  been  projected  by  any 
ancient  or  modern  state."  "  The  North  is  just  as  fool 
ish  for  trying  to  reconquer  the  South,  as  Xerxes  was 
when  he  led  half  the  world  against  Athens,  or  as  Na 
poleon  was  when  he  led  Europe  against  Russia."  Mr. 
Roebuck  regarded  "the  attempt  of  the  North  in  en 
deavoring  to  restore  the  Union  by  force  as  an  immoral 
proceeding,  totally  incapable  of  success."  And  even 
Mr.  Gladstone  said  that  "  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  has  made 
of  the  South  a  nation,  and  separation  is  as  certain  as  any 
event,  yet  future  and  contingent,  can  be." 

With  this  change  of  opinion  had  arisen  a  popular  de 
mand  in  Great  Britain  for  the  recognition  of  the  South 
ern  Confederacy  by  the  great  powers  of  Europe*  It  was 


134:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

apparent  that  Great  Britain  was  prepared  for  such  rec 
ognition  whenever  France  would  join  her,  and  that  a 
very  small  excuse  would  suffice  to  induce  her  to  act  in 
the  matter  without  further  delay.  There  was  one  inci 
dent  referred  to  by  Mr.  Bright  in  his  celebrated  speech 
at  Rochdale,  which  almost  savored  of  contempt  of  the 
North  in  the  British  Cabinet.  Fully  alive  to  the  import 
ance  of  amicable  relations  with  Great  Britain,  the  United 
States  government  had  commissioned  Mr.  Charles  Fran 
cis  Adams,  one  of  its  first  statesmen,  as  its  represen 
tative  at  the  Court  of  St.  James.  On  the  day  of  his 
arrival  in  London,  but  without  waiting  for  any  com 
munication  with  him,  the  British  Cabinet  published  a 
proclamation,  intended  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  full  rec 
ognition  of  the  Confederacy,  and  which  unmistakably 
evinced  the  ultimate  purpose  in  that  respect  of  the  Brit 
ish  crown. 

The  defeat  of  Bull  Run  appeared  to  be  hailed  in  Eng 
land  with  delight.  It  apparently  determined  the  party 
in  power  to  settle  the  fate  of  the  Union  without  further 
postponement.  From  this  time,  until  the  final  capture 
of  the  army  of  General  Lee  in  April,  1865,  the  possibil 
ity  that  the  rebellion  might  be  suppressed  was  scarcely 
admitted  in  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Bright,  and  perhaps 
half  a  dozen  others,  were  the  only  leading  Englishmen 
willing  to  speak  a  friendly  word  for  the  North,  and 
every  act  of  our  government  was  performed  under  the 
impending  danger  of  a  recognition  of  the  Confederacy, 
a  disregard  of  the  blockade,  and  the  actual  intervention 
of  Great  Britain  in  our  attempt  to  suppress  an  insurrec 
tion  upon  our  own  territory. 

On  the  17th  of  November,  1861,  the  United  States 
steamer  San  Jacinto  arrived  at  Fortress  Monroe  with 
Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  prisoners  on  board.  Captain 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  135 

Wilkes,  her  commander,  immediately  reported  to  the 
Navy  Department  that,  learning  that  these  parties  had 
been  appointed  on  some  diplomatic  mission  from  the 
Southern  Confederacy  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  and 
had  run  the  blockade,  reaching  Havana  from  Charleston, 
expecting  to  depart  from  the  former  place  on  the  7th  of 
the  month  in  the  English  steamer  Trent  for  St.  Thomas, 
on  their  way  to  England,  he  had  intercepted  the  Trent, 
in  the  Bahama  Channel,  on  the  8th  of  November,  about 
two  hundred  and  forty  miles  from  Havana,  brought  her 
to  by  tiring  a  shell  across  her  bows,  and  had  forcibly 
captured  from  her  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell,  with  their 
secretaries,  and  now  held  them  on  board  his  ship  in 
Hampton  Koads.  Detailed  reports  of  all  the  officers 
concerned  in  the  capture,  with  the  protest  of  the  Con 
federate  envoys,  and  Captain  Wilkes's  reply  thereto,  ac 
companied  the  account  of  the  capture. 

On  the  receipt  of  this  report,  Mr.  Welles,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  congratulated  Captain  Wilkes,  and  stated 
that  his  "conduct  in  seizing  these  public  enemies  was 
marked  by  intelligence,  ability,  decision,  and  firmness, 
and  has  the  emphatic  approval  of  this  Department." 
On  the  first  day  of  the  December  Session  of  Congress, 
the  House  of  Representatives  passed  a  resolution,  ten 
dering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  Captain  Wilkes  for  the 
capture  and  arrest  of  Mason  and  Slidell. 

As  soon  as  the  facts  reached  the  State  Department, 
which  was  some  time  about  the  first  of  December,  Secre 
tary  Seward  addressed  a  note  to  the  American  Minister 
in  London,  which  he  was  requested  to  read  to  Earl  Rus-. 
sell,  stating  that  the  action  of  Captain  Wilkes  was  with 
out  any  instructions  from  his  government,  and  that  he 
trusted  that  the  British  government  would  consider 
the  subject  in  a  friendly  temper.  The  first  information, 


136  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

therefore,  received  by  Great  Britain  from  our  govern 
ment,  after  the  capture,  announced  that  it  was  made 
without  authority,  and  declared  the  willingness  of  the 
United  States  to  consider  the  questions  which  it  in 
volved  upon  settled  principles  of  international  law. 

The  first  communication  from  Earl  Kussell  in  relation 
to  the  capture  indicated  a  very  different  temper.  It 
was  sent  by  a  special  messenger  to  Lord  Lyons,  who 
was  directed  to  inform  Secretary  Seward  of  its  con 
tents.  It  declared  that  the  act  of  Captain  Wilkes  was 
an  affront  to  the  British  flag,  and  a  violation  of  inter 
national  law.  It  announced  that  "  the  liberation  of  the 
four  gentlemen  named  and  their  delivery  to  your  lord 
ship,  together  with  a  suitable  apology  for  the  aggression, 
alone  would  satisfy  the  British  nation.''  "With  this  de 
mand  came  information  of  the  public  excitement  in 
England  upon  the  first  reception  of  the  news  of  the  capt 
ure,  and  of  the  action  of  the  British  authorities,  which 
appeared  to  indicate  their  purpose  to  force  the  two  coun 
tries  into  a  war. 

As  soon  as  the  telegram  announcing  the  boarding  of 
the  Trent  by  a  Federal  vessel  of  war  was  received  in 
Liverpool,  a  placard  was  posted  on  the  Exchange  an 
nouncing  the  "outrage  on  the  British  flag,"  and  calling 
a  public  meeting.  This  meeting  was  presided  over  by 
Mr.  James  Spence,  who,  upon  taking  the  chair,  read  a 
resolution  calling  upon  the  government  to  assert  the 
dignity  of  the  British  flag  by  requiring  prompt  repara 
tion  for  this  outrage.  The  resolution  offered  by  Mr. 
Spence  was  carried  by  a  tremendous  majority. 

The  English  Cabinet  took  its  cue  from  the  Liverpool 
meeting.  Knowing  that  the  capture  was  the  unauthor 
ized  act  of  Captain  "Wilkes,  and  that  precedents  were 
not  wanting  of  similar  acts  committed  bv  British  offi- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  137 

cers,  and  defended  as  lawful  by  the  British  government, 
the  first  act  of  Earl  Eussell  was  to  despatch  the  per 
emptory  demand  referred  to.  It  was  afterwards  known 
that  the  demand  was  first  framed  in  language  so  offen 
sive  that  our  government  wrould  have  been  compelled  to 
reject  it  on  that  account,  and  that  its  terms  were  greatly 
moderated  by  the  intervention  of  the  amiable  husband 
of  the  queen.  The  last  note  ever  written  by  the  prince 
consort  was  the  one  suggesting  a  modification  of  the 
peremptory  character  of  the  British  demand,  and  ex 
pressing  the  hope  that  Captain  "Wilkes  had  acted  with 
out  instructions,  or  that,  if  he  had  instructions,  that  he 
misapprehended  them.  An  intimation  from  so  high  a 
quarter  could  not  be  disregarded,  and  the  despatch  was 
modified  as  Prince  Albert  suggested.  His  death  oc 
curred  only  a  few  days  later.  For  this  noble  act  of 
friendship  he  deserved  the  gratitude  of  all  loyal  Ameri 
cans. 

Before  the  messenger  intrusted  with  Earl  KusselPs 
letter  had  left  her  shores,  the  ports  of  the  United  King 
dom  resounded  writh  preparations  for  war.  Steam  trans 
ports  were  chartered,  a  large  number  of  troops  ordered 
to  Canada,  the  Guards  wrere~  directed  to  prepare  for  im 
mediate,  active  service,  all  the  saltpetre  in  the  British 
islands  was  seized,  and  every  possible  preparation  made 
to  attack  us  with  the  whole  naval  and  military  force  of 
the  empire  the  instant  the  demand  of  Earl  Eussell  was 
refused.  The  press  wrought  itself  up  to  fury.  It  in 
sisted  that  Captain  Wilkes  and  Lieutenant  Fairfax  must 
be  reprimanded  and  dismissed  from  the  United  States 
Navy ;  the  rebel  envoys  delivered  up ;  atonement  must 
be  made  for  the  shot  and  shell  fired,  without  notice,  at 
a  steamer  conveying  the  royal  mail,  and  in  the  words  of 
the  Morning  Chronicle,  Congress  "  must  sit  down,  like 


138  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ancient  Pistol,  to  eat  the  leek  it  had  insultingly  brand 
ished  in  British  faces !" 

At  the  same  time,  all  the  Confederate  sympathizers 
in  the  North  were  seized  with  a  violent  attack  of  pa 
triotic  indignation.  With  one  voice  they  declared  that 
the  insult  offered  by  England  was  mortal,  and  that  even 
the  moderate  measure  of  self-respect  which  the  Lincoln 
Cabinet  was  supposed  to  possess  required  the  rejection 
of  the  British  demand  in  equally  insulting  terms.  Many 
newspapers  of  similar  tendencies  added  fuel  to  the 
flames.  Clement  L.  Yallandigham,  on  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1861,  introduced  in  the  House  of  Kepresenta- 
tives  a  resolution  which  recited  the  capture  of  the 
envoys,  who  were  conspirators,  rebel  enemies,  and  dan 
gerous  men,  for  which  Captain  Wilkes  had  received  the 
approval  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  the  thanks  of 
Congress,  with  mention  of  the  request  made  to  the  Presi 
dent  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  that  he  should 
confine  Mason  and  Slidell  in  the  cells  of  convicted  felons, 
until  certain  military  officers  of  the  United  States  should 
be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  then  resolved  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  President  firmly  to  maintain  the 
stand  thus  taken,  approving  and  adopting  the  act  of  Cap 
tain  Wilkes,  in  spite  of  any  menace  or  demand  of  the 
British  government,  and  pledging  to  him  the  support  of 
the  House  in  thus  upholding  the  honor  and  vindicating 
the  course  of  the  government  and  people  of  the  United 
States  against  a  foreign  power.  This  resolution  was  re 
ferred,  without  debate,  to  the  Committee  of  Foreign 
Affairs. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  over  and  over  again  Great 
Britain  had  exercised  the  right  which  she  now  denied  to 
us.  The  London  Times  afterwards  declared  that  "  un 
welcome  as  the  truth  may  be,  it  is  nevertheless  a  truth, 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  139 

that  we  (Great  Britain)  have  ourselves  established  a  sys 
tem  of  international  law  which  now  tells  against  us." 
The  Saturday  Review,  a  fierce  Tory  sheet,  said  that  "  it 
must  in  fairness  be  admitted  that  the  outrage  was  not  so 
glaringly  in  excess  of  belligerent  rights  as  to  be  recog 
nized  in  its  true  character  until  after  a  careful  study  of 
precedents  and  legal  authorities."  Professor  Newman, 
one  of  the  highest  of  British  authorities  in  international 
law,  stated  that  the  liberties  taken  by  English  ships 
against  the  Americans,  in  the  war  with  Napoleon,  were 
as  like  the  act  of  Captain  "Wilkes  as  two  peas,  in  a  moral 
point  of  view,  and  that  Great  Britain  would  have  to  pull 
the  beam  out  of  her  own  eye  before  instituting  a  search 
after  the  mote  in  her  neighbor's.  In  fact,  the  proof  was 
abundant  that  for  the  last  one  hundred  years  that  power 
had  always  exercised  this  right,  especially  against  weaker 
nations. 

It  is  also  undeniable  that  this  demand  of  England 
stirred  to  its  depths  the  indignation  of  many  patriotic 
citizens  of  the  loyal  states.  The  United  States  had  upon 
its  hands  the  most  gigantic  rebellion  the  world  had  ever 
seen ;  it  had  met  with  disasters  in  the  field ;  every  re 
source  was  being  employed  in  raising  and  equipping 
another  army ;  the  leaders  of  opinion  in  Great  Britain 
almost  unanimously  predicted  defeat,  and  spoke  of  the 
enterprise  "to  restore  a  defunct  Union"  as  "altogether 
hopeless."  The  demand  of  the  English  premier  under 
these  circumstances  must  have  been  intended  to  deliver 
us  an  insult  w^hich  we  could  not  resent,  or,  if  we  would 
not  endure  the  humiliation,  which  would  drive  our  peo 
ple  into  a  war,  and  so  give  Great  Britain  what  she  so 
much  desired,  a  pretext  for  joining  hands  with  the  South 
and  disrupting  the  Union.  In  either  aspect,  the  act  was 
discreditable  to  a  nation  in  which  loyalty  to  the  rules  of 


140  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

fair  fighting  has  always  been  supposed  to  be  as  universal 
as  loyalty  to  its  sovereign. 

The  two  countries  were  saved  from  a  war  which  could 
have  had  none  but  evil  consequences  by  the  good  sense 
of  President  Lincoln  and  of  two  statesmen,  their  respec 
tive  representatives — Lord  Lyons  and  William  II.  Sew- 
ard.  Lord  Lyons  was  a  model  Englishman.  His  sub 
stantial  frame  and  broad  shoulders  furnished  a  suitable 
support  to  a  head  well  provided  with  solid  sense.  An 
open  face  and  clear  blue  eyes  indicated  the  sincere  and 
generous  character  of  the  man,  and  his  contempt  for 
falsehood  and  meanness.  He  would  have  been  accepted 
as  an  umpire  by  any  contestant  who  relied  upon  justice 
and  merit  alone.  He  had  the  traditional  love  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  for  fair  play.  He  thoroughly  understood 
the  controversy  between  North  and  South,  and  knew 
that  upon  its  issue  depended  the  supremacy  in  the  re 
public  of  freedom  or  slavery.  His  sympathies  w^ere 
heartily  with  the  North ;  but  he  was,  at  the  same  time, 
a  faithful  representative  of  his  own  nation,  and  watch 
ful  in  the  protection  of  her  interests. 

"We  have  no  special  information  as  to  what  passed  be 
tween  the  English  ambassador  and  Secretary  Seward  in 
their  private  interviews.  But  comparing  events  with 
the  character  of  the  men,  we  may  pretty  safely  assume 
that  the  reading  of  Earl  Russell's  pronunciamento  did 
not  disturb  the  equanimity  of  either.  Probably,  after 
knocking  the  ashes  from  his  cigar,  Lord  Lyons  observed, 
"You  will  give  up  the  men,  Seward,  of  course!  As 
prisoners,  they  may  be  of  consequence  enough  to  cause 
a  war ;  set  free,  they  are  no  good  to  anybody.  You  did 
not  authorize  their  capture ;  their  surrender  involves  no 
dishonor.  Say  yes,  and  you  may  deliver  them  up  at 
your  own  time,  and  in  your  own  way." 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

"  Your  lordship  is  perfectly  right,"  Secretary  Seward 
probably  said.  "  Your  views  are  such  as  we  had  the 
right  to  anticipate  from  your  justice,  and  your  knowl 
edge  of  the  facts.  We  don't  want  these  people.  You 
know,  and  I  am  surprised  that  it  did  not  occur  to  Earl 
Russell,  that  we  could  not  retain  them  against  his  de 
mand,  without  repudiating  the  principles  for  which  we 
once  went  to  war,  and  which  we  have  maintained  for 
half  a  century.  I  think  I  take  no  risk  in  asking  your 
friendly  co-operation.  Our  people  will  be  excited  by  all 
this  unnecessary  parade  of  preparation,  and  the  impera 
tive  tenor  of  Earl  Russell's  demand.  We  have  mischief- 
makers  among  us  who  will  try  to  arouse  opposition  to 
the  surrender,  especially  if  it  is  made  the  occasion  of  dis 
play  in  one  of  our  larger  ports,  or  to  one  of  your  large 
vessels.  Suppose  you  name  some  quiet  harbor  on  the 
coast  of  New  England,  into  which  you  can  safely  send 
a  fourth -class  vessel,  as  the  place  of  delivery.  I  will 
send  the  prisoners  there ;  you  can  have  them  quietly 
taken  on  board  and  sent  on  their  way." 

Possibly  a  smile  spread  over  the  face  of  the  noble  lord 
as  he  appreciated  the  full  import  of  the  secretary's  sug 
gestion.  I  had  it  from  good  authority,  at  the  time,  that 
he  declared  his  complete  indifference  as  to  the  time  and 
place  of  surrender,  and  said  that  it  was  all  the  same  to 
him  whether  it  was  made  in  New  York  Bay,  or  in  the 
harbor  of  a  fishing  village  on  Cape  Cod.  In  fact,  it  im 
pressed  him  as  a  duty  to  conform  to  the  wishes  of  the 
secretary  in  the  matter  of  the  surrender.  The  only 
other  point  upon  which  the  secretary  insisted  was  that 
the  despatch  of  Earl  Russell  dealt  with  questions  of  such 
grave  international  importance  as  to  render  a  hasty  an 
swer  highly  improper,  and  he  might  find  it  necessary  to 
take  all  the  time  consistent  with  diplomatic  usages  to 


14:2  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

frame  a  suitable  reply.  This  was  also  assented  to ;  the 
representatives  of  the  two  countries  had  come  to  a  per 
fect  understanding,  and  they  separated  on  the  best  of 
terms.  In  fact,  the  answer  of  Mr.  Seward  was  shown 
to  Lord  Lyons  within  twenty -four  hours,  although  it 
was  not  made  public  until  the  27th  of  December. 

The  general  excitement  increased  with  every  hour's 
delay.  England  seized  upon  the  excuse  for  war.  Her  gov 
ernment  spared  no  pains  to  proclaim  its  warlike  purposes. 
Tory  and  Liberal  coalesced ;  Lord  Derby  was  consulted 
by  the  government,  and  hastened  to  its  support.  He 
suggested  to  ship-owners  to  instruct  the  captains  of  out 
ward-bound  ships  to  signal  to  any  English  vessels  they 
might  meet  that  war  was  extremely  probable,  and  the 
underwriters  approved  the  statesmanlike  suggestion. 
Discussion  of  the  affair  had  been  prevented  in  Congress, 
but  British  threats  and  warlike  preparations  so  clearly 
showed  a  purpose  to  bully  our  government  into  submis 
sion  that  the  North  became  a  unit  against  the  surrender 
of  the  envoys.  Had  any  greater  delay  intervened  it  would 
probably  have  been  resisted  by  force.  The  sun  of  De 
cember  26th  set,  and  the  night  closed  in  over  a  danger 
ously  angry  people. 

On  the  morning  of  December  27th  the  clouds  had  all 
disappeared,  and  the  political  horizon  to  the  eastward 
was  quiet  and  serene.  Mr.  Seward  had  poured  upon  the 
angry  waves  of  popular  excitement  the  calming  oil  of 
his  answer  to  Earl  Hussell's  demand,  and  straightway 
the  tempest  was  stilled.  At  considerable  length,  with 
the  impartiality  of  a  judicial  opinion,  the  secretary 
summed  up  the  facts  of  the  capture  as  given  by  the 
British  premier,  slightly  modified  by  the  report  of  Cap 
tain  Wilkes,  and  then  set  forth  the  demand,  divested  of 
its  imperative  or  disagreeable  features.  He  then  added 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  143 

"  some  facts  which  doubtless  were  omitted  by  Earl  Rus 
sell,  with  the  very  proper  and  becoming  motive  of  allow 
ing  them  to  be  brought  into  the  case  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,"  and  concluded  by  saying  that,  accord 
ing  to  the  law  of  nations,  the  capture  in  this  case  was 
left  unfinished  or  was  abandoned — that  while  Great 
Britain  might  waive  the  defect,  if,  on  the  contrary,  she 
insists  upon  it,  the  United  States  have  no  right  to  retain 
the  captured  persons,  the  chief  benefits  of  the  capture, 
by  proving  them  contraband.  On  the  contrary,  the  vol 
untary  release  of  the  Trent  must  be  permitted  to  draw 
after  it  all  its  legal  consequences.  Having  thus  shown, 
as  the  secretary  trusted  he  had  done,  "  by  a  very  simple 
and  natural  statement  of  the  facts,  and  an  -analysis  of 
the  law  applicable  to  them,  that  this  government  has 
neither  meditated,  nor  practised,  nor  approved,  any  de 
liberate  wrong  in  the  transaction  to  which  they  have 
called  its  attention,  it  necessarily  followed  that  what  has 
happened  has  been  simply  an  inadvertency,  consisting  in 
a  departure  by  a  naval  officer,  free  from  any  wrongful 
motive,  from  a  rule  uncertainly  established,  and  prob 
ably  by  the  several  parties  concerned  either  imperfectly 
understood  or  entirely  unknown.  For  this  error  the 
British  government  has  a  right  to  expect  the  same  rep 
aration  that  we,  as  an  independent  state,  should  expect 
from  Great  Britain,  or  from  any  other  friendly  nation 
in  a  similar  case." 

"  Nor  have  I  been  tempted  at  all,"  he  continued,  "  by 
suggestions  that  cases  might  be  found  in  history  where 
Great  Britain  refused  to  yield  to  other  nations,  and  even 
to  ourselves,  claims  like  that  which  is  now  before  us. 
Those  cases  occurred  when  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  the 
United  States,  was  the  home  of  generations  which,  with 
ail  their  peculiar  interests  and  passions,  have  passed 


144  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

away.  She  could  in  no  other  way  so  effectually  dis 
avow  any  such  injury,  as  we  think  she  does  by  assum 
ing  now  as  her  own  the  ground  upon  which  we  then 
stood.  .  .  . 

"  The  four  persons  in  question  are  now  held  in  military 
custody  at  Fort  "Warren,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 
They  will  be  cheerfully  liberated.  Your  lordship  will 
please  indicate  a  time  and  place  for  receiving  them." 

In  a  second  despatch  to  Lord  Lyons,  dated  on  the  same 
30th  of  November,  and  received  by  Lord  Lyons  on  the 
18th  of  December,  not  intended  to  be  read  to  Mr.  Sew- 
ard,  the  British  ambassador  had  been  directed  thus: 
"  Should  Mr.  Seward  ask  for  delay  .  .  .  you  will  consent 
to  a  delay  not  exceeding  seven  days.  If,  at  the  end  of 
that  time,  no  answer  is  given,  or  if  any  other  answer  is 
given  except  that  of  compliance  with  the  demands  of 
her  majesty's  government,  your  lordship  is  instructed 
to  leave  Washington,  with  all  the  members  of  your  lega 
tion,  and  to  repair  immediately  to  London."  Lord  Ly 
ons  was  also  directed  to  communicate  Mr.  Seward's  an 
swer  to  Yice-admiral  Sir.  A.  Milne,  and  to  the  governors 
of  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  Jamaica,  Ber 
muda,  and  such  other  of  her  majesty's  possessions  as 
might  be  within  his  reach. 

Mr.  Seward's  letter  went  to  its  mark  with  the  force 
and  directness  of  a  pointed  projectile  from  one  of  Sir 
William  Armstrong's  steel  guns.  A  war  with  Great 
Britain  in  defence  of  the  act  of  Captain  "Wilkes  would 
have  been  a  war  resulting  from  the  direct  opposite  of 
the  cause  for  which  we  waged  against  the  same  power 
the  war  of  1812.  It,  therefore,  logically  followed  that 
the  menaces,  the  elaborate  preparations  to  strike  us 
when  we  could  not  return  the  blow,  and  the  wrath  and 
anger  of  the  British  lion,  all  were  founded  upon  a  sud- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  145 

den  and  complete  abandonment,  without  notice,  of  the 
principles  of  international  law,  for  which  Great  Britain 
had  always  contended,  and  to  which  we  intended  to  re 
main  loyal.  Without  comment  or  objection,  Mr.  Sew- 
ard  left  to  her  whatever  of  honor  or  credit  such  conduct 
might  gain,  but  his  recommendation  to  his  own  country 
was  the  pursuit  of  its  own  policy  without  variableness  or 
shadow  of  turning. 

Contemporaneously  with  Mr.  Se ward's  letter,  sugges 
tions  were  published  which  might  have  had  the  same 
origin.  Attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that,  to  decline 
the  surrender  of  the  prisoners,  and  so  make  them  a  casus 
belli,  would  enable  them  to  pose  in  the  character  of  mar 
tyrs,  and  give  them  an  importance  which  they  could  not 
otherwise  secure.  But,  if  they  were  surrendered,  they 
would  drop  into  obscurity  as  soon  as  their  admirers  dis 
covered  that  no  profit  was  to  be  made  from  them,  and 
not  be  heard  of  again.  This  prediction  was  completely 
verified. 

From  the  publication  of  Mr.  SewaixTs  letter  there  was 
no  objection  heard  in  the  loyal  states  to  its  reasoning  or 
its  conclusions.  Citizens  saw  its  wisdom ;  some  of  the 
newspapers  which  had  been  most  earnest  against  the 
surrender  of  the  envoys  hastened  to  retract  their  error, 
and  range  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  secretary  and 
the  country.  The  Confederate  sympathizers  saw  that 
the  current  of  opinion  was  too  strong  to  be  stemmed, 
and  stood  dumb.  The  course  of  the  English  press  was 
as  singular  as  before  the  demand.  It  would  have  been 
scarcely  decent  not  to  show  some  satisfaction  at  the  re 
moval  of  such  threatening  differences  between  the  two 
countries,  and  two  or  three  of  the  leading  journals 
promptly  recognized  the  statesmanship  of  Secretary 
Seward  and  the  value  of  the  influence  of  Lord  Lyons. 
10 


146  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

The  London  Times,  the  Saturday  Review,  and  other 
sheets  hostile  to  the  North,  attributed  the  surrender  of 
the  prisoners  to  American  cowardice  and  fear.  Their 
success  was  not  encouraging.  They  were  noticed  only 
to  be  ridiculed,  and  very  soon  subsided  into  a  mortified 
silence,  occasionally  broken  by  grumbling  denials  of  our 
successes  in  the  field.  The  feeling  of  sympathy  with 
the  South  and  hostility  to  the  North  continued  to  exist 
in  many  British  minds,  but  it  was  more  cautious  in  its 
manifestations,  and  never  again  had  such  an  opportu 
nity  for  development  as  it  found  in  the  case  of  the 
Trent.  Not  many  months  afterwards  France  kindly 
offered  her  mediation  between  the  American  belliger 
ents,  but  was  promptly  informed  by  Mr.  Seward  that 
no  war  between  belligerents,  but  only  an  armed  insur 
rection,  existed,  which  the  United  States  was  vigorously 
and  triumphantly  putting  down ;  that  we  were  obliged 
to  our  ancient  ally  for  her  good  intentions,  but  as  for 
her  mediation,  or  that  of  any  other  power,  we  would 
have  none  of  it.  After  this  the  powers  of  Europe  left 
us  to  settle  our  own  controversies  in  our  own  way. 

It  was  found  convenient  for  Lord  Lyons  to  send  a 
small  English  steamer  to  the  quiet  harbor  of  Province- 
town,  on  the  Massachusetts  coast,  where  our  government 
undertook  to  deliver  the  prisoners,  previously  confined 
at  Fort  Warren,  near  Boston.  The  season  and  the  cir 
cumstances  subjected  them  to  some  inconveniences.  Our 
larger  steamers  were  all  on  duty,  and  it  was  therefore 
necessary  to  send  the  envoys  from  Fort  Warren  on  board 
a  tug,  not  provided  with  passenger  accommodations. 
They  were  sent  in  charge  of  Mr.  Webster,  a  subordinate 
in  the  State  Department.  From  him  I  learned  that  the 
weather  was  unusually  tempestuous,  even  for  December ; 
that,  in  fact,  the  trip  was  made  in  a  furious  northeast  gale. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  147 

The  prisoners  were  not  good  sailors ;  the  tug  rolled  and 
pitched  fearfully,  so  that  the  unfortunate  envoys  were 
extremely  sea-sick  all  the  way  to  the  rendezvous.  There 
were  times  when  he  feared  he  would  be  unable  to  deliver 
them,  for  they  claimed  vehemently  that  life,  under  such 
disagreeable  conditions,  was  undesirable.  But,  notwith 
standing  the  difficulties,  they  succeeded  at  last  in  mak 
ing  the  harbor;  the  prisoners  were  delivered  into  the 
charge  of  the  British  ship,  which  they  declared  was  no 
better  than  the  tug,  and  altogether  unfit  for  diplomatic 
service.  This  spirit  of  captiousness  was  annoying  to  the 
officers  of  the  ship,  who  maintained  that  a  vessel  which 
served  as  the  home  of  officers  of  the  Royal  Navy  was 
good  enough  for  Confederate  prisoners.  Their  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic  did  not  begin  under  favorable  aus 
pices,  but  was  finally  accomplished,  and  thus  closed  this 
much-talked-of  incident  in  American  history.  As  the 
secretary  had  predicted,  the  mission  of  the  envoys  to  the 
great  powers  of  Europe  was  a  failure,  and  their  proceed 
ings  never  afterwards  disturbed  our  peace. 

President  Lincoln's  views  upon  the  "  Trent  affair " 
were  promptly  expressed  with  his  customary  common- 
sense  and  brevity.  As  soon  as  the  capture  was  reported, 
he  said  that  "  it  did  not  look  right  for  Captain  Wilkes 
to  stop  the  vessel  of  a  friendly  power  on  the  high  seas, 
and  take  out  of  her,  by  force,  passengers  who  went  on 
board  in  one  neutral  port  to  be  carried  to  another.  And 
if  it  was,  he  did  not  understand  whence  Captain  Wilkes 
got  the  authority  to  turn  his  own  quarter-deck  into  a 
court  of  admiralty."  With  the  people,  it  is  not  improb 
able  that  this  plain,  forcible  view  was  as  convincing  as 
the  able  legal  argument  of  Mr.  Seward. 

After  Mr.  Seward's  death,  Mr.  Gideon  Welles,  Mr. 
Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  published  several  mag- 


148  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

azine  articles,  afterwards  collected  in  a  volume,  in  which 
he  claimed  that  Mr.  Seward  at  first  opposed,  and  only 
consented  to  the  surrender  of  the  prisoners  when  he  was 
overruled  by  the  President  and  a  majority  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  consequently  was  entitled  to  no  credit  in  the  premises. 
It  is  unpleasant  to  take  issue  with  Mr.  Welles,  but  the  first 
despatch  to  Mr.  Adams,  to  which  I  have  referred,  shows 
Mr.  Seward's  position ;  and  I  know  that  his  opinion  was 
unchanged  from  the  first  report  of  the  capture  to  the 
surrender. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  149 


XXII. 

THE  ANTAGONISM  OF  THE  REGULAR  TO  THE  VOLUNTEER  SER 
VICE.— THE   INFLUENCE   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

THE  events  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  followed  each 
other  in  such  rapid  succession  that  there  was  no  time  for 
contemporary  examination  of  their  relative  importance. 
Those  who  were  then  in  the  public  service  will  remem 
ber  how,  before  one  occurrence  could  be  dealt  with,  an 
other  pressed  upon  their  attention,  so  that  any  event 
outside  the  iine  of  their  duties  necessarily  passed  with 
out  particular  observation.  As  the  general  picture  of 
those  terrible  years  recedes  into  the  past,  some  of  its 
points,  before  unnoticed,  rise  into  prominence.  There 
were  several  such  incidents  wrhich  attracted  slight  atten 
tion  while  the  war  was  in  progress,  which,  regarded  from 
a  later  standpoint,  singularly  illustrate  the  powerful  in 
fluence  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  always  exerted 
by  the  strong,  native  common-sense  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  heads  of  bureaus  and  of  divisions  in  the  bureaus 
seldom  changed  with  the  administration  before  the  year 
1864.  In  the  spring  of  1861  these  positions  in  the  War 
and  ISTavy  Departments  were  filled  by  officers  of  those 
services,  usually  more  than  sixty  years  of  age.  They 
had  had  but  little  experience  in  war.  Such  as  they  had 
was  restricted  to  the  war  with  Mexico,  in  which  the 
fighting  was  wholly  on  land  and  in  another  country,  be 
sides  a  few  local  contests  with  the  Indian  tribes.  There 
had  'been  no  fighting  in  the  navy  since  1815.  It  was  the 
fact,  however,  that  officers  whose  names  were  scarcely 


150  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

known  to  the  country  were  at  the  head  of  these  bureaus 
at  the  beginning  of  the  War  of  the  Bebellion,  and  con 
trolled  the  subjects  of  arms,  munitions,  equipment,  cloth 
ing,  medicine  and  surgery,  hospitals,  the  construction  of 
vessels,  steam-machinery,  and  engineering ;  in  short,  the 
administration  of  all  the  military  and  naval  resources  of 
the  nation.  In  these  bureaus  everything  was  provided 
for  by  "  regulations."  An  application  made  to  the  sec 
retary  for  the  introduction  of  any  new  arm,  invention,  or 
proposed  improvement  was  by  rule  referred  to  the  bu 
reau  with  which  it  was  connected  for  a  report.  All  the 
traditions  of  these  bureaus  assumed  that  their  respective 
regulations  were  perfect,  that  all  known  sources  of  in 
formation  respecting  them  were  to  be  there  found,  and 
that  any  change  for  the  better  was  impossible.  Add  to 
these  traditions  contempt  for  popular  ideas  as  crude  and 
impracticable,  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  accomplishment 
of  any  change  in  the  theory  or  practice  of  one  of  these 
departments  was  a  work  to  be  accomplished,  if  at  all, 
only  by  great  perseverance  and  patience. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  except  a  small  num 
ber  of  Colt's  revolvers  for  the  cavalry,  there  was  not  a 
breech-loading  gun  in  the  service.  The  old  smooth-bore 
musket  of  the  Revolution,  modified  by  a  few  changes 
made  in  the  armories  of  the  United  States,  was  the  arm 
of  the  infantry.  When  the  first  call  for  seventy-five 
thousand  men  was  made,  it  became  necessary  to  pur 
chase  guns  for  their  use.  A  large  number  of  muskets, 
which  Belgium  had  discarded  for  an  improved  weapon, 
had  been  sent  over  to  New  York  city,  where  they  were 
offered  to  the  Government  at  a  very  low  price — about 
three  dollars  each.  As  these  afforded  an  economical 
means  of  arming  the  Volunteer  Infantry  at  a  small  ex 
pense,  they  were  promptly  purchased,  and  issued  to  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  151 

regiments  first  mustered  into  service.  Complaint  of  them 
was  general.  Men  who  were  accustomed  to  handle  the 
rifle  declared  that  the  least  dangerous  point  of  their 
effective  field  was  in  front  of  their  muzzles. 

The  First  Vermont  Regiment  was  one  of  the  earliest 
regiments  mustered  into  service  after  the  call.  It  com 
prised  several  uniformed  companies,  drilled  and  disci 
plined,  in  which  were  to  be  found  merchants,  manufact 
urers — in  short,  the  very  best  native  Verrnonters.  Its 
colonel  (Phelps)  had  been  educated  at  West  Point ;  after 
long  and  gallant  service  in  the  regular  army  he  had  re 
signed,  leaving  a  most  creditable  record.  Governor  Fair 
banks,  who  was  aware  that  the  personnel  of  the  regiment 
was  well  known  to  me,  sent  one  of  his  aides  to  say  that  it 
was  rumored  that  the  regiment  was  to  be  armed  with 
the  Belgian  muskets ;  that  Colonel  Phelps  was  of  opin 
ion  that  they  were  unfit  for  use ;  that  the  government 
had  new  Enfield  rifles,  then  on  shipboard  in  the  harbor 
of  New  York,  of  which  the  First  Vermont  would  make 
as  good  use  as  any  other  regiment ;  that  he  respectfully 
requested  the  delivery  of  one  thousand  of  these  rifles  to 
the  regiment ;  that  if  this  request  could  not  be  complied 
with,  the  state  preferred  to  purchase  good  arms  for  the 
regiment  if  the  Secretary  of  War  would  authorize  him 
to  do  so.  lie  added  that  immediate  action  was  neces 
sary,  as  the  regiment  would  arrive  in  New  York  city  on 
the  following  day. 

Taking  a  personal  interest  in  the  regiment,  and  desir 
ing  to  promote  the  object  of  Governor  Fairbanks,  I  im 
mediately  laid  the  facts  before  Secretary  Cameron,  who 
referred  me  to  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  then  the  Assist 
ant  Secretary  of  War.  Colonel  Scott  said  that  I  must 
know  that  such  a  request  was  required  by  the  regula 
tions  to  be  made  in  writing  to  the  secretary,  who  must 


152  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

have  a  report  upon  it  from  the  proper  bureau,  before  he 
could  either  grant  or  reject  it,  adding  that  an  officer  of 
one  department  ought  not  to  request  an  official  of  an 
other  to  violate  its  rules.  I  replied  that  I  would  have 
taken  the  usual  course  if  I  had  wished  to  have  Governor 
Fairbanks's  request  denied,  as  applications  from  civilians 
invariably  were,  but  that,  as  I  wanted  the  rifles,  I  had  ap 
plied  to  those  who  had  the  power  and  sometimes  the  will 
to  grant  such  requests  ;  and  that,  moreover,  I  had  no 
time  to  waste  in  applications  which  we  both  knew  would 
be  refused.  Finding  that  I  was  rather  persistent,  Colonel 
Scott  finally  said  that  the  application  must  be  made 
to  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Ordnance,  but  if  he  re 
fused  it  I  might  return,  and  he  would  see  what  could  be 
done !  I  told  him  that  I  would  go  through  the  formal 
ity  if  I  must,  but  that  I  should  certainly  return  within 
half  an  hour. 

I  found  the  Chief  of  the  Ordnance  hedged  in  by  more 
successive  guards  than  the  Secretary  of  War.  Disre 
garding  their  remonstrances,  I  went  directly  to  the  chief 
official,  apologizing  that  my  own  duties  prevented  me 
from  giving  time  to  the  usual  formalities  of  his  ap 
proach.  I  found  an  elderly  gentleman,  who  would  never 
see  seventy  again,  with  very  white  hair  and  a  very  red 
face.  I  replied  to  his  inquiry,  "What  I  wanted,"  in  the 
fewest  possible  words :  "  An  order  from  the  War  De 
partment  on  the  proper  office  in  "New  York,  to  deliver 
one  thousand  Enfield  rifles  to  the  governor  for  the  use 
of  the  First  Vermont  Regiment."  The  scarlet  hue  of 
his  face  deepened  into  crimson,  as  he  exclaimed  :  "  Such 
an  application  was  never  heard  of !  Why  was  it  not 
made  regularly  through  the  Secretary  of  War  2"  "  Be 
cause  there  was  no  time,"  I  was  about  to  say,  when  he 
fiercely  continued :  "  It  is  too  late.  The  guns  for  that 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  153 

regiment  have  been  issued  and  the  orders  signed.  They 
will  not  now  be  changed." 

"  I  supposed  the  order  had  been  issued,"  I  said,  "  and 
that  it  was  to  arm  the  regiment  with  the  Belgian  mus 
kets.  It  is  that  order  which  I  wish  to  have  changed.  I 
know  that  the  Department  has  Enfield  rifles ;  the  Yer- 
monters  want  them.  The  emergency  is  pressing,  and  I 
cannot  waste  any  time  in  mere  formalities.  I  have  come 
to  you  at  the  request  of  Colonel  Scott,  who,  I  under 
stood,  was  your  superior  officer.  I  assured  him  that  my 
application  to  this  bureau  would  be  unavailing  ;  but  the 
Yermonters  must  have  the  rifles.  If  I  cannot  get  the 
order  for  them  here  or  elsewhere,  I  must  go  to  the  Pres 
ident," 

The  shock  of  the  intimation  that  an  order  of  his  bu 
reau,  once  signed,  could  be  recalled,  or  of  the  proposition 
to  ask  the  President  to  overrule  it,  appeared  for  a  mo 
ment  to  arrest  the  action  of  his  organs  of  speech,  or  I  am 
certain  he  would  not  have  listened  to  so  long  a  state 
ment,  His  face  and  hands  turned  to  a  dark  purple,  as 
his  words  vainly  struggled  for  expression.  He  bounded 
from  his  chair  and  made  a  rush,  which  I  thought  was  in 
tended  for  my  person.  But  the  impetus  carried  him  by 
me  to  a  corner  of  the  room,  where  stood  a  musket  of  the 
old  Springfield  pattern,  the  stock  of  which  was  held  to 
the  barrel  by  the  well-known  iron-bands.  Except  that 
it  had  a  percussion  lock,  it  was  the  identical  arm  which 
frightened  the  crows  from  the  cornfields  in  my  boyhood. 
This  gun  he  seized  with  both  hands,  raised  it  above  his 
head,  and  shook  it  furiously.  He  had  gained  command 
of  his  voice  now,  for  he  roared,  rather  than  exclaimed : 
"  These  volunteers  don't  know  what  they  want !  There 
is  the  best  arm  that  was  ever  put  into  the  hands  of  a  raw 
volunteer !  When  he  throws  that  away,  as  they  gener- 


154:  RECOLLECTIOXS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ally  do,  he   does  not  throw  away  twenty-five  dollars' 
worth  of  government  property !" 

I  remarked  that  the  Yermonters  had  no  use  for  guns 
to  be  thrown  away,  and  retired.  Returning  to  Colonel 
Scott,  I  related  my  experience,  and  obtained  the  order 
for  the  rifles  without  further  difficulty.  The  fact  that 
President  Lincoln  could  be  reached  in  this  case  was  con 
trolling.  But  for  that  the  First  Vermont  would  have 
carried  Belgian  muskets  through  their  nine  months' 
campaign. 

I  had  taken  note  of  the  excited  bureau-chief's  remark, 
that  "the  First  Yermont  had  already  got  its  orders." 
This  might  mean  that  they  had  been  ordered  to  some 
disagreeable  post,  when  I  knew  that  they  preferred  ac 
tive  service.  I  therefore,  before  leaving  the  department, 
determined  to  call  on  General  Scott,  and  see  whether  I 
could  not  influence  the  destination  of  the  regiment.  I 
obtained  access  to  him  without  any  delay.  The  gallant 
old  hero  of  Lundy's  Lane  at  once  recognized  the  name 
of  Colonel  Phelps,  and  said :  "  Write  to  Colonel  Phelps 
that  I  have  not  forgotten  him ;  your  request  in  behalf 
of  his  regiment  shall  be  attended  to."  As  I  was  taking 
my  leave  Colonel  Townsend  requested  me  to  wait  a  few 
moments  in  his  office.  He  was  one  of  the  aides  of  the 
Commander  of  the  Army.  His  consultation  with  Gen 
eral  Scott  occupied  but  a  few  moments.  He  then  came 
to  me  in  his  own  room,  and  said  :  "  I  cannot  inform  you 
where  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Phelps  will  be  sent.  He 
will  receive  his  orders  to-morrow  in  New  York,  and  he 
will  be  quite  satisfied  with  them."  The  regiment  was 
ordered  to  Fortress  Monroe,  the  post  which  Colonel 
Phelps  would  himself  have  selected. 

In  this  instance  the  accessibility  of  the  President  and 
the  use  of  his  name  sufficed  to  overcome  the  hard-shelled 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  155 

formalities  of  the  War  Office.  In  other  instances  that 
Department  resisted  every  influence  but  the  active  inter 
vention  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  common-sense.  The  next  expe 
rience  in  attempting  to  introduce  a  change  was  with  the 
bureau  of  the  Surgeon-General  of  the  Army. 

If  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers  were  suddenly 
called  into  active  service  in  the  swamps  and  marshes  of 
the  South,  subject  to  the  diseases  incidental  to  constant 
exposure  in  a  new  climate,  together  with  the  casualties 
of  battle,  it  was  obvious  to  everybody  except  the  Sur 
geon-General  that  the  ordinary  resources  at  his  com 
mand  would  be  wholly  inadequate  to  preserve  their 
health  or  secure  their  comfort.  The  recent  experiences 
of  European  nations  in  war,  which  had  availed  them 
selves  to  the  fullest  extent  of  the  assistance  of  private 
organizations  to  supplement  the  deficiencies  of  a  better 
service  than  our  own,  had  demonstrated  the  great  value 
of  such  organizations,  if  any  proof  had  been  needed.  As 
if  by  a  common  impulse,  the  charitable  and  benevolent 
of  all  the  loyal  states  contributed  large  sums  of  money, 
and  organized  that  magnificent  charity,  now  well-known 
in  history  by  its  excellent  work  in  saving  lives,  the  Sani 
tary  Commission.  Dr.  Bellows,  of  Xew  York,  accompa 
nied  by  equally  eminent  citizens  from  other  large  cities, 
proceeded  to  Washington,  and  tendered  their  organiza 
tion,  with  its  abundant  resources  and  supplies  already 
accumulated,  to  the  War  Department  for  the  use  of  the 
army.  In  the  regular  course  of  such  human  events  their 
offer  was  referred  to  the  bureau  of  the  Surgeon-General 
of  the  Army.  To  their  surprise  and  confusion,  their  offer 
was  rejected  with  undisguised  contempt.  They  were 
told,  in  substance,  that  they  were  interfering  with  mat 
ters  which  did  not  concern  them,  about  which  they  knew 
nothing ;  that  the  Department  was  able  to  perform  its 


156  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

own  duties,  and  wanted  none  of  their  assistance.  In 
short,  they  were,  figuratively,  turned  out  of  the  office 
and  told  to  go  home  and  attend  to  their  own  affairs,  for 
their  volunteered  assistance  was  an  annoyance,  the  repe 
tition  of  which  would  not  be  tolerated. 

The  indignant  mortification  of  these  eminent  citizens 
may  be  imagined.  They  had  previously  supposed  them 
selves  engaged  in  an  honorable  public  service — they  were 
told  now  that  they  were  impertinent  intermeddlers  with 
matters  beyond  their  sphere.  Upon  one  conclusion  they 
were  agreed  :  they  would  shake  the  dust  of  the  War 
Office  from  their  feet,  go  home,  and  supply  their  com 
forts  directly  to  the  soldiers,  without  the  endorsement 
or  intervention  of  the  fossils  of  that  department. 

They  were  about  to  depart  from  the  capital,  when 
some  happy  thought  or  fortunate  suggestion  turned 
their  minds  to  Abraham  Lincoln.  They  called  upon  him 
and  related  their  experience.  He  "  sent  for"  the  Surgeon- 
General.  A  request  for  his  immediate  attendance  at  the 
Executive  Mansion  was  one  which  even  that  exalted  of 
ficial  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  decline.  "  These  gen 
tlemen  tell  me,"  said  the  President,  "that  they  have 
raised  a  large  amount  of  money,  and  organized  a  parent 
and  many  subordinate  societies  throughout  the  loyal 
states  to  provide  the  soldier  with  comforts,  with  mate 
rials  to  preserve  his  health,  to  shelter  him,  to  cure  his 
•wounds  and  diseases,  which  the  regulations  of  the  War 
Department  do  not  permit  your  office  to  supply — that 
they  offer  to  do  all  this  without  cost  to  the  government 
or  any  interference  with  the  action  of  your  department 
or  the  good  order  and  discipline  of  the  army,  and  that 
you  have  declined  this  offer.  With  my  limited  informa 
tion  I  should  suppose  that  this  government  would  wish 
to  avail  itself  of  every  such  offer  that  was  made.  I  wish 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  157 

to  have  you  tell  me  why  you  have  rejected  the  proposals 
of  these  gentlemen  ?" 

Had  the  President  realized  the  cruelty  of  confronting 
an  old  bureau  officer  of  the  War  Department,  encrusted 
with  all  the  traditions  of  "  how-not-to-do-it,"  suddenly 
and  without  previous  opportunity  to  frame  an  excuse, 
with  the  hard,  inflexible  sense  of  such  a  question,  he 
would  have  been  more  merciful.  The  officer  was  con 
founded.  He  could  only  mumble  some  indefinite  ob 
jections  to  outside  interference  with  the  management  of 
the  War  Office,  and  claim  that  the  Department  could 
take  care  of  its  own  sick  and  wounded — in  short,  his  at 
tempts  at  excuse  were  failures.  "  If  that  is  all  you  can 
say,"  remarked  the  President,  "  I  think  you  will  have  to 
accept  the  offer,  and  co-operate  to  the  extent  of  your 
ability  with  these  gentlemen  in  securing  its  benefits  to 
the  army."  Bureaucracy  struggled  against  common- 
sense  no  longer.  The  Sanitary  Commission  was  the 
greatest,  the  most  active  charity  of  the  war.  Tens  of 
thousands  of  saved  lives,  of  naked  men  clothed,  of 
wounded  men  sheltered  and  made  comfortable,  had  good 
reason  to  bless  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  whose 
common-sense  secured  for  them  the  benefits  of  such  an- 
invaluable  organization. 


158  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  -  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXIII. 

THE  COLORED  PEOPLE.— THEIR  INDUSTRY  IN  LEARNING  TO 
READ.— THEIR  IMPLICIT  CONFIDENCE  IN  PRESIDENT  LIN 
COLN. 

I  HAD  some  opportunities,  particularly  during  the  first 
few  months  of  my  residence  in  Washington,  of  observ 
ing  the  influence  upon  the  colored  race  of  their  pros 
pective  emancipation,  which  were  very  interesting  at 
the  time.  I  transcribe  from  my  journals  some  of  the 
notes  which  I  thought  were  worthy  of  preservation. 

In  the  first  month  of  my  official  life,  an  old  resident 
and  former  official  of  the  city,  Ex-Mayor  Wallach,  called 
to  ask  me  to  appoint  a  colored  man  as  a  laborer  in  the 
register's  office.  He  was  a  slave,  whose  master  was  a 
Virginia  Secessionist ;  he  was  out  of  employment,  and  in 
absolute  want.  Mr.  Wallach  recommended  him  highly, 
saying  that,  besides  making  himself  useful  in  the  office, 
he  was  perfectly  competent  to  assist,  if  any  one  wished 
to  entertain  dinner  or  other  company,  by  taking  charge 
of  the  entire  affair  —  making  provision  for,  cooking, 
and  serving  a  dinner  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  most 
exacting.  Besides,  he  was  thoroughly  honest,  for  the 
ex-mayor  and  his  friends  had  employed  and  trusted  him 
for  many  years.  In  view  of  so  high  a  recommendation, 
I  promised  to  give  him  a  trial.  His  name,  Mr.  Wallach 
said,  was  "Walker  Lewis. 

The  next  morning  Lewis  called  upon  me.  He  was 
about  forty  years  of  age,  and,  except  for  his  color, 
had  few  of  the  characteristics  of  the  negro.  He  was 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  159 

erect,  rather  slim,  with  a  face  and  lips  which  would  not 
have  discredited  any  white  man.  He  was  neatly  dressed, 
and  in  manner  and  conversation  a  gentleman.  I  addressed 
a  few  inquiries  to  him,  and  by  degrees  drew  from  him 
the  history  of  his  life.  From  boyhood  his  master  had 
hired  him  out  as  a  servant  at  hotels  and  watering-places. 
He  had  been  for  many  seasons  at  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs  and  Old  Point  Comfort,  and  during  the  sessions 
of  Congress  he  had  been  employed  by  one  of  the  Wash 
ington  hotels  patronized  by  Southerners.  He  had  been 
married  once,  when  quite  young,  but  his  family  had 
become  separated,  and  he  never  expected  to  see  them 
again.  Asked  if  his  master  allowed  him  to  have  any 
part  of  his  wages,  he  replied  no,  that  he  had  to  pay 
to  him  not  only  his  wages,  but  all  the  gratuities  which 
gentlemen  gave  him.  He  was  acquainted  with  many 
leading  Southern  statesmen,  and  had  served  some  of 
them.  He  had  been  steward  for  President  Tyler  and 
several  others.  When  I  asked  him  what  his  last  em 
ployment  had  been,  he  answered,  without  the  slight 
est  hesitation,  that  he  had  been  the  steward  of  Major 
II—  — 's  gambling-house,  until  the  war  broke  out,  when, 
all  the  gentlemen  having  gone  South,  business  was  dull, 
and  the  house  had  been  closed.  He  was,  therefore,  out 
of  employment,  had  no  money,  and,  if  I  would  give  him 
a  place,  he  would  serve  me  very  faithfully. 

"  But,  Lewis,"  I  said,  "  if  I  secure  you  a  place  in  the 
Treasury,  your  work  would  be  carrying  money,  bonds, 
and  securities,  in  large  amounts,  from  one  room  or  office 
to  another.  Do  you  think  it  would  be  safe  to  put  a  man 
in  such  a  position  whose  last  employment  was  in  a  gam 
bling-house  ?" 

An  expression  passed  over  his  face  that  touched  me. 
It  was  pitiful.  His  voice  trembled,  and  his  eyes  filled 


160  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

with  tears  as  he  said,  "  I  wish  you  would  only  try  me, 
master !  I  never  gambled ;  I  never  drink  liquor ;  I  don't 
think  I  am  any  worse  for  working  in  a  gambling-house. 
If  I  had  had  any  choice  about  it,  it  might  have  been  dif 
ferent.  But  I  never  had  any  choice  of  employment  in 
my  life.  I  have  had  to  go  where  my  master  hired  me 
out,  and  do  what  I  was  told  to  do.  Seems  a  little  hard, 
master,  that  I  can't  have  one  trial !" 

"  It  is  hard,  Lewis !"  I  said,  "  and  you  shall  have  one 
trial.  Come  here  to-morrow,  and  your  name  shall  be 
placed  on  the  roll.  But  the  first  time  you  go  wrong 
you  will  probably  go  to  prison  ;  and  you  must  drop  that 
word  'master,'  which  you  have  used  so  many  times. 
Every  man  in  this  bureau  who  does  his  duty  and  obeys 
the  rules  is  his  own  master,  and  will  have  no  other." 

"  But,  master,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  can't  help  it.  I  kind 
of  forget  myself.  I  was  never  spoken  to  so  before.  No  I 
no  white  man  ever  treated  me  like  you  do.  I  should 
like  to  call  you  master.  Seems  like  I  must  do  some 
thing  to  show  you  how  grateful  I  am." 

Lewis's  name  was  borne  on  the  pay-roll  of  the  register's 
office  for  many  years  after  I  left  it ;  until,  indeed,  his  hair 
was  white,  and  he  had  accumulated  a  modest  competence. 
He  married,  and  became  in  time  one  of  the  leading  citi 
zens  of  his  race  in  Washington.  When  I  left  the  Treasury 
I  was  of  the  opinion  that,  in  the  three  or  four  past  years, 
Lewis  had  handled  more  money  and  securities  than  any 
other  person  in  that  department  or  outside  of  it.  He 
was  a  model  of  industry,  gratitude,  and  integrity.  I 
never  could  break  him  of  the  use  of  the  word  "  master." 

Long  after  his  appointment  I  noticed  that,  whenever 
I  met  Lewis  in  one  of  the  halls  of  the  Treasury,  he  would 
invariably  cross  over  to  the  other  side,  and  pass  me  as 
far  away  as  possible.  This  was  so  often  repeated  that  I 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  161 

saw  it  was  intentional,  and  I  insisted  upon  an  explana 
tion.  I  said  that  his  conduct  indicated  that  he  was  afraid 
of  me. 

"  Oh,  no,  master,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  am  not  afraid  of 
you,  the  best  friend  I  ever  had !  I  will  tell  you  about 
it.  If  I  lost  one  of  these  bundles,  or  anybody  got  one 
away  from  me,  I  would  be  ruined ;  you  would  think  I 
was  dishonest.  When  I  first  began  to  carry  money,  I 
said  to  myself,  '  K"ow,  if  I  never  let  anybody  get  within 
ten  feet  of  me  when  I  am  carrying  a  Treasury  bundle, 
I  will  be  sure  that  nobody  gets  that  bundle.'  So  I  just 
made  a  little  rule,  only  for  myself,  you  see,  and  it  is  this : 
'Walker,  when  you  have  a  Treasury  bundle  in  your 
hands,  never  let  anybody,  not  your  best  friend,  not  the 
register,  come  within  ten  feet  of  you,  until  you  have  put 
that  bundle  where  it  belongs !'  " 

It  would  have  been  to  the  profit  of  many  treasuries 
if  other  messengers  had  adopted  the  Walker  Lewis  rule. 

There  was,  at  the  corner  of  Eleventh  and  K  Streets,  a 
colored  church,  the  oldest,  I  believe,  in  Washington.  I 
passed  it  every  day  on  my  way  to  the  Treasury,  and  fre 
quently  attended  its  meetings.  At  first,  minister  and 
members  were  reserved  in  my  presence,  and  I  saw  little 
which  might  not  have  taken  place  in  the  churches  of 
Drs.  Gurley  and  Sundeiiand.  But  on  one  occasion  it  was 
my  fortune  to  listen  to  a  plain  discussion  of  my  charac 
ter  and  relations  to  the  colored  race,  which  ended  in  an 
expression  of  confidence,  and  a  conclusion  that,  since  I  had 
recommended  colored  men  to  office,  and  was  the  friend 
of  Massa  Linkum,  there  was  no  reason  why  I  should  not 
be  admitted  to  their  most  secret  councils.  Afterwards 
their  services  were  conducted  without  any  apparent  no 
tice  of  my  presence. 

Meetings  were  held  in  this  church  almost  every  even- 
11 


162  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ing.  Once  or  twice  a  week  discussions  were  held  of 
public  questions  in  which  the  colored  people  were  inter 
ested.  The  debates  wrere  usually  opened  by  the  pastor, 
but  participated  in  by  members  of  the  church  of  both 
sexes.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  pastor  was  a 
slave,  who  worked  for  his  master  six  days  in  the  week, 
and  that  the  members,  with  few  exceptions,  were  born 
in  slavery,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  freedom  save  the 
hope  of  it  in  the  future,  through  the  influence  of  "  Massa 
Linkum,"  my  readers  will  not  wonder  at  the  interest  I 
felt  in  these  debates,  nor  at  my  surprise  at  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  conducted. 

I  was  once  invited  to  act  as  umpire,  or  judge,  at  one 
of  these  discussions.  The  question  was,  "  What  makes 
the  white  man  the  superior  of  the  colored  man  ?"  I  ex 
cused  myself  on  the  ground  that  I  was  interested  in  the 
question,  and  could  not  trust  my  own  impartiality.  But 
I  did  not  fail  to  attend  the  meeting  at  which  the  subject 
was  to  be  discussed. 

The  principal  remarks  were  made  by  the  minister. 
The  report  is  deprived  of  much  of  its  interest,  and  all  of 
its  genuine  pathos,  by  my  inability  to  give  the  dialect 
of  the  speakers.  I  shall  only  attempt  to  show  by  a  few 
extracts  the  good  sense  which  was  a  prominent  feature 
of  the  discussion,  the  accuracy  with  which  these  peo 
ple,  whom  we  called  ignorant,  appreciated  the  situation, 
and  the  intelligence  with  which  they  set  about  preparing 
themselves  for  the  coming  change  in  their  condition. 

The  white  man,  the  pastor  said,  was  their  superior. 
This  must  be  so,  or  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  keep 
them  for  generations  in  slavery,  and  he  would  not  now 
be  able  to  live  upon  their  labor.  "  He  makes  the  world 
believe  that  we  are  a  careless,  thriftless  race ;  that,  like 
the  grasshopper,  we  will  not  lay  up  anything  for  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  103 

future,  and  would  starve  when  winter  comes,  if  he  did 
not  take  care  of  us.  We  know  this  is  not  true.  How 
many  men  can  I  count  in  this  congregation  who  are  sup 
porting  the  families  of  their  white  masters  with  the  wages 
of  their  labor,  besides  taking  care  of  their  own  wives  and 
children  ?  I  am  doing  it,  for  one,  and  I  do  not  know  of 
any  income  which  my  master  has  had  for  a  long  time 
except  the  earnings  of  his  slaves.  If  we  support  our 
selves  and  our  masters  while  we  are  slaves,  we  can  surely 
take  care  of  ourselves  when  we  are  free. 

"Brethren,  the  great  God  has  been  very  kind  and 
merciful  to  us  and  our  generation.  Just  like  as  he  saved 
Moses  from  the  crocodiles,  and  raised  him  up  to  lead  his 
people  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt  and  out  of  the  house  of 
bondage ;  just  like  as  he  saved  the  dear  Lord  from  the 
butchers  of  old  wicked  Herod,  and  bred  him  up  to  give 
every  sinful  black  or  white  man  or  woman  one  chance 
to  repent  and  escape  out  of  the  hands  of  old  Satan,  so 
he  has  now  raised  up  Massa  Linkum,  and  preserved  his 
life,  so  that  he  might  give  us  freedom.  If  we  don't  do 
our  part  towards  getting  ready  for  freedom,  we  don't 
deserve  to  be  set  free.  One  thing  that  we  must  do  in 
getting  ready  is,  to  show  the  world  that  we  can  take 
care  of  ourselves,  and  that  the  superiority  of  the  white 
man  is  not  given  him  by  the  Almighty,  and  that  he 
cannot  hold  it,  if  we  do  our  duty. 

"  For  the  power  and  control  of  the  white  man  over  us 
comes  from  his  education.  He  can  make  books  and 
newspapers,  and  he  can  use  them  for  his  advantage. 
He  can  read  history,  and  profit  by  it ;  he  can  carry  on 
trade,  make  bargains,  and  use  us  to  build  houses  and 
railroads,  because  he  is  educated,  and  can  read  and  write 
and  make  figures.  We  cannot  do  all  that  he  does,  be 
cause  we  cannot  read  and  write.  What  can  he  do  with 


164:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

his  arms  and  hands  that  we  cannot  do  ?  And,  if  we  had 
his  education,  why  could  we  not  do  all  these  other  things 
as  well  as  be  ?  Brethren,  this  is  not  a  question.  A  ques 
tion  has  two  sides  to  it — this  has  got  only  one.  You 
know  that  an  ignorant  white  man  is  a  poorer  creature 
than  an  ignorant  colored  man.  A  poor  white  in  the 
South  is  lower  down  than  any  slave.  Who  supports  the 
rum-shops  in  this  city  ?  Is  it  the  ignorant  whites  or  the 
ignorant  colored  men?  Yet  these  white  men  go  every 
week  from  the  grog-shops  to  the  penitentiary,  claiming 
how  much  better  they  are  than  the  *  niggers,'  with  whom 
they  are  too  respectable  to  associate ! 

"  Oh,  my  dear  brethren,  I  have  only  just  now  learned 
to  read.  Until  we  heard  that  Massa  Linkuin  was  elect 
ed  I  never  had  a  spelling-book  or  learned  my  letters.  I 
was  sixty-five  years  old  before  I  knew  the  difference  be 
tween  A  and  B.  I  thank  the  Lord  that  now  I  can  read 
the  news ;  that  I  can  read  the  Bible.  I  am  learning  ev- 

o 

ery  day.  Every  hour  that  I  can  save  from  my  work  I 
give  to  my  Header,  Geography,  and  Arithmetic.  I  want 
to  see  every  colored  man  and  woman,  and  every  colored 
child,  with  a  spelling-book  or  a  primer  or  some  other 
book  always  in  their  hands.  Pretty  soon  now  we  shall 
have  our  freedom.  I  don't  know  just  when,  but  the 
Lord  and  Massa  Linkum  knows,  and  they  will  tell  us  in 
their  own  good  time.  Freedom  will  come  before  we  are 
ready.  Let  us  get  ready  as  fast  as  we  can.  Getting 
ready  means  learning  to  read  and  write,  and  make  fig 
ures.  When  we  all  learn  to  do  these  things — when  we 
educate  ourselves  and  our  children,  we  shall  be  the  equals 
of  any  white  race  on  the  face  of  the  earth ;  we  shall  be 
come  a  credit  to  our  race,  to  the  country,  and  to  that 
great  and  good  man  who  has  been  raised  up  by  the  Lord 
to  give  us  freedom.  The  Bible  is  all  full  of  directions  to 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

get  wisdom,  to  get  education.  It  tells  how  one  poor 
man  saved  a  city  when  a  great  king,  with  a  mighty 
army,  tried  to  take  it,  because  he  had  wisdom." 

Suddenly  the  old  man  dropped  upon  his  knees,  and, 
raising  his  clasped  hands  in  the  most  unstudied  attitude 
of  supplication,  exclaimed,  "  Oh,  Lord,  teach  my  people  ! 
teach  my  people !"  I  never  heard  a  more  earnest  and 
touching  prayer.  Every  person  in  the  crowded  church 
was  kneeling,  and  spontaneously  their  musical  voices, 
pitched  to  the  same  key,  swelled  a  mighty  refrain — 
u  Hear  him,  good  Lord !  hear  him !"  A  single  voice 
sang,  "  Praise  God !"  and  with  an  effect  almost  inde 
scribable  the  old  doxology  rang  through  the  church 

O«/  O  O 

from  floor  to  roof-tree.  I  came  away  while  the  influ 
ence  of  the  scene  was  upon  me,  humbled  and  abashed 
by  the  lesson  which  the  old  colored  preacher  had  taught 
me  of  the  injustice  of  my  race,  and  deeply  impressed  by 
the  earnest  simplicity  of  this  effort  of  a  simple-minded 
man  to  prepare  his  people  for  emancipation. 

At  this  period  observing  men  could  not  have  failed  to 
notice  that  many  colored  men  had  become  students  of' 
the  spelling-book  and  primer.  Porters  at  the  hotels  were 
poring  over  the  well-thumbed  pages  whenever  they  had 
a  moment  of  spare  time.  One  of  the  laborers  in  my 
office,  an  old,  white-haired  man,  had  arranged  to  per 
form  his  service  with  promptness,  and  then  to  be  called 
whenever  he  should  be  wanted.  His  mysterious  disap 
pearances  led  me  to  make  inquiry,  and,  through  a  clerk, 
I  soon  discovered  the  old  man's  occupation  during  the 
intervals  of  work.  The  files-room  of  the  register  was 
in  the  basement  of  the  Treasury.  In  a  recess,  formed 
by  a  window  at  the  farther  end  of  the  room,  was  a  space 
large  enough  to  seat  four  persons.  It  was  a  corner  sel 
dom  visited,  and  far  away  from  the  hall  or  passage. 


166  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Here  four  colored  employes  of  the  Treasury  had  im 
provised  a  school-room.  Not  one  of  them  was  under 
sixty-five  years  of  age ;  the  man  employed  in  the  Regis 
ter's  Office  must  have  been  fully  threescore  and  ten. 
They  had  arranged  narrow  seats  facing  each  other,  and 
at  the  time  of  my  entrance  their  teacher,  a  colored  boy 
of  about  ten  years,  was  hearing  their  lessons.  My  old 
laborer,  through  an  enormous  pair  of  horn  spectacles, 
was  reading  out  his  lesson  in  words  of  three  letters. 
He  attacked  his  task  with  great  earnestness,  shaking  his 
white,  woolly  head  as  he  came  to  a  hard  place  in  it,  but 
finally  spelled  out,  without  assistance, "  The-dog-can-run." 
His  teacher  praised  his  improvement,  and  said  he  should 
soon  put  him  in  words  of  four  letters.  His  old,  wrinkled 
face  beamed  with  delight  as  he  asked,  "  Do  you  t'ink  I 
can  manage  'em,  sonny  3  Dey're  drefful  hard !"  The 
teacher  assured  him  that  he  could,  and  that  before  very 
long  he  would  be  able  to  read  the  newspaper,  which  ap 
peared  to  be  the  universal  desideratum. 

The  colored  people  frequently  had  the  latest  and  fresh 
est  news.  How  they  got  it  I  never  ascertained.  When 
armies  were  fighting,  they  used  to  assemble  in  parties 
of  a  dozen  or  twenty,  when  one  would  read  aloud  to 
the  others  all  the  news  from  the  morning  journals. 
They  had  other  sources  of  information  of  which  we 
knew  nothing.  Several  times  my  colored  messengers 
brought  me  intelligence  in  advance  of  the  press.  It 
had  been  decided  to  issue  the  Emancipation  Proclama 
tion  before  the  battle  of  Antietam.  I  was  first  informed 
of  its  intended  postponement  by  one  of  these  messen 
gers,  who  said  that  the  President  would  not  issue  it  un 
til  we  had  gained  a  victory ;  that,  if  issued  at  that  time, 
it  might  be  regarded  as  a  desperate  act,  resorted  to  be 
cause  we  despaired  of  success  in  the  field.  His  informa- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  107 

tion  was  perfectly  accurate.  To  my  inquiry  whether 
the  delay  would  not  prove  a  disappointment  to  the  ne 
gro  race,  he  made  the  answer  which  was  so  frequently 
repeated,  and  which  illustrated  their  absolute  confidence 
in  the  President,  "  Why,  no,  sir !  Of  course  Massa  Lin- 
kum  knows  best  !*' 


168  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXIY. 

SECRETARY  CAMERON.— HIS  RESIGNATION.— GENERAL  FREMONT. 
—HIS  TROUBLES  IN  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  WEST.— SECRE 
TARY  ST ANTON.— HIS  CHARACTER.— THE  DAVIS  COMMISSION. 
—MR.  O'NEILL'S  REPORT  ON  SECRETARY  STANTON'S  SERVICES. 

THE  circumstances  which  led  to  the  resignation  of  the 
War  Department  by  Secretary  Cameron,  and  the 'selec 
tion  of  Mr.  Stanton  as  his  successor,  have  never  been 
fairly  presented  to  the  public.  They  form  a  complicated 
chapter  of  our  Avar  history ;  they  are  numerous  and  de 
serve  greater  space  than  I  can  afford  to  give  them.  I 
have  long  felt  that  the  general  estimate  entertained  by 
the  American  people  of  the  character  and  services  of  Mr. 
Stanton  was  much  less  favorable  than  it  should  be.  Some 
of  the  facts  within  my  knowledge  may  tend  to  a  more 
correct  appreciation  of  the  great  "War  Secretary,  and  to 
remove  public  misapprehensions,  which  but  for  his  strong 
peculiarities  Mr.  Stanton  would  have  himself  rendered 
impossible. 

In  December,  1861,  our  republic  was  passing  through 
a  very  trying  period  of  its  existence.  There  had  been 
no  successes  in  the  field  to  compensate  for  the  disaster 
of  Bull  Run.  The  country  was  putting  forth  a  mighty 
effort  to  raise  and  organize  an  army,  under  a  young  and 
untried  general ;  the  Confederates,  united  and  defiant, 
had  suppressed  every  expression  of  loyalty  in  the  revolt 
ed  states,  and  their  sympathizers  in  the  Korth  were  hold 
ing  conventions  and  resolving  that  the  war  was  a  fail 
ure.  Just  at  this  time  Great  Britain  had  found  in  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

"Trent  affair"  an  excuse  to  deal  us  a  blow  which  we 
had  not  the  strength  to  return,  and  the  Treasury,  taxed 
to  its  utmost  capacity,  and  struggling  under  its  burdens, 
had  reached  a  point  where  it  must  be  relieved  from  the 
demands  with  which  it  was  flooded  from  the  "  Depart 
ment  of  the  West,"  or  publicly  confess  its  inability  to 
carry  them. 

Secretary  Cameron,  as  the  result  of  his  own  experi 
ence,  had  decided  that  the  War  Department  required 
the  services  of  a  more  energetic  secretary.  No  friend  of 
the  Union  doubted  the  loyalty  or  the  patriotism  of  this 
eminent  Pennsylvanian.  His  long  connection  with,  and 
administration  of,  large  corporations  gave  him  most  ex 
cellent  business  qualifications  for  the  War  Office.  Then, 
as  now,  the  Pennsylvania  Kailroad  Company  was  gen 
erally  accepted  as  a  model  for  the  business  management 
of  a  great  institution.  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott  was 
credited  with  originating  its  business  system.  He  was 
then  in  the  prime  of  life,  and,  with  his  corps  of  lieuten 
ants  in  the  railroad  service,  followed  his  old  chief  into 
the  War  Department.  So  far  as  its  business  manage 
ment  was  concerned,  this  Department  was  supposed  to 
be  better  equipped  than  any  other  in  the  government. 
And  so  it  was.  The  quick  perception  and  energy  of 
Colonel  Scott,  in  which  his  aides  participated,  rapidly  re 
vealed  the  time-sanctified  obstructions,  and  so  cleared 
away  the  dead-wood  of  the  office  that  it  was  brought 
to  the  highest  state  of  efficiency. 

But  Colonel  Scott  encountered  one  obstruction  which 
he  could  not  overcome.  It  was  the  contempt  of  the  offi 
cers  of  the  regular  army  for  the  appointments  from  civil 
life.  At  that  time  every  head  of  a  bureau  in  the  War 
Office  was  an  officer  of  the  regular  army,  with  a  very 
limited  experience  in  the  field.  They  sincerely  believed 


170  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

that  all  good  things  came  out  of  West  Point,  and  that  four 
years  there,  followed  by  twenty-five  years  of  theoretical 
service  in  the  army,  were  the  indispensable  qualifications 
of  a  bureau  officer.  These  men  never  openly  opposed 
efforts  at  improvement.  They  were  always  apparently 
ready  to  correct  abuses,  avoid  procrastination,  and  co 
operate  in  making  the  Department  a  model  of  business 
efficiency. 

But,  somehow,  it  always  happened  that  when  it  was 
proposed  to  carry  a  new  rule  into  practice,  and  cut  off 
some  venerable  excrescence,  it  could  not  be  done.  No 
one  openly  objected — the  difficulties  arose  spontane 
ously.  If  the  change  was  pressed,  objections  multiplied, 
and  the  endeavor  was  sure  to  encounter  the  opposition 
of  every  employe,  reinforced  by  whatever  outside  influ 
ence  he  could  control.  That  the  existing  system  was 
perfection  itself  Avas  the  principal  article  of  faith  of  the 
bureau  clerk.  The  result  commonly  was,  that  the  en 
thusiasm  for  reform  waned,  as  objections  multiplied,  and, 
after  continuing  the  contest  for  a  few  weeks  without  ac 
complishing  any  good  result,  the  advocate  for  improve 
ment  gave  it  up,  and  the  bureau  settled  down  into  its 
former  quiet  inefficiency,  much  to  the  comfort  of  the 
official  in  command  and  his  subordinates.  It  is  true 
that  public  indignation  eventually  interfered,  but  how 
many  lives  were  lost,  what  an  aggregate  of  suffering 
and  waste  of  money  were  entailed,  by  the  hostility  of 
the  regular  service  to  anything  proposed  by  civilians 
cannot  readily  be  estimated. 

The  custom  of  the  heads  of  some  military  depart 
ments  to  make  contracts  without  regard  to  the  ability 
of  the  Treasury  to  meet  their  payments  more  than  once 
brought  the  Treasury  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  A 
very  brief  experience  satisfied  Colonel  Scott  of  the  im- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  171 

minence  of  this  danger,  and  the  total  lack  of  necessi 
ty  for  the  same.  He  proposed  a  change,  which  would 
still  have  left  to  such  commander  a  limited  discretion, 
bat  would  have  restricted  his  powers  within  safe  lim 
its.  He  met  with  the  united  resistance  of  the  whole 
Department.  It  was  declared  an  insult  to  military 
officers  to  subject  them  to  such  rules.  Had  these 
bureau  officers  seconded  the  wise  proposals  of  Colonel 
Scott  an  enormous  waste  of  money  would  have  been 
avoided  and  the  necessity  for  a  change  of  secretaries 
would  not  have  arisen.  Finding  that  all  his  efforts 
at  reform  only  served  to  excite  opposition,  and  as  his 
wish  to  assist  his  old  chief  had  been  his  only  reason  for 
coming  into  the  Department,  Colonel  Scott  left  it,  and 
returned  to  his  railroad,  whither  all  his  lieutenants  fol 
lowed  him. 

In  June,  1861,  General  Fremont,  just  returned  from 
abroad,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  "  Depart 
ment  of  the  West,"  with  his  headquarters  at  St.  Louis. 
Missouri  had  been  saved  to  the  Union  by  the  vigorous 
loyalty  of  her  citizens.  There  was,  therefore,  some  ex 
cuse  for  giving  to  General  Fremont  powers  in  addition 
to  those  usually  vested  in  the  head  of  a  military  depart 
ment.  He  was  authorized  to  purchase  or  construct  ves 
sels  for  use  upon  the  "Western  rivers ;  in  effect  to  create 
a  navy. 

During  April  and  May  there  had  been  much  looseness 
in  the  allowance  of  claims  upon  the  national  Treasury 
from  St.  Louis  and  its  vicinity;  the  War  Department 
had  assumed  some  claims  created  by  citizens  without 
previous  authority.  The  apology  for  this  gross  irregu 
larity,  if  any  such  apology  existed,  was  that  the  govern 
ment  property  could  not  be  otherwise  protected.  The 
consequences  were  not  slow  in  making  their  appearance. 


172  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Men  are  apt  to  be  liberal  with  the  money  of  others,  and 
the  loyal  citizens  of  Missouri  were  much  like  other  men. 
As  soon  as  the  precedent  was  established,  these  claims 
increased  to  a  frightful  aggregate,  which  led  to  the  crea 
tion  of  the  Department  of  the  West,  and  an  order,  that 
thereafter  all  the  moneys  of  the  United  States  must  be 
disbursed  by  the  regularly  appointed  officers  of  the  gov 
ernment. 

This  order  produced  no  diminution  in  the  claims.  To 
every  remonstrance  General  Fremont  replied  that  the 
claims  originated  before  his  appointment,  and  that  he 
was  not  responsible  for  them.  During  the  summer  and 
autumn  they  reached  an  amount  which  it  wras  difficult 
for  the  Treasury  to  meet,  and  some  disposition  must  be 
made  of  them,  or  their  continued  payment  be  openly  re 
fused.  Suspicions  of  their  honesty  began  to  arise.  For 
example,  an  account  for  army  blankets  of  a  well-known 
description  had  been  allowed,  and  a  warrant  drawn  for 
its  payment.  The  register  caused  the  list  to  be  copied, 
without  the  prices,  and  submitted  to  two  Washington 
dealers,  who  were  requested  to  name  the  prices  at  which 
they  would  furnish  five  or  ten  pairs  of  like  blankets  to 
the  Treasury.  Both  named  the  same  price,  which  was 
only  32  per  cent,  of  that  paid  at  St.  Louis.  The  facts 
were  communicated  immediately  to  Secretary  Chase. 
The  subject  was  considered  in  Cabinet  meeting,  where 
it  was  determined  that  payment  of  all  claims  against 
the  Military  Department  of  the  West  which  originated 
prior  to  the  appointment  of  General  Fremont  should  be 
suspended  until  they  were  examined  by  a  commission 
which  should  report  the  facts,  with  its  opinion  upon 
the  amount  equitably  due.  The  order  first  applied 
only  to  "  unsettled  claims,"  but  before  its  labors  finally 
terminated  the  commission's  jurisdiction  was  extended 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  173 

to  claims  which  had  been  approved  by  the  accounting 
officers. 

Towards  the  end  of  October  the  President  appointed 
David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  and 
Hugh  Campbell,  of  Missouri,  members  of  this  commis 
sion.  These  gentlemen  were  eminently  fitted  for  the 
stern  duties  they  were  required  to  perform.  They  were 
just  men,  who  would  as  readily  reduce  to  its  true  value 
the  claim  of  the  most  influential  citizen  as  of  the  most 
insignificant  person. 

Before  this  commission  was  appointed,  General  Fre 
mont  had  involved  himself  in  complications  which  seri 
ously  interfered  with  his  efficiency.  lie  had  issued  a 
proclamation  manumitting  the  slaves  of  rebels,  which 
President  Lincoln  found  it  necessary  to  modify.  A  man 
of  great  amiability  of  character,  he  had  too  great  con 
fidence  in  the  statements  of  others,  and  thus  was  easily 
influenced  by  designing  men.  His  personal  integrity 
was  unquestioned,  but  his  amiable  weaknesses  were  so 
well  known  that  the  President  had  been  unwilling  to 
place  him  in  command  of  such  an  important  depart 
ment,  and  had  only  been  induced  to  do  so  by  the  per 
sistence  of  the  general's  influential  relatives  and  friends. 
His  appointment  was  the  signal  for  the  gathering  at  St. 
Louis  of  the  clans  of  the  speculative,  the  unprincipled, 
and  the  dishonest.  These  men  applauded  him  in  the 
newspapers  and  extolled  him  to  his  face.  They  lost  no 
opportunity  of  assuring  him  that  he  was  the  greatest 
military  leader,  the  most  distinguished  statesman  of  his 
generation ;  in  short,  that  the  finger  of  destiny  pointed 
to  him  as  the  coming  President,  the  inevitable  successor 
of  Mr.  Lincoln.  There  are  few  men,  and  General  Fre 
mont  was  not  of  the  number,  who  do  not  like  to  be 
praised.  The  interested  persons  referred  to  were  ex- 


174  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

tremely  vigilant.  They  took  almost  entire  possession  of 
the  general,  and  made  it  very  difficult  for  others  to  ap 
proach  him,  or  to  get  his  attention  to  the  most  urgent 
public  business.  A  profitable  contract  was  the  one  thing 
needful,  the  single  reward  which  every  one  of  these  per 
sons  was  seeking.  The  demands  upon  the  Treasury  in 
dicated  that  few  of  them  sought  it  in  vain. 

The  criticisms  upon  the  conduct  of  General  Fremont 
culminated  in  charges  against  him,  preferred  by  General 
Frank  Blair.  Although  the  confidence  of  loyal  citizens 
in  his  fidelity  to  the  Union  remained  unshaken,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  determined  that  the  good  of  the  service  re 
quired  his  removal  from  his  command.  The  order  to 
that  effect  reached  him  at  Springfield,  Missouri,  on  the 
2d  of  November.  His  conduct  upon  that  occasion  should 
always  be  remembered  to  his  credit.  He  was  in  hourly 
expectation  of  a  Confederate  attack.  His  body-guard, 
which  was  devoted  to  him,  was  excited  and  indignant. 
But  instead  of  sulking  in  his  tent,  he  continued  his  prep 
arations  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  spent  the  night  in  watch 
ful  inspection  of  the  defences,  ready  to  lead  the  army  if 
the  anticipated  attack  should  be  made.  His  brief  ad 
dress  to  his  men,  written  during  that  night,  is  a  model  of 
its  kind.  It  contains  no  trace  of  sullenness.  It  urges 
the  army  principally  to  make  him  proud  of  them  by 
continuing  to  his  successor  the  cordial  support  which 
had  so  much  encouraged  him.  His  single  regret  was 
that  he  could  not  have  the  honor  of  leading  them  to  the 
victory  they  were  about  to  win,  but  he  should  claim  the 
right  to  share  in  the  joy  of  their  triumph,  and  to  be  al 
ways  remembered  by  his  companions  in  arms.  He  will 
be  a  cold-hearted  American,  who  in  after-times  shall 
read  that  letter  and  fail  to  recognize  the  fervent  patriot 
ism  of  its  distinguished  author. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  175 

The  first  experiences  of  the  commission  in  the  investi 
gation  of  these  claims  in  St.  Louis  produced  discoveries 
which  led  to  the  enlargement  of  its  jurisdiction  to  all 
the  claims  in  the  Department,  whatever  their  date  or 
origin,  which  had  not  passed  the  accounting  officers  of 
the  Treasury.  But  this  increase  of  its  powers  was 
among  the  least  important  results  of  the  commission. 
By  the  end  of  the  year  the  amount  of  these  claims  al 
lowed  by  the  accounting  officers  became  so  large  as  to 
again  threaten  the  solvency  of  the  Treasury.  By  their 
allowance  they  became  a  part  of  the  admitted  national 
debt.  What  was  to  be  done  with  them?  There  were 
many  anxious  Cabinet  consultations  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  some  means  of  refusing  payment  of  these 
claims,  without  subjecting  the  Treasury  justly  to  the 
charge  of  repudiation.  There  was  but  one  way  discov 
ered  in  which  it  could  be  done.  Possibly  there  was  but 
one  man  in  the  nation  who  had  the  moral  courage  to  do 
it.  The  way  was  for  the  Secretary  of  War  to  undertake 
the  personal  examination  of  the  facts  in  each  case,  and 
to  refuse  to  send  any  claim  to  the  Treasury  for  payment 
until  he  had  become  satisfied  of  its  justice  and  equity. 
In  this  way  the  aggregate  daily  demands  upon  the  Treas 
ury  might  be  kept  within  its  abiluVy  to  pay. 

At  this  time  another  subject  was  demanding  the 
greatest  possible  efficiency  in  the  administration  of  the 
War  Office.  Treasonable  utterances  in  the  loyal  states 
from  newspapers  and  individuals  w^ere  becoming  bold 
and  frequent.  The  fact  that  such  newspapers  were 
allowed  freely  to  continue  their  objectionable  publica 
tions  was  certainly  one  form  of  giving  aid  and  comfort 
to  the  enemy,  and  made  it  difficult  to  call,  with  success, 
upon  the  country  for  volunteers,  money,  and  materials. 
The  voice  of  loyalty  to  the  Union  was  suppressed  in  the 


170  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Confederate  States  on  pain  of  death.  To  permit  the  ad 
vocacy  of  Secession  principles  in  the  loyal  states  was  to 
place  them  at  an  insufferable  disadvantage. 

The  Habeas  Corpus  Act  had  not  yet  been  passed,  and 
the  measures  for  the  suppression  of  open  disloyalty  must 
necessarily  originate  in  the  War  Department.  The  ex 
cellent  judgment  of  Mr.  Cameron  determined  that  he 
was  not  the  secretary  who  could  enforce  such  measures 
with  the  greatest  success.  He  was  conservative,  delib 
erate,  strongly  averse  to  going  beyond  the  bounds  of 
lawful  authority.  If  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  was  to 
be  suspended,  certain.  Northern  newspapers  suppressed, 
and  Northern  men  of  disloyal  tendencies  imprisoned  by 
military  authority,  the  exigency  demanded  at  the  head 
of  the  War  Department  a  bold,  fearless  man,  prompt  to 
assume  responsibility  in  doubtful  cases. 

The  immediate  cause,  however,  of  the  secretary's  res 
ignation  was  the  decision  of  the  Cabinet  to  decline  pay 
ment  of  claims  from  the  Department  of  the  West  which 
arose  out  of  contracts  lawfully  made  and  for  which  the 
government  was  liable  according  to  established  rules  of 
law,  and  especially  such  as  had  been  allowed  by  the  ac 
counting  officers.  He  had  no  doubt  that,  in  fact,  the 
claims  were,  grossly  exaggerated,  but  the  method  pro 
posed  for  dealing  with  them  he  regarded  as  undignified, 
or,  as  he  expressed  it,  too  much  like  pretending  to  pay 
specie  by  counting  out  dimes  and  half -dimes  when  bills 
were  presented  for  redemption.  Such  a  proceeding,  he 
did  not  think,  would  be  successful  under  a  secretary  en 
tertaining  his  views,  and  he  therefore  tendered  his  res 
ignation,  which  was  accepted  on  the  14th  of  January, 
1862. 

I  think  I  was  in  a  position  to  know  that  Mr.  Cameron 
retained  the  full  confidence  of  the  President  and  of  his 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  177 

associate^  in  the  Cabinet,  notwithstanding  some  criti 
cisms  made  at  the  time  by  his  enemies  upon  his  official 
conduct.  These  criticisms  produced  considerable  im 
pression.  One  act  of  his  led  to  the  passage  by  the  pop 
ular  branch  of  Congress  of  a  resolution  of  censure,  some 
months  subsequent  to  his  resignation.  The  charge  was 
that  he  had  intrusted  Mr.  Alexander  Gumming  with  the 
custody  of  large  amounts  of  the  public  money,  and  au 
thority  to  purchase  military  supplies,  without  taking  any 
security.  But  the  President  was  too  just  a  man  to  per 
mit  an  act  to  be  exclusively  imputed  to  Mr.  Cameron 
for  which  himself  and  the  whole  Cabinet  wrere  responsi 
ble.  He  promptly  answered  the  resolution  by  a  message, 
in  which  he  stated  that  on  the  20th  of  April,  1861,  after 
the  fall  of  Sumter,  and  while  the  capital  was  in  a  state 
of  siege,  he  authorized  Governor  Morgan  and  Alexander 
Gumming  to.  make  all  necessary  arrangements  for  the 
transportation  of  troops  and  munitions  of  war,  .and  gen 
erally  to  assist  the  officers  of  the  army  in  its  movements, 
until  communications  should  be  re-established;  and  di 
rected  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  advance,  with 
out  security,  two  millions  of  dollars  to  John  A.  Dix, 
George  Opdyke,  and  Eichard  M.  Blatchford,  of  New 
York,  to  be  used  in  meeting  requisitions  for  the  public 
defence.  Every  dollar  of  the  money  had  been  accounted 
for,  and  Mr.  Cameron  was  no  more  responsible  than  him 
self  and  the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet  for  whatever 
fault  had  been  committed  in  the  premises.  This  vigor 
ous  language  ended  all  further  criticism,  and  no  more 
attacks  were  made  upon  the  late  secretary.  So  long  as 
the  President  lived  he  entertained  the  kindliest  feeling 
for  Mr.  Cameron,  and  gave  him  a  large  measure  of  his 
confidence. 

Edwin  M.  Stanton  belonged  to  a  class  of  men  whose 
12 


178  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

public  acts  seem  to  invite  misinterpretation.  There  was 
no  man  in  a  conspicuous  position  during  the  war  whose 
objects  were  more  universally  misunderstood  or  whose 
•motives  were  more  harshly  criticised.  These  results, 
equally  unjust  to  himself  and  unfortunate  for  the  coun 
try,  were  more  his  fault  than  his  misfortune.  They 
were  induced  by  his  own  carelessness  of  speech  and 
contempt  for  public  opinion ;  they  might  have  been  at 
any  time  corrected.  He  had  been  so  long  accustomed 
to  uncharitable  criticism  that  it  had  ceased  to  annoy  him 
or  even  to  attract  his  attention. 

In  the  year  1861,  Mr.  Stanton  was  in  the  very  prime 
of  his  intellectual  and  physical  life.  He  was  about  five 
feet  eight  inches  in  height,  his  figure  being  slightly  in 
clined  to  corpulence.  His  face  was  dark,  and  the  lower 
portion  of  it  was  completely  covered  with  a  long,  heavy, 
dark  beard.  His  eyes  were  small,  dark,  and  piercing. 
His  movements  were  quick.  Vigorous  alertness  was 
indicated  by  every  change  of  his  countenance  and 
movement  of  his  body.  His  mind  was  as  active  as  his 
person.  It  was  original  and  mechanical  rather  than 
philosophic  or  thoughtful.  Its  type  was  indicated  b}^ 
his  success  at  the  bar,  where  he  had  attained  an  enviable 
reputation  as  an  advocate  in  patent  cases,  with  but  little 
celebrity  in  the  investigation  or  discussion  of  abstract 
principles.  His  perceptions  were  too  quick  to  be  always 
accurate ;  his  ideas  seemed  to  burst  forth  from  his  brain 
like  a  torrent  from  a  mountain-side,  with  a  force  of  cur 
rent  which  swept  along  with  it  obstructions  of  every 
description.  He  impressed  those  who  knew  him  best 
with  a  sense  of  his  own  personal  courage,  the  existence 
of  which  was  denied  by  his  numerous  enemies.  What 
ever  he  may  have  been  in  the  presence  of  danger  to  his 
person,  his  whole  official  life  was  a  witness  to  his  com- 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  179 

plete  insensibility  to  the  opinions  of  others  upon  his  ac 
tions.  These  qualities  constituted  a  character  eminently 
aggressive ;  a  man  capable  of  lofty  purposes,  which,  once 
formed,  were  to  be  pursued  to  failure  or  success.  He 
was,  or  at  least  appeared  to  be,  insensible  to  all  influ 
ences  outside  of  his  own  construction  of  the  law.  He 
had  the  capacity  of  so  shutting  in  his  own  consciousness 
that  he  was  as  impervious  to  external  influences  as  if  he  . 
had  been  made  of  metal  or  stone. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Mr.  Stanton  had  en 
tered  the  Cabinet  of  the  last  administration  were  as  try 
ing  to  himself  as  his  services  there  were  invaluable  to 
the  country.  The  crimes  of  Floyd,  the  machinations 
of  Cobb  and  his  associates^  had  driven  that  loyal  old 
Democratic  soldier,  General  Cass,  from  the  chair  of 
state.  Cobb  had  resigned ;  Floyd  and  Thompson  were 
still  there,  with  the  new  Secretary  of  State,  whose  opin 
ion,  as  Attorney-General,  "  that  Congress  had  no  power 
to  make  war  upon  a  state,"  still  dominated  the  Cabinet. 
Stanton  was  tendered  the  office  of  Attorney-General,  as 
the  successor  of  General  Black,  whose  political  faith  he  ;"* 
was  supposed  to  have  embraced.  He  had  decided  to  def" 
cline  the  appointment.  There  was  nothing  of  reputa 
tion  to  be  gained  in  the  office  during  the  fraction  of  the 
term  which  remained  ;  there  was  but  one  loyal  member 
left,  and  he  was  a  Kentuckian.  Mr.  Stanton  went  to 
the  Executive  Mansion  to  thank  the  President  and  ex 
plain  his  declination.  He  saw  and  appreciated  that  the 
only  defence  of  the  Union  against  Secession  for  the  mo 
ment  was  the  wavering  President  who  had  called  him 
to  his  aid.  The  joict  lire  changed  his  determination.  In 
stead  of  declining,  he  then  and  there  accepted  the  ap 
pointment. 

The  circumstances  of  the  first  Cabinet  meeting  he  at- 


180  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

tended  should  be  recalled  by  those  who  care  to  deal 
justly  with  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Stanton.  In  addition 
to  those  already  mentioned,  they  were  reported  to  be  as 
follows :  The  meeting  occurred  on  an  unfortunate  day 
for  Secession.  It  was  the  8th  of  January,  the  anniversary 
of  the  battle  of  JNTew  Orleans.  Floyd  had  made  the 
refusal  of  the  President  to  withdraw  the  troops  from 
Charleston  Harbor  the  pretext  for  tendering  his  resig 
nation,  which  had  not  been  accepted.  Cobb,  after  deal 
ing  a  deadly  blow  at  the  national  credit,  had  been  suc 
ceeded  by  a  man  of  no  positive  opinions  from  a  Border 
state.  The  only  member  present  known  to  be  true  to 
the  Union  was  Judge  Holt.  All  the  other  members  were 
in  sympathy  with  Secession,  or,  like  the  President,  were 
struggling  to  maintain  a  neutral  position,  when  neutral 
ity  was  little  better  than  treason. 

"  Should  Major  Anderson  be  reinforced  or  withdrawn 
from  Fort  Sumter  ?"  was  then  the  burning  question.  The 
discussion  was  fierce  and  long,  and  almost  wholly  on  the 
Secession  side.  It  ended  by  a  motion  made  by  Secretary 
Thompson  that  Major  Anderson  be  commanded  to  retire 
and  abandon  Fort  Sumter.  The  only  voice  raised  against 
it  was  the  single  one  of  Judge  Holt.  Floyd,  Thompson, 
Thomas  were  openly,  Judge  Black  and  the  President 
secretly  inclined  in  its  favor. 

The  occasion  demanded  a  man  of  courage,  and  he  was 
there.  It  was  the  first  Cabinet  experience  of  Mr.  Stanton. 
The  proprieties  of  the  occasion,  the  traditions  of  Cabinet 
action,  and  his  own  inclinations  combined  to  secure  his 
silence.  But  he  was  not  the  man  to  become  an  accom 
plice  in  crime.  It  is  a  public  misfortune  that  the  words 
of  burning  denunciation  which  constituted  the  first  re 
marks  of  Secretary  Stanton  in  a  Cabinet  meeting  were 
not  recorded  at  the  time ;  that,  to  recall  them,  we  are 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  181 

constrained  to  rely  upon  the  memory  of  Judge  Holt,  the 
only  other  loyal  member  among  traitors  in  intention, 
to  whom  the  whip  of  his  stinging  scorn  was  applied. 
From  him  we  learn  that  the  words  were,  in  substance, 
these : 

"  Mr.  President :  At  your  solicitation  I  have  consented 
to  become,  for  a  very  brief  time,  your  constitutional 
adviser  in  matters  of  law.  It  is  an  office  I  did  not  seek, 
but  while  I  hold  it  I  shall  perform  its  duties.  The  mo 
tion  of  your  Secretary  of  the  Interior  presents  my  first 
official  duty.  That  motion  is,  that  you  surrender  the 
soldiers  and  abandon  the  property  of  the  United  States 
to  its  enemies.  When  that  motion  passes,  its  author,  its 
supporters,  every  member  of  your  Cabinet  present,  and 
3^ourself,  if  you  and  they  do  not  oppose  it,  will  have  com 
mitted  a  crime  as  high  as  that  of  treason !" 

Had  a  bomb  exploded,  the  party  would  not  have  been 
more  astounded.  Such  words  had  never  been  heard  in 
that  presence.  Thompson  and  Floyd,  their  voices  para 
lyzed  with  anger,  vented  their  wrath  in  threatening  gest 
ures.  Judge  Holt  moved  around  the  end  of  the  table  to 
Stanton's  side.  Menaces  were  not  replied  to  in  kind  by 
him,  but,  if  contempt  could  have  burned,  his  look  would 
have  scorched  the  traitors.  Thompson  first  controlled 
his  voice  into  intelligible  speech.  "  "Who,"  he  almost 
screamed,  "will  dare  to  arrest  me  for  treason?  And 
what  army  officer  will  assist  him  in  his  Black  Republican 
work  ?  There  are  two  hundred  men  in  my  own  depart 
ment  who  will  protect  me  if  I  call  on  them  !" 

"If  the  officer  appointed  by  law  calls  for  assistance 
to  arrest  you  or  any  other  traitor,  I  will  render  it,  for 
one,"  replied  Mr.  Stanton,  "  and  one  of  the  oldest  and 
bravest  of  our  generals  has  publicly  declared  that,  if 
Fort  Sumter  is  surrendered,  he  will,  within  twenty  days, 


182  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

lead  two  hundred  thousand  men  to  take  vengeance  on 
all  the  betrayers  of  the  Union !" 

The  meeting  dispersed  while  the  President  was  wait 
ing  for  mutual  concessions.  Within  a  few  hours  the 
frauds  of  Floyd  became  public,  and  compelled  the  ac 
ceptance  of  his  resignation.  Thomas  also  made  way  in 
the  Treasury  for  General  Dix,  who,  within  the  month, 
had  written  an  order  which  will  carry  his  name  to  the 
last  page  of  the  latest  history  of  patriotism,  and  enough 
of  stamina  was  infused  into  the  enervated  administra 
tion  to  carry  it  through  its  expiring  hours  without  any 
very  humiliating  concessions  to  disunion. 

"With  the  undeniably  strong  and  valuable  qualities 
which  controlled  the  mind  of  Mr.  Stanton  were  mingled 
others  which  were  injurious  to  his  reputation  and  a  det 
riment  to  his  usefulness.  His  judgment  of  other  men 
was  as  partial  as  that  of  Secretary  Chase.  But  while 
the  latter  did  not  resist  the  influence  of  personal  ad 
miration  and  praises  of  himself,  Mr.  Stanton  was  ex 
tremely  suspicious  of  anything  like  personal  commenda 
tion.  Probably  no  man  ever  repeated  the  attempt  to 
praise  him.  The  first  almost  certainly  produced  either 
a  shaft  of  satire  or  a  glance  of  contempt.  Other  great 
faults  were  mixed  with  his  great  powers.  He  acquired 
permanent  prejudices  against  others  without  an  effort 
and  often  without  a  cause,  and,  once  imbibed,  they  be 
came  indelible.  His  temperament  was  censorious  and 
rather  gloomy.  He  was  parsimonious  of  his  commenda 
tions  of  others,  but  not  sparing  in  his  criticisms.  Men  of 
his  very  peculiar  nature  are  constantly  making  enemies, 
who  are  retained  without  effort,  while  they  make  but  few 
friends,  and  those  are  not  to  be  retained  without  watchful 
attention. 

Cant,  pretence,  and  hypocrisy  were  the  Parcae  which 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  183 

never  passed  the  door  of  Mr.  Stanton's  favor.  He  could 
not  endure  the  breath  of  either.  It  irritated  him  to  hear 
any  one  speak  of  his  own  patriotism  or  his  sacrifices. 
Such  men,  he  maintained,  were  necessarily  hypocrites, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  herein  his  estimate  was 
seldom  at  fault.  There  was  one  sin  for  which,  before  the 
bar  of  his  judgment,  there  was  neither  excuse,  pardon, 
nor  remission :  it  was  fraud  or  peculation  in  the  public 
service.  In  the  catalogue  of  crimes,  as  he  would  have 
arranged  it,  these  were  more  iniquitous  than  openly 
bearing  arms  against  the  government. 

This  was  no  hasty  or  superficial  conclusion  of  his 
mind — it  \yas  reached  by  a  process  of  logical  reasoning. 
To  him  the  republic  was  like  a  woman  whom  we  pro 
fessed  to  love,  assailed  on  every  side  by  some  of  the 
children  she  had  borne  and  nourished ;  herself  defenceless, 
with  her  life  depending  upon  the  loyalty  of  those  who 
were  still  faithful.  While  these,  by  thousands,  were 
shedding  their  blood  and  laying  down  their  lives  to  save 
hers,  there  were  a  few  clothed  in  her  uniform  and  sworn 
to  defend  her  flag  who  were  treacherous  enough  to  make 
profit  of  her  necessities  by  selling  the  arms,  the  food,  the 
clothing  of  their  sick,  wounded,  and  dying  brothers.  In 
such  a  stress  and  strain  there  could  be  no  abstraction 
from  the  national  resources  by  unjust  profit  or  by  fraud, 
which  did  not  in  some  way  diminish  the  arms,  supplies, 
the  clothing  or  comforts  of  our  soldiers  in  the  field.  A 
defrauding  contractor  was  a  greater  criminal  than  an 
open,  willing  rebel.  And  there  was  one  superlative  type 
of  unmitigated  rascal,  and  that  was  a  man  who,  wearing 
the  uniform  or  invested  with  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  could  use  his  rank,  his  office,  or  his  position  for 
his  own  secret,  unlawful,  personal  gain  ! 

An  actual  occurrence  will  illustrate  both  the  careless- 


184:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

ness  of  expression  in  which  Secretary  Stanton  indulged, 
and  the  intensity  of  his  feeling  towards  men  of  this  class. 
At  a  reception  one  evening  he  was  engaged  in  conversa 
tion  with  an  officer  when  a  person  passed  them.  Turning 
the  subject,  he  suddenly  exclaimed  : 

"  Do  you  know  that  person  ?"  at  the  same  time  indi 
cating  the  individual  who  had  passed,  who  still  stood 
within  hearing  but  for  the  sound  of  conversation. 

"  Know  him  ?  Certainly.  He  is  Mr.  —  — ,  chief  of 
the  —  —  bureau  in  your  own  Department.  Why  do  you 
ask?" 

"  Because  he  is  a  pretender,  a  humbug,  and  a  fraud," 
said  Mr.  Stanton.  "  Did  you  ever  in  all  your  life  see  the 
head  of  a  human  being  which  so  closely  resembled  that 
of  a  cod-fish  ?" 

"  He  is  not  responsible  for  his  head  or  his  face.  But 
why  do  you  say  he  is  a  fraud  ?  The  newspapers  call  him 
a  reformer,  and  give  him  credit  for  great  efficiency." 

"  I  deny  your  conclusions,"  he  replied.  "  A  man  of 
fifty  is  responsible  for  his  face !  Yes,  I  know  he  is 
courting  the  newspapers :  that  proves  him  a  humbug  and 
presumptively  a  fraud." 

A  few  months  later  the  official  in  question  was  found 
guilty  by  a  court-martial  of  peculation  and  fraud  in  the 
management  of  his  bureau,  and  dishonorably  expelled 
from  the  service. 

Mr.  Stanton's  unpopularity,  if  the  term  is  permissible, 
was  due  to  his  own  neglect  and  carelessness.  It  was 
owing  to  his  negligence  that  he  never  cared  to  give  any 
one  a  favorable  impression  of  himself — it  was  his  fault 
that  his  dislikes  were  caused  by  slight  circumstances, 
and  often  inexplicable.  When  he  made  an  unpleasant 
remark  about  another  it  was  seldom  forgotten,  for  he 
could  put  more  caustic  bitterness  into  a  brief  sentence  of 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  185 

personal  criticism  than  Carlyle,  or  any  known  master  of 
the  vocabulary  of  denunciation.  But,  perhaps,  enough 
has  been  said  to  indicate  the  qualities  which  led  to  his 
selection  by  President  Lincoln  as  the  successor  in  the 
War  Office  of  Secretary  Cameron. 

Men  of  Mr.  Stanton's  temperament  could  not  be  the 
favorites  of  President  Lincoln.  There  were  also  reasons 
of  a  personal  character  which  would  have  barred  his  en 
trance  into  the  Cabinet,  if  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  an  ordi 
nary  man.  They  were  known  to  each  other  before  the 
war.  Both  had  been  counsel  for  the  same  party  in  an 
action  in  which,  by  professional  courtesy,  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  entitled  to  make  the  argument,  unless  he  voluntarily 
waived  his  right.  It  was  an  action  in  which  he  took  a 
deep  interest  professionally,  and  for  which  he  had  made 
thorough  preparation,  and  was,  consequently,  certain  to 
have  made  a  better  argument  than  his  associate.  But 
Mr.  Stanton,  without  consulting  his  colleague,  in  a  domi 
neering  manner  not  uncommon  with  him  in  similar 
cases,  although  he  was  the  younger  man,  coolly  assumed 
control  and  crowded  Mr.  Lincoln  out  of  his  own  case. 
The  latter  felt  deeply  hurt  at  the  slight,  which  was  the 
more  remarkable  since  it  is  the  only  recorded  instance 
in  which  he  seems  ever  to  have  claimed  in  his  own  favor 
any  question  of  precedence.  Ko  lawyer  would  have  ex 
pected  Mr.  Lincoln  to  overlook  such  a  gross  discourtesy, 
or  to  take  its  author  into  confidence,  without  the  most 
ample  apology. 

But  when  did  any  personal  consideration  weigh  a 
feather  in  the  mind  of  President  Lincoln  if  the  public 
safety  was  in  question?  Oblivion  of  himself  on  such 
occasions  was  the  indisputable  demonstration  of  his 
moral  greatness.  lie  who,  two  years  later,  could  say 
of  one  who,  without  excuse,  had  added  to  the  heavy 


186  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

burden  of  his  cares,  "  If  I  have  the  opportunity  I  will 
make  him  chief  justice,"  and  kept  the  promise,  now 
recognizing  in  Mr.  Stanton  the  qualities  which  the  War 
Office  required,  invited  him  into  his  Cabinet  as  cordially 
as  if  they  had  been  old  friends.  From  that  time,  through 
dark  and  evil  days,  through  nights  of  solicitude  and  fear 
ful  responsibility,  they  together  carried  the  burden  of 
war,  until,  and  largely  owing  to  their  joint  labors,  the 
rebellion  was  crushed  and  the  republic  saved. 

In  the  dark  night  of  another  day  of  evil  the  most 
sorrowful  heart  by  the  bedside -of  the  murdered  Presi 
dent  throbbed  in  the  bosom  of  his  Secretary  of  War,  and 
his  voice  it  was  which  spoke  his  grandest  eulogy  in  the 
words,  "There  lies  the  most  perfect  ruler  of  men  the 
world  has  ever  seen  !" 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1862,  Mr.  Stanton  was  in 
vited  into  the  Cabinet  and  accepted  his  nomination  as 
Secretary  of  War.  He  was  expected  to  diminish  the 
demands  of  the  Department  of  the  West  upon  the  Treas 
ury,  but  it  was  not  supposed  that  he  would  wholly  arrest 
them.  There  were  numerous  monthly  requisitions  from 
the  War  Department  upon  the  Treasury,  authorized  by 
statutes,  which  it  was  necessary  to  provide  for,  in  order 
to  carry  on  the  regular  operations  of  the  government. 
For  almost  a  fortnight  none  of  these  were  made.  The 
delay  became  so  embarrassing  to  the  daily  operations  of 
the  government  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  re 
quested  one  of  his  bureau  chiefs  to  call  upon  Secretary 
Stanton  and  ascertain  the  reason  for  the  delay.  This 
officer  solicited  an  interview,  and  the  Secretary  of  War 
named  six  tf  clock  P.M.  on  January  28th  as  a  convenient 
time.  Two  hours  after  the  close  of  business  on  January 
28th  this  officer  found  Secretary  Stanton  literally  buried 


AND    HIS    ADMINISTRATION.  187 

in  accumulated  heaps  of  requisitions  on  the  Treasury, 
each  paper  of  which  was  an  account,  upon  which  some 
one  was,  by  the  judgment  of  the  War  Office,  lawfully 
entitled  to  a  Treasury  warrant  for  its  payment.  There 
were,  literally,  cords  of  these  requisitions.  The  piles  sur 
rounded  the  Secretary's  desk,  and  were  higher  than  his 
person  when  he  stood  erect.  He  was  carefully  examin 
ing  each  account  with  its  vouchers.  The  result  of  his 
day's  work  lay  by  his  side,  possibly  a  dozen  requisitions 
approved,  and  five  times  as  many  reserved  for  further 
investigation.  The  Treasury  officer  asked  him  whether 
he  was  discharging  the  functions  of  an  "  auditor"  of  these 
claims. 

"  I  am  discharging  a  duty  imposed  by  statute,"  he  re 
plied.  "  No  further  payments  will  be  made  by  the  Treas 
ury  on  the  requisitions  of  this  Department  until  I  know 
that  they  ought  to  be  made !" 

"  You  are  undertaking  an  impossibility,"  said  the  rep 
resentative  of  the  Treasury.  "  You  will  stop  the  wheels 
of  government.  No  five  men  can  do  what  you  are  un 
dertaking  !" 

"  I  am  not  responsible  for  that,"  said  the  Secretary.  "  I 
am  responsible  for  aiding  the  payment  of  fraudulent 
claims.  You  yourself  have  put  me  upon  inquiry.  You 
arrested  a  warrant  for  the  payment  of  $26  each  for 
muskets,  previously  offered  to  this  Department  for  less 
than  $4  each,  and  the  offer  was  declined.  Such  claims 
are  scandalous  as  well  as  fraudulent.  I  intend  to  arrest 
them !" 

He  would  not  be  moved  from  this  position.  He  would 
not  approve  the  formal  requisitions,  which  were  unques 
tionably  just,  out  of  their  regular  order.  He  would  do 
nothing  but  take  up  each  account  in  its  order,  and  either 
approve  or  reject  it,  as  the  facts  seemed  to  warrant.  To 


188  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

v 

every  argument  or  statement  of  the  evil  consequences 
that  must  follow  from  this  practical  suspension  of  the 
payment  of  war  claims,  his  answer  was  that  the  statute 
and  not  the  secretary  was  responsible. 

In  a  few  days  the  Department  of  the  West  was  in  an 
uproar — there  was  a  rebellion  within  the  loyal  states. 
Every  Western  man,  of  any  influence,  hurried  to  Wash 
ington.  The  War  Office  was  in  a  state  of  siege — the 
Secretary  was  waylaid  in  the  streets,  at  his  residence, 
even  in  his  bed.  No  combination  so  powerful  had  been 
made  since  the  fall  of  Sumter  as  that  which  noAV  beset 
the  White  House  and  all  the  departments  to  induce  Sec 
retary  Stanton  to  change  his  policy,  and  permit  these 
claims  to  be  presented  to  the  Treasury  for  payment. 
Every  conceivable  means,  influence,  effort,  and  endeavor, 
every  imaginable  prediction  of  calamity,  mischance,  and 
disaster,  even  denunciations,  menaces,  and  threats  were 
brought  to  bear  to  persuade  or  to  drive  him  to  remove 
the  obstruction,  and  permit  the  current  of  public  money 
into  the  Department  of  the  West  to  resume  its  flow. 

But  all  in  vain.  The  Washington  Monument  was  not 
more  insensible  to  the  breath  of  a  summer  wind  than 
was  Secretary  Stanton  to  all  these  supposed  influences. 
He  labored  diligently,  through  the  night-watches  as  well 
as  in  the  daytime.  Possibly  a  tenth  of  the  average  num 
ber  of  requisitions  were  made  daily  by  his  Department 
upon  the  Treasury ;  but  when  the  average  was  once 
established,  it  never  increased,  nor  had  the  Treasury 
any  difficulty  in  meeting  the  moderate  aggregate  of  his 
demands. 

Many  weeks  of  this  delay  did  not  elapse  before  the 
claimants  began  to  implore  for  some  measure  of  relief. 
Was  no  compromise  possible  ?  Was  there  no  way  of  ob 
taining  payment  of  such  portion  of  these  demands  as 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  189 

was  clearly  just  ?  Secretary  Stanton  had  one  uniform 
reply.  The  Court  of  Claims  was  open.  It  was  the  tri 
bunal  provided  by  law  for  claimants  not  satisfied  with 
the  proceedings  of  the  Department.  At  length,  when 
all  other  resources  had  failed,  the  claimants  in  the  De 
partment  of  the  West  voluntarily  offered  to  submit  their 
claims  to  the  Davis  Commission,  if  the  Treasury  would 
pay  such  amounts  as  that  commission  found  was  equita 
bly  due.  To  this  Mr.  Stanton  would  assent,  provided 
the  claimants  would  accept  the  amount  so  found  justly 
due  in  full  payment,  but  not  otherwise.  After  a  vain 
effort  to  move  him  from  this  position,  the  claimants  con 
sented,  and  the  whole  accumulated  mass  of  unpaid  war 
claims  in  the  Department  of  the  West  was  sent  to  the 
commission  for  investigation.  They  were  so  numerous 
that  it  was  more  convenient  to  measure  them  by  the 
cubic  foot  than  otherwise. 

The  commission  dealt  with  them  justly,  and  with  all 
practicable  despatch.  It  was  readily  proved  that,  as  a 
rule,  claimants  and  contractors  had  been  permitted  to  fix 
their  own  prices.  Blankets,  tents,  provisions,  and  nu 
merous  other  articles  had  been  accepted  at  four  and  six 
times  the  ordinary  retail  prices,  and  the  account  certified 
as  just.  Many  of  the  claims  were  allowed  at  twenty  and 
thirty  per  cent,  of  the  amounts  claimed,  and  the  final  re 
sult  was  that  the  amount  of  all  the  claims  allowed  by  the 
commission  was  about  one  half  the  aggregate  allowed  by 
the  accounting  officers.  As  fast  as  the  claims  were  liqui 
dated  they  were  paid  by  the  Treasury.  The  claimants 
accepted  payment  of  these  reduced  amounts  under  pro 
test  and,  as  they  claimed,  upon  compulsion.  Suits  to  re 
cover  the  amounts  reduced  were  brought  in  the  Court  of 
Claims,  and  that  court  rendered  judgment  in  favor  of  the 
claimants ;  but,  upon  appeal,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 


190  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

United  States  reversed  these  judgments,  on  the  ground 
that  the  acceptance  of  the  amounts  allowed  by  the  Com 
mission  operated  in  law  to  discharge  the  entire  claim. 

The  official  reputation  of  Mr.  Stanton  was  essentially 
established  by  these  early  acts  of  his  public  career.  They 
were  fiercely  denounced  at  the  time  as  unjust  and  arbi 
trary.  As  he  never  defended  his  acts — as  no  one  was 
interested  to  justify  them — his  reputation  has  necessarily 
suffered.  Now  that  the  supposed  sense  of  personal  in 
jury  has  passed  away,  a  more  just  judgment  of  these 
acts  may  be  formed.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the 
Treasury  could  not  have  paid  these  claims.  The  scale  of 
prices  they  introduced  would  have  bankrupted  the  na 
tion  during  any  six  months  of  the  war.  The  claims  were 
fraudulently  excessive.  The  equity  of  the  Commission 
was  never  challenged — it  would  not  have  reduced  the 
claims  one  half  without  good  reason.  The  net  result, 
then,  of  this  conduct  of  the  Secretary  of  War  was  to 
save  the  Treasury  from  bankruptcy,  the  country  from 
the  payment  of  unjust  claims  to  a  very  large  amount, 
and  from  the  introduction  of  a  ruinous  standard  of 
prices,  and  to  administer  a  stinging  rebuke  to  the  pre 
tended  patriots  who  were  robbing  the  Treasury  while 
vaunting  their  loyalty. 

It  was  the  common  opinion  that  the  nature  of  Mr. 
Stanton  was  pitiless,  that  he  was  insensible  to  all  ap 
peals  for  mercy,  or  for  the  relief  of  human  suffering  or 
sorrow.  This  opinion  has  outlived  him,  and  still  dark 
ens  his  memory.  There  are  individuals  who  have  under 
taken  to  write  history  who  have  recorded  dark  hints 
that  the  torments  of  a  conscience,  awakened  too  late  to 
undo  the  miseries  he  had  inflicted,  actually  drove  him 
to  end  his  own  life.  While  these  persons  have  earned 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  191 

nothing  but  contempt  for  their  prurient  vagaries,  it  is 
time  that  this  injustice  should  be  corrected. 

I  will  call  a  single  witness  to  the  accuracy  of  this  im 
perfect  sketch  of  the  character  of  Mr.  Stanton.  Charles 
O'Neill,  of  Philadelphia,  entered  Congress  before  the 
war,  and  his  term  of  useful  service  is  not  yet  ended. 
No  man  knew  Mr.  Stanton  better  than  Mr.  O'Neill. 
As  chairman  of  a  committee  which  reported  a  bill  for 
the  erection  of  a  monument  to  Mr.  Stanton,  Mr.  O'Neill's 
committee  made  the  following  record  : 

"  To  the  intense  patriotism  and  great  personal  force 
manifested  by  Mr.  Stanton  in  1860-61  was  due  his  ap 
pointment  as  Secretary  of  War,  Jan.  20,  1862.  He  was 
thus  made  chief  of  staff  of  President  Lincoln,  who  was 
by  virtue  of  his  office  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  United  States  ;  and,  although  that 
great  magistrate  never  abdicated  his  authority,  the  world 
knows  that  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  Mr.  Stanton 
made  the  latter  mainly  responsible  for  the  placing  of 
armies  in  the  field  and  for  the  selection  of  the  generals 
who  finally  led  them  to  victory. 

"  From  the  day  of  his  entrance  into  the  War  Office 
the  change  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  was  most  marked. 
His  organizing  power  was  felt  at  once  in  every  bureau 
of  the  Department.  To  the  raising  of  men  and  the  sup 
plying  of  them  with  the  munitions  of  war,  clothing,  sub 
sistence,  medicines,  and  transportation,  he  gave  his  great 
capacity  for  organization,  his  restless  energy,  and  his 
wonderful  powers  of  endurance.  He  was  a  prodigy  for 
work. 

"  He  had  a  resolute  will  to  do  what  his  judgment  told 
him  was  necessary,  and  struck  out  new  paths  when  the 
old  ones  led  only  to  pitfalls,  and  the  moral  courage  to 
pursue  the  course  thus  marked  out. 


192  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"His  faith  in  the  national  cause  was  never  shaken, 
and  he  had  the  magnetism  which  enabled  him  to  com 
municate  it  to  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 

"  Laggards  and  absentees  from  the  army,  contract 
brokers,  and  purveyors  of  contraband  news  were  made 
to  feel  his  righteous  anger.  Called  upon  to  perform 
labors  which  would  have  exhausted  a  dozen  men,  taking 
but  little  sleep,  and  his  nerves  constantly  wrought  up  to 
the  highest  tension,  it  would  have  been  strange  if  he  had 
not  often  been  abrupt  and  impatient  while  engaged  in 
the  rapid  despatching  of  business,  and  especially  with 
people  who  insisted  upon  consuming  time  which  could 
not  properly  be  given  them. 

"The  leaders  of  Congress  had  the  most  unbounded 
confidence  in  his  wisdom  as  well  as  in  his  integrity,  and 
treated  him  as  one  of  themselves.  The  committee  which 
had  to  deal  with  questions  connected  with  the  Avar  gave 
great  weight  to  his  recommendations.  The  vast  levies 
of  troops  and  the  enormous  appropriations  for  their 
movement  and  support  were  in  the  main  measured  by 
him  under  advice  of  the  generals  of  the  army. 

"When  Congress  had  given  the  authority  asked,  he 
directed  the  marshalling  of  the  great  resources  of  the 
country  thus  made  available.  From  his  executive  mind 
came  the  organization  of  the  work  by  which  two  mill 
ions  and  a  half  of  soldiers  were  enlisted  to  fight  the 
battles  of  the  Union.  He  was  the  impersonation  of 
honesty,  and,  after  controlling  the  expenditure  of 
$3,000,000,000,  he  died  poor  as  he  had  lived. 

"  President  Lincoln  had  in  him  an  absolute  trust. 
When  the  chief-justiceship  was  vacant,  and  the  good 
Bishop  Simpson  was  urging  Stanton  for  the  place,  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied  that  he  would  gladly  place  him  there  if 
he  would  find  him  another  such  Secretary  of  War. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  193 

"  When  the  nation  made  General  Grant  President,  he 
appointed  Mr.  Stanton  to  a  place  on  the  Supreme  Bench. 
He  received  his  commission,  but  disease  prevented  him 
from  entering  upon  the  duties  of  the  office.  The  mighty 
strain  of  the  war  upon  him  impaired  his  constitution  and 
caused  his  death.  He  was  a  martyr  as  well  as  a  hero. 

"  To  perpetuate  by  enduring  monuments  the  memory 
of  the  great  few  who  are  thus  raised  up  in  great  crises 
for  the  salvation  of  a  nation  is  a  duty  and  a  privilege, 
sanctioned  by  custom  and  demanded  by  the  natural  feel 
ings  of  grateful  patriotism." 
13 


194  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXV. 

MAKING  $10,000,000  OF  UNITED  STATES  BONDS  UNDER  PRESS 
URE.— THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  CONFEDERATE  IRON -CLAD 
SHIPS  IN  BRITISH  SHIP- YARDS.— THE  DEPARTURE  OF  TWO 
PREVENTED.  — AN  ENGLISHMAN  OFFERS  A  GREAT  SERVICE 
TO  OUR  REPUBLIC.— HIS  INCOGNITO. 

TEN  millions  are  "  a  good  many  "  things  of  any  kind. 
They  seemed  to  be  more  than  a  good  many  to  the  offi 
cer  who  had  to  sign  coupon-bonds  to  that  amount  in  de 
nominations  of  §1000  and  less,  within  the  time  and  under 
the  pressure  of  the  circumstances  about  to  be  described. 
Except  upon  this  single  occasion,  it  is  questionable  wheth 
er  so  large  an  amount  of  coupon  securities,  of  the  same 
issue,  of  our  government  were  ever  brought  together. 

Communication  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  was  much  more  irregular  and  required  longer 
time  in  1862  than  in  1891.  Now,  on  regular  sailing- 
days,  twice  every  week,  as  many  as  ten  large  steam 
ships  leave  New  York  for  English  ports  on  a  single 
tide.  Telegraphic  communication  between  AVashington 
and  London  is  almost  as  frequent  as  between  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  and  it  is  not  interrupted  unless  four 
cable-lines  are  simultaneously  broken.  Then  there  were 
fewer  lines  of  steamships,  and  during  the  war  the  sail 
ing-days  of  some  of  them  were  irregular ;  only  one  cable 
had  been  laid  across  the  Atlantic,  and  that  was  not  in 
working  order.  Special  messengers  carried  all  the  im 
portant  despatches  between  our  country  and  Great  Brit 
ain  ;  there  was  time  for  a  revolution  to  break  out  and 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  195 

be  suppressed  on  the  Continent  before  we  heard  of  its 
existence.  It  was  such  a  messenger  who  brought  the 
first  news  to  America  of  the  furious  rage  of  our  trans 
atlantic  cousins  excited  by  the  capture  by  Captain  "Wilkes 
of  those  Confederate  (almost)  protomartyrs  Mason  and 
Slidell. 

About  eleven  o'clock  on  a  well -remembered  Friday 
morning,  in  1862,  the  Register  of  the  Treasury  was  re 
quested  to  go  to  the  Executive  Mansion  immediately, 
without  a  moment's  delay.  He  obeyed  the  summons, 
and  found  there  Secretaries  Chase  and  Seward,  in  anx 
ious  consultation  with  the  President.  They  wished  to 
know  what  was  the  shortest  time  within  which  810,000,000 
in  coupon  "  five-twenties  "  could  be  prepared,  signed,  and 
issued.  They  were  informed  that  the  correct  answer  to 
that  inquiry  would  depend  upon  the  denominations  al 
ready  printed ;  that  if  a  sufficient  number  of  the  largest 
denomination,  of  §1000,  were  on  hand,  they  might  be 
issued  within  four  or  five  days;  if  the  denominations 
were  smaller,  longer  time  would  be  required ;  that  the 
number  printed  could  be  ascertained  by  sending  to  the 
Register's  Office,  for  there  was  a  report  from  the  custodi 
an  of  unissued  bonds  made  every  day.  Both  Mr.  Chase 
and  Mr.  Seward  said  that  so  much  time  could  not  be 
given ;  that  these  bonds  must  be  regularly  issued,  and 
placed  on  board  a  steamer  which  was  to  leave  New  York 
for  Liverpool  at  twelve  o'clock  on  the  following  Monday, 
if  this  could  possibly  be  done ;  that  the  register  could 
command  all  the  resources  of  the  government,  if  neces 
sary,  but  he  must  see  that  the  bonds  were  on  board  the 
steamer  at  the  hour  named.  There  was  one  condition 
—the  bonds  must  be  regularly  and  lawfully  issued,  with 
nothing  on  their  face  to  indicate  that  the  issue  was  not 
made  in  the  regular  course  of  business. 


196  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

By  the  act  of  Congress  which,  authorized  the  issue  of 
these  bonds  it  was  declared  that  they  should  be  signed  by 
the  register.  The  construction  given  to  the  act  in  the  de 
partment  was  that  the  register  must  sign  them  in  person, 
and  that  he  could  not  delegate  his  authority.  Any  number 
of  clerks  could  be  employed  in  their  preparation  and  entry, 
but  the  point  of  difficulty  was  whether  the  register  could 
sign  them  within  the  time.  There  were  seventy  hours  be 
tween  the  time  of  the  discussion  and  the  hour  when  the 
securities  must  be  on  board  the  special  train  that  would 
carry  them  to  the  steamer.  The  time  was  long  enough. 
Ten  thousand  signatures  and  a  greater  number  could  be 
made  in  seventy  hours,  with  proper  seasons  of  rest  and 
sleep.  But  could  the  physical  strength  of  one  man  hold 
out  to  the  end  of  such  a  dreary,  monotonous  work  with 
out  sleep  or  rest  ?  The  question  was  one  of  physical  en 
durance,  only  to  be  determined  by  a  trial.  But  a  few 
moments  could  be  spared  for  discussion.  It  was  speed 
ily  settled  that  the  register  would  set  about  the  task  at 
once ;  that  he  would  sign  until  his  strength  gave  out. 
He  would  then  resign  his  office ;  the  President  would 
appoint  another  register,  who  would  complete  the  issue. 
This  would  lead  to  complications,  and  was  otherwise 
objectionable ;  but  the  faith  of  the  government  was  in 
volved;  the  emergency  justified  extreme  measures. 

The  immediate  occasion  of  this  sudden  determination 
to  issue  these  securities  was  a  despatch  just  received  by 
Mr.  Seward,  by  special  messenger,  from  Mr.  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  our  minister  to  the  court  of  St.  James. 
As  already  intimated,  the  cable  was  not  in  working 
order,  and  no  suggestion  of  the  facts  had  been  made  to 
the  State  Department  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  mes 
senger.  Its  importance  was  obvious  to  the  two  secreta 
ries,  but  will  not  be  understood  by  the  reader  without 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  197 

an  explanation  covering  a  considerable  period  of  time 
and  events  which  are  now  for  the  first  time  made  public. 

Mr.  Adams  had  for  several  weeks  been  aware,  and 
had  communicated  the  fact  to  his  government,  that  the 
Messrs.  Laird,  extensive  ship-builders,  were  building  at 
their  yards  in  Birkenhead,  near  Liverpool,  two  armored 
vessels  for  the  Confederate  government.  They  were  to 
be  furnished  with  powerful  engines,  and  capable  of  great 
speed.  When  completed,  they  were  to  proceed  to  a  small, 
unfrequented  British  island  in  the  "West  Indies,  where 
they  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  agents  of  the  Confed 
eracy.  They  were  then  to  receive  their  armament,  pre 
viously  sent  thither,  take  their  crews  on  board,  and  then 
set  forth  on  their  piratical  cruises,  after  the  example  of 
the  Alabama.  After  sweeping  our  remaining  commerce 
from  the  seas,  by  burning  and  sinking  every  merchant- 
ship  bearing  our  flag,  they  were  to  come  upon  our  own 
coast,  scatter  our  blockading  fleet,  and  open  all  the  South 
ern  ports  to  British  commerce,  which  would  no  longer 
be  required  to  take  the  great  risk  of  breaking  the  block 
ade.  This  feat  was  to  be  accomplished  by  vessels  which 
had  never  entered  a  Confederate  port,  nor,  indeed,  any 
harbor  which  was  not  covered  by  the  British  or  some 
other  flag  which  protected  the  iron-clads  against  pursuit 
or  capture  by  vessels  of  the  United  States  navy. 

Greater  danger  than  these  vessels  never  threatened 
the  safety  of  the  Union.  In  tonnage,  armament,  and 
speed  they  were  intended  to  be  superior  to  the  Kearsarge 
and  every  vessel  of  our  navy.  Their  armor  was  supposed 
to  render  them  invulnerable.  If  the  blockade  was  not 
maintained,  an  immediate  recognition  of  the  belligerent 
character  of  the  rebels  by  Great  Britain  was  anticipated. 
Even  if  that  did  not  take  place,  all  the  cotton  gathered 
in  Confederate  ports  would  be  released  and  find  a  prof- 


198  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

itable  market ;  while  the  old  wooden  vessels,  now  prin 
cipally  constituting  the  blockading  fleet,  would  not  resist 
one  of  these  iron-clad  vessels  long  enough  for  a  second 
broadside. 

The  impending  danger  was  fully  appreciated  by  Mr. 
Adams.  With  his  accustomed  energy,  notwithstanding 
the  secrecy  in  which  all  the  Confederate  movements  in 
Great  Britain  were  shrouded,  he  had  collected  and  laid  be 
fore  the  English  authorities  clear  proofs  of  the  rebel  own 
ership  and  intended  unlawful  purpose  of  these  vessels. 
He  had  even  procured  copies  of  the  contracts  under  which 
the  Messrs.  Laird  were  building  them,  and  had  ascertained 
the  fact  that  payments  on  their  account  had  been  made 
from  proceeds  of  cotton  owned  by  the  Confederacy.  He 
had  represented  that  the  evidence  furnished  by  him,  ver 
ified  by  the  oaths  of  credible  witnesses,  was  sufficient 
nob  only  to  justify  their  seizure,  but  to  secure  their  con 
demnation  in  the  courts,  and  he  had  insisted,  with  a  force 
apparently  unanswerable,  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Great 
Britain  to  prevent  the  vessels  from  leaving  the  Mersey, 
and  setting  forth  upon  their  piratical  career. 

But,  unfortunately,  the  sympathies  of  the  party  in 
power  in  England  were  not  with  the  Union  cause.  It 
suited  the  view  of  the  law-officers  of  the  crown  not  to 
interfere,  and  to  excuse  their  inaction  by  raising  objec 
tions  to  the  legal  sufficiency  of  the  evidence.  The  situ 
ation  was  perfectly  comprehended  by  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet,  but  remonstrance  appeared  to  be  unavailing, 
and  the  departure  of  the  vessels  was  expected  at  an 
early  day. 

Hopeless  as  the  task  appeared  to  be,  neither  Mr.  Ad 
ams  nor  his  active  agents  relaxed  their  efforts  for  a  mo 
ment.  Their  recent  investigations  had  been  prosecuted 
with  such  energy  that  the  minister  had  finally  been  able 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  199 

to  furnish  the  British  premier  with  the  sworn  affidavits 
of  some  of  the  officers  and  men  actually  enlisted  in  Liv 
erpool  and  other  English  cities  for  service  on  these  ves 
sels  ;  that  the  advance  payments  to  these  men  had  been 
made  by  Confederate  agents ;  that  the  ships  were  to  leave 
the  Mersey  at  an  early  appointed  date  for  an  island  near 
Bermuda ;  that  their  guns  and  ammunition  had  already 
been  sent  thither.  Mr.  Adams  had  also  secured  the 
names  of  several  of  the  ship's  officers,  with  copies  of 
their  commissions,  bearing  the  signature  of  President 
Davis  and  the  seal  of  the  Confederacy. 

The  last  instalment  of  affidavits  forwarded  by  our 
minister  proved  to  be  more  than  the  crown  lawyers 
could  digest.  They  covered  every  defect  named  in  their 
former  objections ;  they  could  not  be  answered  even  by 
a  special  demurrer.  They  were  reinforced  by  the  caus 
tic  pen  of  Mr.  Adams,  whose  argument  so  clearly  point 
ed  out  the  duty  of  the  English  government  in  the  prem 
ises  that  it  would  obviously  be  regarded  as  conclusive  by 
every  one  but  these  lawyers,  who  possessed  the  exclusive 
power  to  move  the  slow  authorities  of  the  customs  to 
action.  The  crown  lawyers  finally  decided  that  the  de 
mand  of  Mr.  Adams  must  be  complied  with,  and  that  an 
order  must  issue,  prohibiting  the  departure  of  these  ves 
sels  from  the  Mersey,  until  the  charges  of  the  American 
minister  had  been  judicially  investigated. 

There  were,  however,  some  incidents  attending  this 
most  important  decision  which  prevented  its  communi 
cation  from  giving  to  Mr.  Adams  a  satisfaction  wholly 
unalloyed.  The  decision  had  been  withheld  until  the 
vessels  were  on  the  very  eve  of  departure.  The  order 
must  be  immediately  served,  and  possession  taken  by 
the  customs  authorities,  or  the  vessels  would  escape. 
The  crown  lawyers,  properly  enough,  observed  that  the 


200  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

affidavits  furnished  by  Mr.  Adams  were  ex  parte — the 
witnesses  had  not  been  cross-examined.  If  Mr.  Adams 
should  fail  to  prove  his  charges  by  evidence  which  would 
satisfy  the  judicial  mind,  and  the  vessels  be  released,  the 
damages  caused  by  arresting  them  might  be  very  heavy. 
It  was  a  settled  rule  of  procedure  in  the  courts  in  such 
cases  to  secure  the  payment  of  such  damages  beyond 
any  perad venture.  The  restraining  order  would,  there 
fore,  be  issued,  but  it  would  not  be  enforced  against  the 
vessels  until  these  damages  had  been  secured  by  a  de 
posit  of  £1,000,000  sterling  in  gold  coin. 

The  situation  was  well  known  to  be  critical.  "Within 
three  days  the  vessels  were  to  sail  for  their  destination ; 
if  necessary,  they  might  sail  forthwith.  The  cable  was 
useless — broken  or  disabled — and  Mr.  Adams  could  not 
communicate  with  his  own  government.  Without  such 
communication  he  had  no  authority  to  bind  his  govern 
ment  as  an  indemnitor,  or  to  repay  the  money  if  he  could 
borrow  it.  Even  if  he  had  the  fullest  authority,  where 
was  the  patriotic  Briton  who  would  furnish  a  million 
pounds  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  to  a  government  which 
was  believed  by  the  party  in  power  in  Great  Britain  to 
be  in  articulo  mortis  f  Unless-,  therefore,  the  crown 
lawyers  supposed  our  minister  to  have  anticipated  their 
decision  by  providing  himself  with  this  money,  they 
must  have  known  that  this  condition  could  not  be  com 
plied  with,  and  that  they  might  just  as  well  have  de 
clined  to  interfere.  If  they  had  intended  that 'these 
ships  should  not  be  prevented  from  making  their  intend 
ed  crusade  against  our  commerce  and  our  cause,  no  bet 
ter  arrangement  could  possibly  have  been  devised.  It 
is  not  to  be  denied  that  suspicions  existed  that  such  was 
their  purpose. 

But  the  unexpected  sometimes  happens.     The  event 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  201 

which  prevented  these  floating  engines  of  destruction 
from  entering  upon  their  intended  work  was  as  unan 
ticipated  as  a  miracle.  It  constituted,  possibly,  the  most 
signal  service  ever  rendered  by  a  citizen  of  one  country 
to  the  government  of  another.  It  was  all  the  more  no 
ble  because  it  was  intended  to  be  anonymous.  The  em 
inently  unselfish  man  who  performed  it  made  a  positive 
condition  that  it  should  not  be  made  public ;  that  not 
so  much  as  his  name  should  be  disclosed,  except  to  the 
officers  of  our  government,  whose  co-operation  was  re 
quired,  in  order  to  transact  the  business  in  a  proper  man 
ner  and  upon  correct  principles.  So  earnest  was  his  in 
junction  of  secrecy  that  his  identity  will  not  even  now 
be  disclosed,  although  he  has  long  since  gone  to  his  re 
ward. 

Within  the  hour  after  the  crown  lawyers'  decision, 
with  its  conditions,  had  been  made  known  to  Mr.  Adams, 
and  when  he  had  given  up  all  hope  of  arresting  these 
vessels,  a  quiet  gentleman  called  upon  him  and  asked  if 
he  might  be  favored  with  the  opportunity  of  making 
the  deposit  of  coin  required  by  the  order  ?  He  observed 
"  that  it  had  occurred  to  him  that,  if  the  United  States 
had  that  amount  to  its  credit  in  London,  some  question 
of  authority  might  arise,  or  Mr.  Adams  might  otherwise 
be  embarrassed  in  complying  with  the  condition,  espe 
cially  as  communication  with  his  government  might 
involve  delay ;  so  that  the  shortest  way  to  avoid  all  diffi 
culty  would  be  for  him  to  deposite  the  coin,  which  he 
was  quite  prepared  to  do." 

Had  a  messenger  descended  from  the  skies  in  a  chariot 
of  fire,  with  §5,000,000  in  gold  in  his  hands,  and  offered 
to  leave  it  at  the  embassy  without  any  security,  Mr. 
Adams  could  not  have  been  more  profoundly  surprised. 
He  had  accepted  the  condition  as  fatal  to  his  efforts ; 


202  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

he  had  concluded  that  nothing  short  of  a  miracle  could 
prevent  the  departure  of  the  vessels ;  and  here,  if  not  a 
miracle,  was  something  much  like  one.  He  made  no 
secret  of  the  pleasure  with  wrhich  he  accepted  the  mu 
nificent  offer,  provided  some  method  of  securing  the 
liberal  Englishman  could  be  found.  The  latter  seemed 
indisposed  to  make  any  suggestions  on  the  subject.  "  It 
might  be  proper,"  he  said,  "  that  some  obligation  should 
be  entered  into,  showing  that  the  American  government 
recognized  the  deposit  as  made  on  its  account ;  beyond 
that  he  should  leave  the  matter  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Adams." 

The  existing  premium  on  gold  was  then  about  sixty 
per  cent,  in  the  United  States.  It  would  have  been 
largely  increased  by  the  departure  of  these  iron-clads. 
The  "five-twenties"  or  "sixes"  of  1861,  as  they  were 
popularly  called,  were  then  being  issued,  and  were  the 
only  securities  upon  "long  time"  then  authorized  by 
Congress.  The  best  arrangement  that  occurred  to  Mr. 
Adams,  and  which  he  then  proposed,  was  that  $10,000,000, 
or  £2,000,000,  in  these  bonds,  to  be  held  as  collateral  se 
curity  for  the  loan  of  £1,000,000  in  gold,  should  be  de 
livered  to  the  lender,  to  be  returned  when  the  loan  was 
paid,  or  the  order  itself  was  discharged  and  the  coin  re 
turned  to  the  depositor.  The  proposition  of  Mr.  Adams 
was  satisfactory  to  the  gentleman,  but  he  said  that  to 
prevent  the  disclosure  of  his  name  the  deposit  should  be 
made  in  coupon  and  not  in  registered  bonds.  The  cou 
pons  were  payable  to  bearer ;  the  registered  were  re 
quired  to  be  inscribed  on  the  books  of  the  Treasury  in 
the  owner's  name.  Mr.  Adams  then  volunteered  the  as 
surance  that  these  bonds,  to  the  amount  of  $10,000,000, 
should  be  transmitted  to  London  by  the  first  steamer 
which  left  New  York  after  his  despatch  concerning  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  203 

transaction  was  received  in  the  State  Department  at 
Washington. 

It  was  this  assurance  of  Mr.  Adams  which  the  Presi 
dent  and  both  of  the  secretaries  desired  should  be  made 
good.  They  regarded  the  faith  of  the  government  as 
pledged  for  its  performance,  and  that  faith  they  pro 
posed  should  not  be  violated. 

All  the  details  of  this  transaction  \vere  not  then  dis 
closed.  They  reached  the  government  in  private,  con 
fidential  despatches  from  Mr.  Adams,  some  of  them  long 
afterwards.  The  despatch  in  question  was  understood 
to  be  confidential;  certainly  that  part  of  it  which  re 
lated  to  the  deposit  and  security  proposed.  It  was 
necessarily  brief,  for  in  order  to  reach  the  steamer  the 
special  messenger  had  to  leave  London  within  a  very 
few  hours  after  the  proposition  of  the  deposit  was  made. 
There  was  enough  in  it  to  show  that  an  inestimable 
service  had  been  rendered  to  the  country  by  some  one 
to  whom  Mr.  Adams  had  pledged  the  faith  of  the  nation 
for  the  transmission  of  these  bonds  by  the  next  steamer 
which  left  E"ew  York.  There  was  no  dissent  from  the 
conclusion  that  the  pledge  of  Mr.  Adams,  if  it  were  in 
the  power  of  the  government,  must  be  performed. 

The  transmission  of  the  securities  of  the  United  States 
to  London,  in  large  amounts,  would  be  a  very  different 
problem  now,  after  the  subsequent  experience  of  the 
Treasury  in  such  transactions.  Now,  the  blank  bonds 
would  be  taken  on  board  an  ocean  steamer  in  the  cus 
tody  of  officers  authorized  to  prepare,  sign,  and  issue 
them,  and  the  entire  labor  could  be  performed  on  the 
voyage.  In  1862,  the  Treasury  had  had  no  such  experi 
ence,  and  in  the  brief  time  spared  for  consultation  there 
was  no  way  of  meeting  the  emergency  suggested,  ex 
cept  the  regular  process  of  filling  up,  signing,  and  seal- 


204:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ing  the  bonds  within  the  Treasury,  entering  them  upon 
the  proper  books,  and  delivering  them  as  perfected  ob 
ligations  of  the  United  States. 

No  time  was  wasted  in  discussion.  It  was  suggested 
as  a  precautionary  measure  that  a  request  to  delay  the 
sailing  of  the  steamer  should  be  made,  and  the  consulta 
tion  ended.  It  may  as  well  be  mentioned  here  that  the 
effort  to  secure  delay  was  unsuccessful.  It  could  not  be 
complied  with  except  with  the  consent  of  the  officers  of 
the  company  in  Liverpool,  and  they  could  not  be  reached 
by  cable.  The  steamer  would  sail  at  twelve  o'clock  on 
Monday. 

It  was  next  ascertained  that  only  §7,500,000  in  coupon 
bonds  of  the  denomination  of  $1000  had  been  printed. 
The  remaining  §2,500,000  must  be  made  up  from  de 
nominations  of  §500.  This  involved  an  increase  of  two 
thousand  five  hundred,  making  an  aggregate  of  twelve 
thousand  five  hundred  bonds  to  be  signed  between  twelve 
o'clock  on  Friday  and  four  o'clock  A.M.  on  Monday. 

The  theory  of  the  statute  which  required  a  bond  to  be 
signed  by  the  head  of  the  bureau  from  which  it  issued 
originally  was  that  the  signature  was  some  safeguard 
against  forgery,  was  an  evidence  of  authenticity,  and  a 
check  against  unauthorized  issues.  In  issues  of  so  large 
amounts  as  were  made  during  the  war,  it  was  found  to 
have  a  trifling  if  any  value.  But  the  labor  imposed  was 
continuous  and  severe ;  in  the  present  instance  it  became 
dangerous  to  health  and  life ;  for  there  is  no  muscular 
exertion  more  severe,  certainly  none  so  inexpressibly 
dreary,  as  that  of  writing  one's  own  name  hour  after 
hour,  day  after  day,  over  and  over  again.  Such,  how 
ever,  was  the  law ;  it  was  necessary  to  the  legality  of 
the  issue  that  all  the  requirements  of  the  law  should  be 
complied  with.  It  will  be  seen  in  this  instance  at  what 


AND    HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  205 

cost  obedience  to  this  provision  of  the  statute  was  se 
cured. 

"When  the  bond  issues  of  the  Treasury  required  an 
average  of  two  or  three  thousand  signatures  daily,  every 
means  of  doing  the  work  rapidly  was  necessarily  em 
ployed.  The  signature  itself  was  changed.  If  each  in 
itial  letter  had  been  written  separately,  in  the  ordinary 
way,  the  day  was  not  long  enough  to  finish  the  task. 
The  whole  name  was  then  written  at  a  single  movement, 
without  raising  the  pen  from  the  paper,  or  once  arrest 
ing  its  motion.  The  bonds  were  laid  before  the  officer 
in  piles ;  the  instant  the  pen  was  raised  at  the  end  of  the 
name,  an  experienced  messenger  removed  the  bond,  leav 
ing  another  exposed  for  signature.  In  this  way  it  was 
possible  to  write  ten  signatures  in  a  minute.  If  any  one 
is  inclined  to  doubt  the  rapidity  or  the  exertion  involved 
in  doing  this,  he  is  advised  to  try  the  experiment. 

In  the  present  instance  the  register  knew  from  ex 
perience  that  serious  work  was  before  him,  which  would 
affect  his  health,  and  might  endanger  his  life.  He  en 
deavored  to  set  about  it  with  judgment  and  discretion. 
He  called  in  an  experienced  army  surgeon,  informed  him 
that  he  intended  to  continue  to  sign  his  name  for  just  as 
many  consecutive  hours  as  his  strength  would  permit ; 
that  he  was  desired  to  remain  in  constant  attendance, 
administering  such  food  and  stimulants  as  would  secure 
endurance  for  the  longest  possible  time.  The  necessary 
supplies  were  procured,  the  arrangements  perfected,  and 
the  register  was  ready  to  begin  his  work  at  twelve 
o'clock  on  Friday. 

The  first  seven  hours  passed  without  any  unusual 
sensations.  He  had  signed  for  that  length  of  time  so 
frequently  that  it  had  become  a  custom  to  which  the 
muscles  had  adapted  themselves,  so  that  they  worked 


206  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

uncomplainingly.  In  these  first  seven  hours  three  thou 
sand  seven  hundred  signatures  were  made.  But  within 
the  first  half  of  the  eighth  hour  there  were  evidences  of 
great  muscular  discontent,  which  soon  threatened  to 
break  out  into  open  rebellion.  As  the  time  slowly  wore 
on,  in  the  forenoon  of  Saturday,  every  muscle  on  the 
right  side  connected  with  the  movement  of  the  hand 
and  arm  became  inflamed,  and  the  pain  was  almost  be 
yond  endurance.  It  was  necessary  to  continue  the  work, 
for  if  it  should  be  suspended  for  any  considerable  length 
of  time  the  inflammation  might  become  so  great  that 
control  over  the  motion  of  the  arm  and  its  further  use 
would  become  impossible.  In  the  slight  pauses  which 
were  made,  rubbing,  the  application  of  hot  water,  and 
other  remedies  were  resorted  to,  in  order  to  alleviate 
the  pain  and  reduce  the  inflammation.  They  were  com 
paratively  ineffectual,  and  the  hours  dragged  on  without 
bringing  much  relief. 

During  the  course  of  Saturday  afternoon  the  acute- 
ness  of  the  pain  sensibly  diminished.  The  muscles,  find 
ing  that  resistance  was  unavailing,  had  to  give  up  the 
contest.  A  series  of  sensations  followed  which,  though 
less  difficult  to  endure,  were  still  more  alarming.  A 
feeling  of  numbness  commenced  in  the  hand,  and  slo\Vly 
crept  up  the  arm  to  the  shoulder,  producing  an  effect  as 
if  the  hand  and  arm  were  dead.  With  this  came  a  dis 
tortion  of  the  fingers,  so  that  the  pen,  instead  of  being 
held  in  the  usual  manner,  was  placed  between  the  first 
finger  and  the  thumb.  It  might  have  been  expected 
that  this  condition  of  the  muscles  would  have  changed 
the  form  of  the  signature.  It  did  not  to  any  great  ex 
tent.  The  constant  repetition  of  the  same  movements 
seemed  to  result  in  their  continuance,  independently  of 
the  will.  The  signature  was  still  a  fair  one. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  207 

It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  all  the  details  of  the  de 
vices  and  means  resorted  to  to  prevent  sleep  and  to  con 
tinue  the  work.  Changes  of  position,  violent  exercise, 
going  out  into  the  open  air  and  walking  rapidly  for  ten 
minutes,  concentrated  extracts,  prepared  food,  stimulants 
more  in  kind  and  number  than  can  now  be  recalled — 
every  imaginable  means  was  employed  during  the  night 
of  Saturday.  Notwithstanding  their  use  with  a  liberal 
hand,  it  became  evident  that  weakness  was  gradually 
asserting  itself,  and  that  the  time  was  approaching  when 
the  work  must  cease  from  pure  exhaustion.  The  surgeon 
decided  that  within  two  or  three  hours  at  the  latest  the 
strength  would  give  out,  and  that  the  time  had  come 
when  the  officer  should  resign,  and  another  register  be 
appointed. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  the  long-continued  exertion 
had  to  some  extent  influenced  the  mind  of  the  register, 
and  that  his  objections  to  the  change  proposed  were 
more  imaginary  than  real.  The  names  of  two  registers 
appearing  on  the  same  issue  of  bonds  was  an  apparent 
irregularity  which  might  require  explanations  and  in 
volve  delay.  Calling  on  the  President  to  appoint  an 
other  register  on  Sunday  was,  to  say  the  least,  an  im 
propriety  which  would  excite  public  comment,  even  if 
the  act  itself  were  legal,  of  which  some  doubt  was  enter 
tained.  It  was  four  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning;  only 
a  few  more  than  two  thousand  signatures  would  com 
plete  the  labor.  The  register  determined  he  would 
finish  the  task,  although  the  surgeon  earnestlv  advised 
him  that  it  would  involve  a  considerable  danger  to  his 
life. 

I  have  not  had  at  any  time  since  a  very  accurate 
memory  of  the  events  of  that  Sunday  morning.  That  I 
could  not  remain  in  the  same  position  for  more  than  a 


208  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

few  moments,  that  the  bonds  were  carried  from  desk  to 
table  and  from  place  to  place  to  enable  me  to  make  ten 
signatures  at  a  time,  that  my  fingers  and  hand  were 
twisted  and  drawn  out  of  their  natural  shape  —  these 
and  other  facts  are  faintly  remembered.  The  memory 
is  more  distinct  that  at  about  twelve  o'clock,  noon,  the 
last  bond  was  reached  and  signed,  and  the  work  was 
finished,  the  last  hundred  bonds  requiring  more  time 
than  the  first  thousand.  One  fact  I  have  special  cause 
to  remember.  This  abuse  of  muscular  energy  eventu 
ally  caused  my  resignation  from  the  Treasury,  and  cost 
me  several  years  of  physical  pain. 

After  the  bonds  were  signed  I  suffered  more  than  at 
any  other  time  during  the  process.  My  nervous  system 
was  so  thoroughly  shattered  that  during  the  night  of 
Sunday  sleep  was  impossible.  On  Monday  night,  after 
three  full  days  and  nights  during  which  I  had  not  lost 
consciousness  for  a  moment,  I  fell  asleep  from  pure  ex 
haustion.  My  subsequent  experience  can  only  be  in 
teresting  to  myself ;  certainly  not  to  the  general  reader. 

The  bonds  reached  the  steamer  in  time,  and  the 
promise  of  our  minister  was  faithfully  kept.  But  in 
the  meantime  Mr.  Adams  had  given  notice  to  the  au 
thorities  of  his  readiness  to  make  the  deposit,  and  then 
some  disposition  of  the  matter  was  made,  which  avoided 
the  necessity  of  making  it.  "What  this  disposition  was, 
I  do  not  know ;  but  it  was  understood  at  the  time,  by 
Secretary  Chase,  to  have  been  made  without  the  knowl 
edge  or  privity  of  our  minister.  From  the  published 
statements  at  the  time  it  appeared  that  no  effort  to  de 
liver  the  vessels  was  made  after  the  objections  of  the 
government  were  made  known.  In  fact  the  iron-clads 
were  shortly  after  sold  to  one  of  the  Eastern  powers,  and 
their  field  of  operations  was  the  Mediterranean  instead 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  209 

of  the  American  coasts.  The  ability  of  Mr.  Adams  to 
comply  with  the  condition  and  furnish  the  security  was 
accepted  as  the  end  of  the  controversy.  It  is  known 
that  a  few  months  later  $6,000,000  of  the  §10,000,000 
of  the  bonds  issued  were  returned  to  the  Treasury  in  the 
original  packages,  with  the  seals  of  the  Treasury  un 
broken.  The  remaining  $4,000,000  were  afterwards 
sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  Treasury. 

Many  years  elapsed  before  the  register  atoned  for 
this  violation  of  natural  laws,  which  never  fail  to  punish 
those  who  break  them.  While  he  remained  in  office 
there  was  no  day  in  which  he  was  not  reminded  by  a 
sharp  rheumatic  twinge  of  the  events  of  that  Sunday 
morning.  After  he  had  left  the  Treasury  there  were 
five  long  years  in  which  he  could  never  promise  that  he 
could  perform  any  professional  labor  at  any  fixed  date 
in  the  future. 

The  issue  of  these  bonds  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
some  measurements,  showing  the  great  bulk  of  paper 
used  in  the  whole  issue  of  $513,000,000.  I  did  not  leave 
the  Treasury  that  Sunday  morning  until  I  had  seen  these 
measurements  made.  The  denominations  of  the  coupon 
"five -twenties"  were  "fifties,"  "one  hundreds,"  "five 
hundreds,"  and  "  one  thousands."  Of  the  registered  the 
denominations  were  the  same,  with  the  addition  of  "  five 
thousands  "  and  "  ten  thousands."  Only  a  small  fraction 
of  the  issue  was  registered,  and  the  certificates  used  were 

O 

ordinarily  "  one  thousand  "  and  under.  The  twelve  thou 
sand  five  hundred  bonds,  representing  $10,000,000  of  the 
present  issue,  were  a  reasonably  accurate  average  of  the 
whole  issue.  These  $10,000,000  were  made  into  pack 
ages  of  $1,000,000  each,  of  the  same  length  and  breadth 
of  the  bonds  themselves,  one  bond  being  laid,  without 
folding,  upon  another.  Each  package  was  covered  with 


210  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

one  thickness  of  wrapping-paper,  and  then  bound  as  close 
ly  as  possible  with  strong  cord,  rendering  each  package 
as  thin  as  it  could  be  made.  The  ten  packages  were 
then  laid  in  a  single  pile,  one  above  the  other.  They 
measured  six  feet  four  inches  in  height.  From  these 
data  each  one  can  compute  for  himself  the  height  of  the 
pile  of  paper  used  in  an  issue  of  $513,000,000. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  foregoing  facts  in  Harper's 
Magazine  for  May,  1890,  I  have  been  solicited  by  many 
correspondents  to  give  the  name  of  the  gentleman  who 
offered  to  perform  such  a  signal  service  to  our  country. 
It  must  be  obvious  that  nothing  could  give  me  greater 
pleasure  than  to  publish  his  name,  and  to  secure  for  him 
the  enduring  gratitude  of  the  American  people.  I  have, 
however,  a  special  reason  for  my  present  determination 
not  to  disclose  it,  nor  to  permit  myself  to  speculate  upon 
the  consequences  of  the  disclosure.  When  we  were  in 
formed  that  the  emergency  had  passed,  it  became  neces 
sary  to  make  a  change  in  the  entries  of  this  large 
amount  upon  the  books  of  the  register.  This  was  found 
to  be  a  difficult  matter,  unless  a  plain  statement  of  the 
issue,  to  the  gentleman  in  question,  and  its  purpose,  was 
made  with  its  subsequent  cancellation.  This  course  I 
proposed  to  Secretary  Chase.  He  was  decided  in  his 
opinion  that  the  value  of  the  service  would  not  have 
been  enhanced  if  an  actual  deposit  of  the  money  had 
been  required,  and  that,  as  the  gentleman  himself  had 
imposed  the  obligation,  he  was  the  only  authority  who 
could  possibly  release  it.  While  I  regarded  his  conclu 
sion  as  incontrovertible,  I  did  suggest  that  our  first  duty 
was  the  official  one,  to  our  own  obligation  to  conceal 
nothing,  and  to  make  our  official  records  strictly  conform 
to  the  fact. 

"  We  should  have  thought  of  that  at  the  time,"  said 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  211 

the  secretary.  "We  might  have  declined  his  offer, 
coupled  as  it  was  with  the  obligation  to  conceal  his 
name.  But  I  do  not  remember  that  we  considered  that 
question.  Do  you  ?" 

"  No,"  I  said.  "  Nothing  was  discussed  in  my  pres 
ence  except  the  possibility  of  compliance  with  his  con 
ditions,  to  the  letter." 

"  Then,  I  think,  we  must  continue  to  keep  his  secret, 
whatever  the  consequences  may  be,  until  he  releases 
us  from  the  obligation,"  was  the  final  conclusion  of  the 
secretary. 

I  am,  I  believe,  the  only  survivor  of  those  to  whom 
this  gentleman's  name  was  known.  I  have  hitherto  de 
clined  to  discuss  the  question  of  his  name  or  its  dis 
closure.  I  depart  from  my  practice  far  enough  to  say 
that  I  do  not  believe  he  was  interested  in. the  price  of 
cotton,  or  that  he  was  moved  in  the  slightest  degree  by 
pecuniary  motives,  in  making  his  offer.  More  than  this, 
at  present,  I  do  not  think  I  have  the  moral  right  to  say. 
If  I  should  at  any  time  hereafter  see  my  way  clear  to  a 
different  conclusion,  I  shall  leave  his  name  to  be  com 
municated  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  will 
determine  for  himself  the  propriety  of  its  disclosure. 


212  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 


XXYI. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CONNECTION  WITH  THE  ORIGIN  OF  AR 
MORED  VESSELS.— HIS  FAITH  IN  IRON-CLADS.— THE  INFLU 
ENCE  OF  ASSISTANT-SECRETARY  FOX.— HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH 
THE  PRESIDENT  ON  THE  7TH  OF  MARCH,  1862. 

So  many  of  the  facts  involved  in  the  origin  of  armored 
or  iron-clad  vessels  are  in  controversy,  that  it  is  a  delicate 
matter  now  to  meddle  with  the  subject.  But  President 
Lincoln  was  a  factor  in  this,  as  he  was  in  all  the  great 
improvements  made  in  the  naval  and  military  service 
during  his  administration.  To  understand  how  far  he 
promoted  the  introduction  of  iron-clad  vessels,  it  is  nec 
essary  to  give  some  facts  as  they  were  understood  and 
acted  upon  by  the  President  and  others  at  the  time,  with 
out  much  regard  to  their  bearing  upon  other  interests  or 
questions. 

Suggestions  of  the  necessity  of  armored  vessels  for 
harbor  defence  were  strongly  pressed  by  Major  Robert 
Anderson,  very  soon  after  he  arrived  in  Washington  from 
Fort  Sumter.  lie  reported  that  one  of  the  Confederate 
batteries  in  Charleston  harbor  was  covered  with  bars  of 
railroad  iron,  in  such  a  way  that  the  guns  of  the  fort 
made  no  impression  upon  it.  Having  learned  from  ex 
perience  that  a  battery  so  protected  was  impregnable, 
and  there  being  no  reason  why  like  armor  could  not  be 
applied  to  a  floating  as  well  as  to  a  land  battery,  Major 
Anderson  argued  that  the  Confederates  would  almost 
certainly  undertake  the  construction  of  iron-clad  ves 
sels,  and  if  we  were  not  provided  with  similar  vessels 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  213 

to  resist  them,  they  would  take  and  hold  possession  of 
our  navigable  rivers  and  harbors,  and  so  inflict  an  irre 
mediable  injury  on  our  seaport  cities  and  their  commerce. 
The  action  of  the  Confederate  Congress  in  May,  in  ap 
pointing  a  commission  to  adopt  plans  for  raising  the 
Merrimac,  then  sunk  in  Norfolk  harbor,  and  her  con 
version  into  an  armored  vessel,  added  force  to  the  views 
of  Major  Anderson,  and  produced  a  strong  impression 
upon  Mr.  Welles,  our  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  one  at 
least  of  his  most  competent  subordinates.  Gustavus  Y. 
Fox  was  one  of  the  President's  favorites.  He  had  ac 
quired  Mr.  Lincoln's  confidence  by  his  intelligent  views 
relating  to  the  proposed  reinforcement  of  Fort  Sumter, 
immediately  after  the  inauguration,  and  had  accepted 
the  office  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  at  his  spe 
cial  request.  He  was  an  experienced  retired  naval  offi 
cer,  he  possessed  attractive  personal  qualities,  his  judg 
ment  was  conservative,  and  he  was  always  a  welcome 
guest  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  I  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  have  secured  his  friendship,  and  I  have  made  several 
visits  to  the  President  in  his  company.  On  one  of  these 
visits,  in  May,  I  heard  the  President  ask  Mr.  Fox  his 
opinion  of  armored  vessels,  and  of  Major  Anderson's 
suggestion.  Mr.  Fox  replied,  in  substance,  that  the  sub 
ject  was  under  active  consideration  in  the  Navy  Depart 
ment,  but  that  it  was  novel ;  it  was  very  important,  and 
though  generally  impressed  with  the  practicability  of 
such  vessels,  he  was  not  yet  prepared  to  commit  him 
self  to  any  fixed  opinion.  The  President,  somewhat  ear 
nestly,  observed  that  "  we  must  not  let  the  rebels  get 
ahead  of  us  in  such  an  important  matter,"  and  asked 
what  Mr.  Fox  regarded  as  the  principal  difficulty  in  the 
way  of  their  use.  Mr.  Fox  replied  that  naval  officers 
doubted  their  stability,  and  feared  that  an  armor  heavy 


214  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

enough  to  make  them  effective,  would  sink  them  as  soon 
as  they  were  launched.  "  But  is  not  that  a  sum  in  arith 
metic  ?"  quickly  asked  the  President.  "  On  our  Western 
rivers  we  can  figure  just  how  many  tons  will  sink  a  flat- 
boat.  Can't  your  clerks  do  the  same  for  an  armored 
vessel  ?" 

"I  suppose  they  can,"  replied  Mr.  Fox.  "But  there 
are  other  difficulties.  With  such  a  weight,  a  single  shot, 
piercing  the  armor,  would  sink  the  vessel  so  quickly  that 
no  one  could  escape." 

"  Now,  as  the  very  object  of  the  armor  is  to  get  some 
thing  that  the  best  projectile  cannot  pierce,  that  objec 
tion  does  not  appear  to  be  sound,"  said  the  President. 

Mr.  Fox  again  observed  that  the  subject  was  under 
active  examination,  and  he  hoped  soon  to  be  able  to  con 
sider  it  intelligently,  and  the  conversation  turned  upon 
other  matters. 

When  we  left  the  White  House,  Mr.  Fox  observed 
that  the  President  appeared  to  be  deeply  interested  in 
the  subject  of  iron-clads ;  that  it  was  most  important, 
but  it  was  new,  and  would  encounter  all  the  prejudices 
of  the  naval  service.  But  its  importance  was  such  that 
its  investigation  would  be  pressed  as  fast  as  possible,  with 
a  view  of  at  least  trying  the  experiment. 

Within  a  few  days  there  was  a  rumor  that  the  Bureau 
of  Construction  in  the  Navy  Department,  through  the 
influence  of  Mr.  Fox,  was  engaged  upon  plans  for  an 
iron-clad  vessel.  As  soon  as  Congress  met,  on  the  4th 
of  July,  a  bill  was  introduced  which  authorized  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  Board  of  Construction 
of  three  naval  officers,  to  whom  the  plans  for  an  iron 
clad  vessel  were  to  be  submitted,  and,  if  the  board  ap 
proved  them,  the  secretary  was  authorized  to  contract 
for  its  construction. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  215 

It  was  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  Cornelius 
S.  Bushnell,  of  Connecticut,  a  friend  of  the  secretary's, 
was  the  promoter  of  the  bill,  and  that  through  his  act 
ive  labors  the  bill  passed  Congress  and  became  a  law  in 
the  early  days  of  August.  The  board  was  immediately 
appointed.  It  consisted  of  Commodore  Paulding,  Admi 
ral  Smith,  and  Captain  Davis.  The  board  approved  the 
plans ;  the  contract  was  given  to  Mr.  Bushnell  for  the 
first  iron-clad  built  on  the  Western  Continent.  She  was 
to  be  built  at  Mystic,  Connecticut,  and  to  be  completed 
as  speedily  as  possible.  She  was  to  be  called  the  Galena, 
and  as  many  workmen  as  could  find  room  were  at  work 
upon  her  hull  before  the  ink  of  the  signatures  to  the  con 
tract  was  fairly  dry. 

In  the  autumn  there  was  a  great  newspaper  outcry 
over  the  Galena.  The  Department,  the  contractor,  ev 
erybody  concerned,  was  charged  with  peculation  and 
fraud.  It  was  asserted  that  the  Galena  would  do  every 
thing  a  good  ship  ought  not,  and  nothing  that  such  a 
vessel  ought  to  do ;  that  she  had  no  stability,  that  she 
would  not  stand  up,  that  she  would  not  answer  her  rud 
der,  that  she  would  not  resist  even  grape-shot,  that  she 
would  sink  like  a  bar  of  lead  the  moment  she  was  launched. 
The  President  and  Secretary  Fox  were  the  only  officers 
of  the  government  who  would  speak  a  good  word  for 
the  Galena.  Even  the  contractor  was  despondent,  and 
almost  lost  faith  in  the  vessel. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  name  of  Captain  Ericsson 
was  first  heard  in  connection  with  an  iron-clad  vessel. 
The  rumor  was  that  he  had  pronounced  in  favor  of  the 
Galena! s  plans,  her  stability,  and  her  ability  to  resist  a 
six-pound  shot,  etc.,  and  had  furnished  contractor  Bush 
nell  with  plans  for  a  vessel  which  would  resist  the  im 
pact  of  any  projectile  which  could  be  thrown  by  any 


216  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

gun  then  invented.  It  was  called  a  floating  battery. 
Mr.  Bushnell  had  presented  these  plans  to  the  Board  of 
Construction,  and  the  board  had  rejected  them.  He  had 
then  carried  them  to  the  President,  whose  decision  upon 
them  was  expressed  in  a  very  pointed  story,  many  times 
since  repeated,  but  almost  invariably  with  the  point 
omitted.  What  the  President  said,  after  the  plans  were 
exhibited  and  explained  to  him,  was,  "As  the  darkey 
said,  in  putting  on  his  boot,  into  which  some  one  had 
put  a  Canada  thistle,  '  I  guess  dar's  something  in  it.' " 

There  is  no  doubt  that,  after  Captain  Ericsson's  plans 
had  been  submitted  to  the  Board  of  Construction,  and 
the  captain  had  been  induced  to  visit  Washington  and 
explain  them,  that  the  President  became  the  warm  ad 
vocate  of  the  construction  of  his  proposed  battery,  as  it 
was  then  called.  Captain  Fox  was  the  adviser  upon 
whom  he  principally  relied.  There  were  several  ses 
sions  of  the  Board  of  Construction ;  Captain  Davis,  who 
had  strongly  opposed  the  project,  finally  gave  way,  mak 
ing  the  board  unanimous,  and  the  contract  was  awarded 
to  Mr.  Bushnell,  and  Messrs.  Corning,  Winslow,  &  Gris- 
wold,  his  associates.  It  is  only  just  to  Mr.  Bushnell  to 
say  that,  in  all  the  preliminary  work  of  clearing  away  the 
obstructions,  securing  the  co-operation  of  the  President, 
and  overcoming  the  objections  of  the  board,  he  alone 
was  known,  and  that  when  the  contract  was  awarded 
it  was  understood  in  Washington  to  have  been  secured 
through  the  labor  and  energy  of  Mr.  Bushnell.  The 
contract  required  the  greatest  practicable  expedition  in 
completing  the  vessel,  and  the  contractors  pushed  the 
work  with  great  energy.  The  Monitor,  with  her  en 
gines  on  board,  was  launched  on  the  30th  of  January, 
and,  to  the  great  disappointment  of  those  who  had  op 
posed  the  experiment,  instead  of  sinking,  as  they  had 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  217 

predicted,  she  drew  less  water  by  some  inches  than  Cap 
tain  Ericsson  had  calculated. 

Her  battery  was  put  on  board,  and  she  was  fitted  for 
sea  with  the  greatest  possible  expedition.  Captain  Fox 
had  daily  reliable  reports  from  Norfolk.  The  Merrimac 
was  also  rapidly  approaching  completion,  and  when  she 
was  reported  to  be  ready  for  use  the  Monitor  was  still 
in  the  waters  of  New  York  harbor.  It  was  not  until 
the  27th  of  February  that  she  put  to  sea,  in  an  unfin 
ished  state,  without  having  made  the  usual  trips,  for  some 
unknown  destination. 

Early  on  Friday  morning,  March  7th,  Secretary  Fox 
invited  me  to  accompany  him  in  a  call  he  was  about  to 
make,  by  appointment,  upon  President  Lincoln.  Captain 
Fox  was  an  officer  of  infinite  coolness  and  self-command. 
He  did  not  exhibit  the  slightest  evidence  of  emotion  or 
apprehension  while  unfolding  to  me  a  story  which  gave 
me  great  uneasiness  during  the  next  three  days.  No 
one  else  was  present  at  our  interview  with  the  President, 
and  I  cannot  now  undertake  to  give  the  precise  words 
used,  but  the  substance  of  the  conversation  I  shall  prob 
ably  never  forget.  It  was  obvious  that  the  President 
had  received  a  recent  communication  from  Captain  Fox, 
and  had  been  informed  of  the  object  of  his  visit.  The 
latter  observed  that,  from  his  latest  information,  which 
he  believed  was  reliable,  he  did  not  expect  that  the  Mer- 
rimao  would  make  her  appearance  before  Sunday,  the 
9th  of  March.  She  might,  however,  come  out  at  any 
time,  for  her  engines  appeared  to  be  working  well  at  the 
dock,  and,  so  far  as  his  agent  could  discover,  her  armor 
was  completed,  and  the  work  still  going  on  was  not  con 
nected  with  her  motive-power  or  with  her  batteries.  He 
said  that  he  intended  to  leave  the  city  immediately,  for 
he  wanted  to  be  there  when  she  made  her  attack.  He 


218  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

asked  the  President  whether  he  had  any  further  sugges 
tions  or  instructions,  and  received  a  negative  reply.  Af 
ter  some  general  conversation,  in  which  the  President 
said  but  few  words,  Captain  Fox,  quite  in  his  ordinary 
tone,  observed  that  he  supposed  that  the  President  was 
prepared  for  very  disastrous  results  from  the  expected 
encounter.  "No,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln;  "why  should  I 
be  ?  We  have  three  of  our  most  effective  war-vessels  in 
Hampton  Eoads,  and  any  number  of  small  craft  that 
will  hang  on  to  the  stern  of  the  Merrimao  like  small 
dogs  on  the  haunches  of  a  bear.  They  may  not  be  able 
to  tear  her  down,  but  they  will  interfere  with  the  com 
fort  of  her  voyage.  Her  trial-trip  will  not  be  a  pleasure- 
trip,  I  am  certain." 

"  I  think  you  do  not  take  into  account  all  the  possi 
bilities  of  the  M&rrimac"  said  Captain  Fox.  "  True,  she 
may  break  down,  she  may  accomplish  nothing,  she  may 
not  be  shot-proof,  but  she  will  be  commanded  by  a  skilled 
naval  officer.  The  engineers  who  have  had  charge  of 
her  construction  are  as  competent  as  any  in  their  pro 
fession.  If  they  risk  her  in  action,  you  may  be  sure  she 
will  do  good  work." 

"  Suppose  she  does.  Have  we  not  three  good  ships 
against  her  ?" 

"  But  if  she  proves  invulnerable  ?"  persisted  the  cap 
tain.  "  Suppose  our  heaviest  shot  and  shell  rebound 
from  her  armor  as  harmless  as  rubber  balls?  Suppose 
she  strikes  our  ships,  one  after  the  other,  with  her  ram, 
and  opens  a  hole  in  them  as  large  as  a  barn-door  or  a 
turnpike  gate  ?  Suppose  they  are  powerless  to  resist  her, 
and  she  sinks  them  all  in  a  half -hour  ?" 

"You  are  looking  for  great  disasters,  captain,"  said 
the  President,  with  a  smile.  "  We  have  had  a  big  share 
of  bad  luck  already,  but  I  do  not  believe  the  future 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  219 

has  any  such  misfortunes  in  store  for  us  as  you  antici 
pate." 

"  I  anticipate  nothing  which  may  not  happen  from 
the  coming  encounter,"  said  Captain  Fox,  "  nor  have 
I  mentioned  the  worst  possibilities.  If  the  Merrimac 
proves  invulnerable,  if  she  meets  the  expectations  of  her 
officers,  although  she  may  not  be  able  to  go  outside  the 
capes,  she  can  do  an  immense  damage  without  going  to 
sea.  If  she  sinks  our  ships,  who  is  to  prevent  her  drop 
ping  her  anchor  in  the  Potomac, where  that  steamer  lies," 
pointing  to  a  steamer  at  anchor  below  the  long  bridge, 
"  and  throwing  her  hundred-pound  shells  into  this  room, 
or  battering  down  the  walls  of  the  Capitol  ?" 

"  The  Almighty,  captain,"  answered  the  President, 
decidedly,  but  without  the  least  affectation.  "  I  expect 
set-backs,  defeats;  we  have  had  them,  and  shall  have 
them.  They  are  common  to  all  wars.  But  I  have  not 
the  slightest  fear  of  any  result  which  shall  fatally  impair 
our  military  and  naval  strength,  or  give  other  powers 
any  right  to  interfere  in  our  quarrel.  The  destruction 
of  the  Capitol  would  do  both.  I  do  not  fear  it,  for  this 
is  God's  fight,  and  he  will  win  it  in  his  own  good  time. 
He  will  take  care  that  our  enemies  do  not  push  us  too 
far." 

"I  do  most  sincerely  hope  you  are  right,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,"  said  Captain  Fox,  "  but  it  is  my  duty,  as  one  of 
your  officers,  to  use  to  the  best  advantage  my  own  judg 
ment  as  well  as  the  materials  which  the  country  places 
in  our  hands.  The  iron-clad  is  a  new  element  in  naval 
warfare.  We  know  neither  its  power  nor  its  effective 
ness.  It  is  prudent  to  fear  what  we  do  not  understand. 
It  is  perfectly  natural  for  naval  officers  to  distrust  the 
iron-clad.  Frankly,  we  cannot  even  guess  what  the 
Merrimac  will  do." 


220  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  Speaking  of  iron-clads,  you  do  not  seem  to  take  our 
little  Monitor  into  the  account,"  said  the  President. 
"I  believe  in  the  Monitor,  and  her  commander.  If 
Captain  Worden  does  not  give  a  good  account  of  the 
Monitor  and  of  himself,  I  shall  have  made  a  mistake  in 
following  my  judgment  for  the  first  time  since  I  have 
been  here,  captain.  I  have  not  made  a  mistake  in  fol 
lowing  my  clear  judgment  of  men  since  this  war  began. 
I  followed  that  judgment  when  I  gave  Worden  the  com 
mand  of  the  Monitor.  I  would  make  the  appointment 
over  again  to-day.  The  Monitor  should  be  in  Hampton 
Roads  now.  She  left  New  York  eight  days  ago." 

"  It  is  not  prudent  to  place  any  reliance  on  the  Moni 
tor"  responded  the  captain; "  she  is  an  experiment,  wholly 
untried.  She  may  be  already  at  the  bottom  of  the  ocean. 
She  may  be  at  anchor  somewhere,  disabled.  We  know 
nothing  about  her.  She  may  not  have  stood  heavy 
weather  at  all,  and  we  have  had  strong  gales  since  she 
sailed.  She  is  very  liable  to  break  down ;  she  went  to 
sea  without  one  thorough  trial-trip,  when  she  should 
have  had  several.  We  ought  not  to  be  disappointed  if 
she  does  not  reach  the  mouth  of  the  James.  If  she  ar 
rives,  she  may  break  down  with  the  firing  of  her  first 
gun,  or  be  sunk  or  disabled  by  the  first  gun  from  the 
enemy.  The  clear  dictate  of  prudence  is  to  place  no 
reliance  on  her,  and  if  she  proves  of  service,  give  the 
credit  to  our  good  fortune." 

"  No,  no,  captain,"  said  the  President,  with  more  em 
phasis  than  he  had  previously  used;  "I  respect  your 
judgment,  as  you  have  good  reason  to  know,  but  this 
time  you  are  all  wrong.  The  Monitor  was  one  of  my 
inspirations ;  I  believed  in  her  firmly  when  that  ener 
getic  contractor  first  showed  me  Ericsson's  plans.  Cap 
tain  Ericsson's  plain  but  rather  enthusiastic  demonstra- 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  221 

tion  made  my  conversion  permanent.  It  was  called  a 
floating  battery  then ;  I  called  it  a  raft.  I  caught  some 
of  the  inventor's  enthusiasm,  and  it  has  been  growing 
upon  me.  I  thought  then,  and  I  am  confident  now,  it 
is  just  what  we  want.  I  am  sure  that  the  Monitor  is 
still  afloat,  and  that  she  will  yet  give  a  good  account  of 
herself.  Sometimes  I  think  she  may  be  the  veritable 
sling  with  a  stone  that  shall  yet  smite  the  Merrimac 
Philistine  in  the  forehead." 

There  was  more  of  the  conversation,  but  I  do  not 
know  that  it  would  further  illustrate  the  attitude  or  the 
confidence  of  the  President.  We  took  our  leave,  and 
walked  to  the  west  entrance  of  the  Treasury  slowly 
and  in  silence.  At  the  door  the  assistant  secretary  said, 
"  Is  not  our  Lincoln  the  truest  man,  an  example  of  the 
most  genuine  manhood,  you  have  ever  seen — of  whom 
you  have  ever  read  ?  How  sincere  he  is !  He  seems  to 
have  imparted  some  of  his  faith  to  me.  I  have  avoided 
reliance  upon  the  Monitor.  Perhaps  she  may  yet  prove 
the  good  angel  who  will  take  us  out  of  the  Slough  of 
Despond." 

We  separated ;  I  to  the  labors  of  forty-eight  slow  and 
anxious  hours,  he  to  witness  the  battle  which  changed 
all  the  conditions  of  naval  warfare. 


222  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXVII. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CONFIDENCE  IN  ARMORED  VESSELS  CON- 
TINUED.— THE  MONITOR  AND  HER  BATTLE  WITH  THE  HER- 
R1MAC  DESCRIBED  BY  CAPTAIN  WORDEN. 

SATURDAY,  March  8th,  was  a  day  of  calamities.  The 
news  came  over  the  wires  that  the  Merrimac  had  come 
out  of  Norfolk,  attended  by  a  numerous  body-guard  of 
smaller  vessels,  and  at  one  o'clock  was  leisurely  entering 
upon  her  brief  career  of  destruction.  Within  two  hours 
we  knew  that  projectiles  from  our  heaviest  guns  had  re 
alized  the  apprehensions  of  Captain  Fox,  by  rebounding 
from  her  uninjured  side  like  rubber  balls ;  that  she  had 
sent  the  fine  sloop-of-war,  the  Cumberland,  to  the  bot 
tom  of  the  James  River ;  that  she  had  torn  the  frigate 
Congress  in  pieces  with  her  shot  and  shell,  and  left  her 
a  grounded  wreck  on  the  shore ;  that  two  brave  ships' 
companies  had  been  immolated  to  the  demon  of  rebel 
lion,  and  that  the  iron-clad  destroyer,  satisfied  with  her 
labors  for  that  afternoon,  had  retired  into  the  harbor  of 
Norfolk,  leaving  our  third  and  most  valuable  frigate, 
the  Minnesota,  aground  and  ready  for  the  next  morning's 
sacrifice.  There  had  been  no  former  day  of  such  disas 
ter.  As  I  left  the  .Treasury  I  involuntarily  walked  in 
the  direction  of  the  War  Department,  where  I  supposed 
.the  President  would  be  found.  At  the  door  I  met  him 
returning  to  the  Executive  Mansion. 

He  was  as  cheerful  as  he  had  been  on  the  morning  of 
the  previous  day.  The  battle  was  over  for  the  day,  he 
said,  and  the  Merrimac  had  gone  into  port,  probably  to 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  223 

repair  some  temporary  damages.  Nothing  had  been 
heard  from  Captain  Fox  or  the  Monitor.  He  regretted 
deeply  the  loss  of  so  many  brave  men ;  our  first  lesson 
in  the  value  of  iron-clads  for  fighting  purposes  had  been 
costly,  but  the  Almighty  ruled,  and  it  would  all  come 
right  somehow.  I  remember  most  distinctly,  for  it  made 
a  deep  impression  at  the  time,  that  he  said  that  we  should 
probably  find  that  the  Merrimac  was  at  the  end  of  her 
destructive  mission,  and  would  not  sink  another  vessel. 

Aware  that  it  would  be  useless  to  expect  sleep  that 
night,  and  anxious  for  news  from  Captain  Fox,  I  returned 
late  in  the  evening  to  the  Navy  Department.  It  was 
nearty  midnight  before  his  despatch  came.  It  was  in 
cipher,  and,  being  translated,  informed  us  that  he  reached 
Newport  News  about  nine  o'clock,  and  went  immediately 
on  board  the  Minnesota.  Every  one  on  the  vessel  was 
demoralized.  She  had  been  stripped ;  it  had  been  de 
cided  to  burn  her,  and  in  a  few  moments  more  the  torch 
would  have  been  applied.  Captain  Fox's  arrival  had  saved 
the  vessel.  His  inquiry  whether  it  would  not  be  wiser 
to  wait  until  it  was  seen  whether  the  Merrimac  came  out 
of  Norfolk  again  before  setting  on  fire  the  finest  ship  in 
the  navy,  and  destroying  property  to  the  value  of  a  mill 
ion  and  a  half  of  dollars,  recalled  the  officers  to  their 
senses,  and  the  conclusion  to  defer  the  application  of  the 
torch  was  speedily  reached.  I  remained  at  the  Depart 
ment  until  after  two  o'clock,  when,  receiving  no  news 
from  the  Monitor  nor  any  further  despatches  from  Cap 
tain  Fox,  all  left  the  Naval  Office  for  their  respective 
homes. 

The  next  Sunday  forenoon  was  as  gloomy  as  any  that 
Washington  had  experienced  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war.  There  was  no  excitement,  but  all  seemed  to  be 
overwhelmed  with  despondency  and  vague  apprehen- 


224  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

sion.  I  went  to  Dr.  Gurley's  church,  where  his  audience 
was  made  still  more  uncomfortable  by  a  very  gloomy 
sermon.  After  service  I  called  upon  Secretary  Chase. 
He  had  no  news,  and  could  give  me  no  comfort.  Since 
the  President  seemed  to  be  the  only  officer  of  the  gov 
ernment  who  could  see  any  hope  in  the  future,  I  went 
to  the  War  Office,  where  he  was  usually  to  be  found 
when  any  serious  fighting  was  going  on.  There  I  found 
him  with  quite  a  large  party,  including  two  members  of 
his  Cabinet. 

It  was  evident,  from  the  general  excitement,  that  news 
had  been  received  from  the  James  River.  As  I  entered 
the  room  some  one  was  saying,  "  Would  it  not  be  for 
tunate  if  the  Monitor  should  sink  her?"  "It  would  be 
nothing  more  than  I  have  expected,"  calmly  observed 
President  Lincoln.  "  If  she  does  not,  something  else 
will.  Many  providential  things  are  happening  in  this 
war,  and  this  may  be  one'of  them.  The  loss  of  two  good 
ships  is  an  expensive  lesson,  but  it  will  teach  us  all  the 
value  of  iron-clads.  I  have  not  believed  at  any  time 
during  the  last  twenty-four  hours  that  the  Merrimao 
would  go  right  on  destroying  right  and  left  without  any 
obstruction.  Since  we  knew  that  the  Monitor  had  got 
there,  I  have  felt  that  she  was  the  vessel  we  wanted."  I 
then  learned  that  the  Monitor  had  arrived  at  Fortress 
Monroe  on  Saturday  evening ;  without  waiting  for  any 
preparation,  she  had  steamed  up  to  Newport  News, 
and  laid  herself  alongside  the  grounded  Minnesota.  The 
Merrimac  had  made  her  appearance  shortly  after  day 
light  ;  Captain  Worden  had  promptly  advanced  to  make 
her  acquaintance,  and  had  ever  since  been  sticking  to  her 
closer  than  a  brother.  It  was  also  reported  that  the  two 
fighters  had  ever  since  been  pounding  each  other  terrific 
ally,  and  that  the  Monitor  as  yet  showed  no  signs  of 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  225 

weakness.  Time  passes  quickly  in  such  an  excitement. 
Yery  soon  came  a  message  that  evoked  cheers  from 
everybody.  Its  substance  was  that  the  Merrimac  had 
withdrawn,  and  was  again  steaming  for  Norfolk.  Even 
this  news,  which  stirred  the  enthusiasm  of  every  one 
else,  so  that  all  burst  into  a  long -continued  volley  of 
applause,  did  not  seem  to  elate  the  President.  "  I  am 
glad  the  Monitor  has  done  herself  credit  for  Worden's 
sake — for  all  our  sakes,"  was  all  he  said.  He  then 
walked  slowly  to  the  White  House. 

When  Captain  Fox  returned,  his  graphic  account  of  the 
battle  was  given  to  the  press,  and  seemed  to  settle  the 
policy  of  the  country  in  relation  to  armored  vessels.  He 
gave  the  highest  credit  to  Captain  Worden  and  his  second 
in  command,  Lieutenant  Green.  The  fearlessness  with 
which  they  advanced  the  Monitor  to  the  attack,  the  persist 
ence  with  which  she  clung  to  her  enemy  during  all  that 
long  forenoon,  turning  away  from  her  in  a  circuit  only  just 
large  enough  to  give  time  to  load  her  guns,  he  said  was  a 
grand  exhibition  of  judgment,  courage,  and  seamanship, 
beautifully  responded  to  by  the  vessel  in  the  ease  with 
which  she  answered  her  helm,  and  the  even,  regular 
movement  of  her  power.  He  had  ordered  the  Monitor 
to  "Washington  for  repairs,  he  said,  and  convenience  of 
inspection,  for  henceforth  the  energies  of  the  Navy  De 
partment  would  be  largely  devoted  to  the  building  and 
equipment  of  monitors. 

Some  weeks  later  we  were  the  witnesses  of  a  dramatic 
scene  at  the  Navy  Yard,  on  board  the  Monitor.  The 
vessel  came  to  Washington  unchanged,  in  the  same  con 
dition  as  when  she  discharged  her  parting  shot  at  the 
Merrimac.  There  she  lay  until  her  heroic  commander 
had  so  far  recovered  from  his  injuries  as  to  be  able  to  re 
join  his  vessel.  All  leaves  of  absence  had  been  revoked, 
15 


226  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

the  absentees  had  returned,  and  were  ready  to  welcome 
their  captain.  The  President,  Captain  Fox,  and  a  limited 
number  of  Captain  Worden's  personal  friends  had  been  in 
vited  to  his  informal  reception.  Lieutenant  Green  received 
the  President  and  the  guests.  He  was  a  boy  in  years, 
not  too  young  to  volunteer,  however,  when  volunteers 
were  scarce,  and  to  fight  the  Merrimac  during  the  last 
half  of  the  battle,  after  the  captain  was  disabled.  Then, 
when  the  success  and  safety  of  the  Monitor  were  both 
proved,  an  officer  was  promoted  over  his  head,  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  too  young  to  bear  so  great  a  re 
sponsibility.  This  was  a  most  unjust  act,  for  which  the 
Navy  Department  was  never  forgiven  by  the  American 
people. 

The  President  and  the  other  guests  stood  on  the  deck, 
near  the  turret.  The  men  were  formed  in  lines,  with 
their  officers  a  little  in  advance,  when  Captain  Worden 
ascended  the  gangway.  The  heavy  guns  in  the  Navy 
Yard  began  firing  the  customary  salute  when  he  stepped 
upon  the  deck.  One  side  of  his  face  was  permanently 
blackened  by  the  powder  shot  into  it  from  the  muzzle  of 
a  cannon  carrying  a  shell  of  one  hundred  pounds'  weight, 
discharged  less  than  twenty  yards  awa}r.  The  President 
advanced  to  welcome  him,  introduced  him  to  the  few 
strangers  present,  the  officers  and  men  passed  in  review 
and  were  dismissed.  Then  there  was  a  scene  worth  wit 
nessing.  The  old  tars  swarmed  around  their  loved  cap 
tain,  they  grasped  his  hand,  crowded  to  touch  him, 
thanked  God  for  his  recovery  and  return,  and  invoked 
blessings  upon  his  head  in  the  name  of  all  the  saints  in 
the  calendar.  He  called  them  by  their  names,  had  a 
pleasant  word  for  each  of  them,  and  for  a  few  moments 
we  looked  upon  an  exhibition  of  a  species  of  affection  that 
could  only  have  been  the  product  of  a  common  danger. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  227 

When  order  was  restored,  the  President  gave  a  brief 
sketch  of  Captain  Worden's  career.  Commodore  Paul- 
ding  had  been  the  first,  Captain  Worden  the  second  offi 
cer  of  the  navy,  he  said,  to  give  an  unqualified  opinion 
in  favor  of  armored  vessels.  Their  opinions  had  been 
influential  with  him  and  with  the  Board  of  Construc 
tion.  Captain  "Worden  had  volunteered  to  take  the 
command  of  the  Monitor,  at  the  risk  of  his  life  and 
reputation,  before  her  keel  was  laid.  He  had  watched 
her  construction,  and  his  energy  had  made  it  possible  to 
send  her  to  sea  in  time  to  arrest  the  destructive  opera 
tions  of  the  Merrimac.  What  he  had  done  with  a  new 
crew,  and  a  vessel  of  novel  construction,  we  all  knew. 
He,  the  President,  cordially  acknowledged  his  indebted 
ness  to  Captain  Worden,  and  he  hoped  the  whole  country 
would  unite  in  the  feeling  of  obligation.  The  debt  was 
a  heavy  one,  and  would  not  be  repudiated  when  its  nat 
ure  was  understood.  The  details  of  the  first  battle  be 
tween  iron-clads  would  interest  every  one.  At  the  request 
of  Captain  Fox,  Captain  Worden  had  consented  to  give 
an  account  of  his  voyage  from  New  York  to  Hampton 
Roads,  and  of  what  had  afterwards  happened  there  on 
board  the  Monitor. 

In  an  easy  conversational  manner,  without  any  effort 
at  display,  Captain  Worden  told  the  story,  of  which  the 
following  is  the  substance  : 

"  I  suppose,"  he  began,  "  that  every  one  knows  that 
we  left  New  York  Harbor  in  some  haste.  We  had  in 
formation  that  the  Merrimac  was  nearly  completed,  and 
if  we  were  to  fight  her  on  her  first  appearance,  we  must 
be  on  the  ground.  The  Monitor  had  been  hurried  from 
the  laying  of  her  keel.  Her  engines  were  new,  and  her 
machinery  did  not  move  smoothly.  Never  was  a  vessel 
launched  that  so  much  needed  trial  trips,  some  of  them 


228  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

to  sea,  to  test  her  machinery,  and  get  her  crew  accus 
tomed  to  their  novel  duties.  We  went  to  sea  practically 
without  them.  No  part  of  the  vessel  was  finished ;  there 
was  one  omission  that  was  serious,  and  came  very  near 
causing  her  failure  and  the  loss  of  many  lives.  In  heavy 
weather  it  was  intended  that  her  hatches  and  all  her 
openings  should  be  closed  and  battened  down.  In  that 
case  all  the  men  would  be  below,  and  would  have  to 
depend  upon  artificial  ventilation.  Our  machinery  for 
that  purpose  proved  wholly  inadequate. 

"  We  were  in  a  heavy  gale  of  wind  as  soon  as  we 
passed  Sandy  Hook.  The  vessel  behaved  splendidly. 
The  seas  rolled  over  her,  and  we  found  her  the  most 
comfortable  vessel  we  had  ever  seen,  except  for  the  ven 
tilation,  which  gave  us  more  trouble  than  I  have  time  to 
tell  you  about.  We  had  to  run  into  port  and  anchor  on 
account  of  the  weather,  and,  as  you  know,  it  was  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Sunday  before  we  were  along 
side  the  Minnesota.  Captain  Yan  Brunt  gave  us  an  ac 
count  of  Saturday's  experience.  He  was  very  glad  to 
make  our  acquaintance,  and  notified  us  that  we  must  be 
prepared  to  receive  the  Merrimac  at  daylight.  We  had 
had  a  very  hard  trip  down  the  coast,  and  officers  and 
men  were  weary  and  sleepy.  But  when  informed  that 
our  fight  would  probably  open  at  daylight,  and  that  the 
Monitor  must  be  put  in  order,  every  man  went  to  his 
post  with  a  cheer.  That  night  there  was  no  sleep  on 
board  the  Monitor. 

"In  the  gray  of  the  early  morning  we  saw  a  vessel 
approaching,  which  our  friends  on  the  Minnesota  said 
was  the  Merrimac.  Our  fastenings  were  cast  off,  our 
machinery  started,  and  we  moved  out  to  meet  her  half 
way.  We  had  come  a  long  way  to  fight  her,  and  did  not 
intend  to  lose  our  opportunity. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  229 

"  Before  showing  you  over  the  vessel,  let  me  say  that 
there  were  three  possible  points  of  weakness  in  the 
Monitor,  two  of  which  might  have  been  guarded  against 
in  her  construction,  if  there  had  been  more  time  to  per 
fect  her  plans.  One  of  them  was  in  the  turret,  which, 
as  you  see,  is  constructed  of  eight  plates  of  inch  iron — on 
the  side  of  the  ports,  nine — set  on  end  so  as  to  break 
joints,  and  firmly  bolted  together,  making  a  hollow  cyl 
inder  eight  inches  thick.  It  rests  on  a  metal  ring  on  a 
vertical  shaft,  which  is  revolved  by  power  from  the  boil 
ers.  If  a  projectile  struck  the  turret  at  an  acute  angle, 
it  was  expected  to  glance  off  without  doing  damage. 
But  what  would  happen  if  it  was  fired  in  a  straight 
line  to  the  centre  of  the  turret,  which  in  that  case  would 
receive  the  whole  force  of  the  blow  ?  It  might  break 
oif  the  bolt-heads  on  the  interior,  which,  flying  across, 
would  kill  the  men  at  the  guns ;  it  might  disarrange 
the  revolving  mechanism,  and  then  we  would  be  wholly 
disabled. 

"  I  laid  the  Monitor  close  alongside  the  Merrimac,  and 
gave  her  a  shot.  She  returned  our  compliment  by  a 
shell,  weighing  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  fired  when 
we  were  close  together,  which  struck  the  turret  so  square 
ly  that  it  received  the  wrhole  force.  Here  you  see  the 
scar,  two  and  a  half  inches  deep  in  the  wrought  iron,  a 
perfect  mould  of  the  shell.  If  anything  could  test  the 
turret,  it  was  that  shot.  It  did  not  start  a  rivet-head  or 
a  nut !  It  stunned  the  two  men  who  were  nearest  where 
the  ball  struck,  and  that  was  all.  I  touched  the  lever — 
the  turret  revolved  as  smoothly  as  before.  The  turret 
had  stood  the  test ;  I  could  mark  that  point  of  weakness 
off  my  list  forever. 

"  You  notice  that  the  deck  is  joined  to  the  side  of  the 
hull  by  a  right  angle,  at  what  sailors  call  the  '  plank- 


230  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

shear.'  If  a  projectile  struck  that  angle,  what  would 
happen  ?  It  would  not  be  deflected  ;  its  whole  force 
would  be  expended  there.  It  might  open  a  seam  in 
the  hull  below  the  water-line,  or  pierce  the  wooden  hull, 
and  sink  us.  Here  was  our  second  point  of  weak 
ness. 

"  I  had  decided  how  I  would  fight  her  in  advance.  I 
would  keep  the  Monitor  moving  in  a  circle,  just  large 
enough  to  give  time  for  loading  the  guns.  At  the  point 
where  the  circle  impinged  upon  the  Merrimac  our  guns 
should  be  fired,  and  loaded  wrhile  we  were  moving 
around  the  circuit.  Evidently  the  Merrimac  would  re 
turn  the  compliment  every  time.  At  our  second  ex 
change  of  shots,  she  returning  six  or  eight  to  our  two, 
another  of  her  large  shells  struck  our  4  plank-shear '  at 
its  angle,  and  tore  up  one  of  the  deck-plates,  as  you  see. 
The  shell  had  struck  what  I  believed  to  be  the  weakest 
point  in  the  Monitor.  We  had  already  learned  that  the 
Merrimac  swarmed  with  sharp-shooters,  for  their  bullets 
were  constantly  spattering  against  our  turret  and  our 
deck.  If  a  man  showed  himself  on  deck  he  would  draw 
their  fire.  But  I  did  not  much  consider  the  sharp-shoot 
ers.  It  was  my  duty  to  investigate  the  effects  of  that 
shot.  I  ordered  one  of  the  pendulums  to  be  hauled 
aside,  and,  crawling  out  of  the  port,  walked  to  the  side, 
laid  down  upon  my  chest,  and  examined  it  thoroughly. 
The  hull  was  uninjured,  except  for  a  few  splinters  in  the 
wood.  I  walked  back  and  crawled  into  the  turret — the 
bullets  were  falling  on  the  iron  deck  all  about  me  as 
thick  as  hail-stones  in  a  storm.  None  struck  me,  I  sup 
pose  because  the  vessel  was  moving,  and  at  the  angle 
lying  on  the  deck,  my  body  made  a  small  mark  difficult 
to  hit.  We  gave  them  two  more  guns,  and  then  I  told 
the  men  what  was  true,  that  the  Merrimac  could  not 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  231 

sink  us  if  we  let  her  pound  us  for  a  month.  The  men 
cheered ;  the  knowledge  put  new  life  into  all. 

"We  had  more  exchanges,  and  then  the  Merrimac 
tried  new  tactics.  She  endeavored  to  ram  us,  to  run  us 
down.  Once  she  struck  us  about  amidships  with  her 
iron  ram.  Here  you  see  its  mark.  It  gave  us  a  shock, 
pushed  us  around,  and  that  was  all  the  harm.  But  the 
movement  placed  our  sides  together.  I  gave  her  two 
guns,  which  I  think  lodged  in  her  side,  for,  from  my  look 
out  crack,  I  could  not  see  that  either  shot  rebounded. 
Ours  being  the  smaller  vessel,  and  more  easily  handled, 
I  had  no  difficulty  in  avoiding  her  ram.  I  ran  around 
her  several  times,  planting  our  shot  in  what  seemed  to 
be  the  most  vulnerable  places.  In  this  way,  reserving 
my  fire  until  I  got  the  range  and  the  mark,  I  planted 
two  more  shots  almost  in  the  very  spot  I  had  hit  when 
she  tried  to  ram  us.  Those  shots  must  have  been  effect 
ive,  for  they  were  followed  by  a  shower  of  bars  of  iron. 

"  The  third  weak  spot  was  our  pilot-house.  You  see 
that  it  is  built  a  little  more  than  three  feet  above  the 
deck,  of  bars  of  iron,  ten  by  twelve  inches  square,  built 
up  like  a  log-house,  bolted  with  very  large  bolts  at  the 
corners  where  the  bars  interlock.  The  pilot  stands  upon 
a  platform  below,  his  head  and  shoulders  in  the  pilot 
house.  The  upper  tier  of  bars  is  separated  from  the  sec 
ond  by  an  open  space  of  an  inch,  through  which  the 
pilot  may  look  out  at  every  point  of  the  compass.  The 
pilot-house,  as  you  see,  is  a  four-square  mass  of  iron,  pro 
vided  with  no  means  of  deflecting  a  ball.  I  expected 
trouble  from  it,  and  I  was  not  disappointed.  Until  my 
accident  happened,  as  we  approached  the  enemy  I  stood  in 
the  pilot-house  and  gave  the  signals.  Lieutenant  Greene 
fired  the  guns,  and  Engineer  Stimers,  here,  revolved  the 
turret. 


232  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  I  was  below  the  deck  when  the  corner  of  the  pilot 
house  was  first  struck  by  a  shot  or  a  shell.  It  either 
burst  or  was  broken,  and  no  harm  was  done.  A  short 
time  after  I  had  given  the  signal,  and  with  my  eye  close 
against  the  lookout  crack,  was  watching  the  effect  of 
our  shot,  when  something  happened  to  me ; — my  part  in 
the  fight  was  ended.  Lieutenant  Green,  who  fought  the 
Merrimac  until  she  had  no  longer  stomach  for  fighting, 
will  tell  you  the  rest  of  the  story." 

Can  it  be  possible  that  this  beardless  boy  fought  one 
of  the  historic  battles  of  the  world?  was  the  thought 
of  every  one,  as  the  modest,  diffident  young  Green  was 
half  pushed  forward  into  the  circle.  "I  cannot  add 
much  to  the  captain's  story,"  he  began.  "  He  had  cut 
out  the  work  for  us,  and  we  had  only  to  follow  his  pat 
tern.  I  kept  the  Monitor  either  moving  around  the  cir 
cle  or  around  the  enemy,  and  endeavored  to  place  our 
shots  as  near  her  amidships  as  possible,  where  Captain 
Worden  believed  he  had  already  broken  through  her 
armor.  We  knew  that  she  could  not  sink  us,  and  I 
thought  I  would  keep  right  on  pounding  her  as  long  as 
she  would  stand  it.  There  is  really  nothing  new  to  be 
added  to  Captain  Worden' s  account.  "We  could  strike  her 
wherever  we  chose ;  weary  as  they  must  have  been,  our 
men  were  full  of  enthusiasm,  and  I  do  not  think  we 
wasted  a  shot.  Once  we  ran  out  of  the  circle  for  a  mo 
ment  to  adjust  a  piece  of  machinery,  and  I  learn  that 
some  of  our  friends  feared  that  we  were  drawing  out  of 
the  fight.  The  Merrimac  took  the  opportunity  to  start 
for  Norfolk.  As  soon  as  our  machinery  was  adjusted 
we  followed  her,  and  got  near  enough  to  give  her  a  part 
ing  shot.  But  I  was  not  familiar  with  the  locality ;  there 
might  be  torpedoes  planted  in  the  channel,  and  I  did  not 
wish  to  take  any  risk  of  losing  our  vessel,  so  I  came  back 


AND   EIS  ADMINISTRATION.  233 

to  the  company  of  our  friends.  But  except  that  we  were, 
all  of  us,  tired  and  hungry  when  we  came  back  to  the 
Minnesota  at  half -past  twelve  P.  M.,  the  Monitor  was  just 
as  w^ell  prepared  to  fight  as  she  was  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  morning  when  she  fired  her  first  gun." 

We  were  then  shown  the  injury  to  the  pilot-house. 
The  mark  of  the  ball  was  plain  upon  the  two  upper  bars, 
the  principal  impact  being  upon  the  lower  of  the  two. 
This  huge  bar  was  broken  in  the  middle,  but  held  firmly 
at  either  end.  The  further  it  was  pressed  in,  the  stronger 
wTas  the  resistance  on  the  exterior.  On  the  inside  the 
fracture  in  the  bar  was  half  an  inch  wide.  Captain  Wor- 
den's  eye  was  very  near  to  the  lookout  crack,  so  that 
when  the  gun  was  discharged  the  shock  of  the  ball 
knocked  him  senseless,  while  the  mass  of  flame  filled 
one  side  of  his  face  with  coarse  grains  of  powder.  He 
remained  insensible  for  some  hours. 

"  Have  you  heard  what  Captain  "Worden's  first  inquiry 
was  when  he  recovered  his  senses  after  the  general  shock 
to  his  system  ?"  asked  Captain  Fox  of  the  President. 

"  I  think  I  have,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  but  it  is  worth 
relating  to  these  gentlemen." 

"  His  question  was,"  said  Captain  Fox, " '  Have  I  saved 
the  Minnesota  ?' " 

"  Yes,  and  whipped  the  Merrimac  /"  some  one  an 
swered. 

"  Then,"  said  Captain  Worden,  "  I  don't  care  what  be 
comes  of  me." 

Captain  Worden  apologized  for  his  inability  to  provide 
for  the  President  and  his  guests  the  usual  refreshments 
of  a  vessel  of  the  navy.  The  haste  of  departure  from 
her  port  had  led  to  the  omission  of  everything  that  did 
not  improve  the  fighting  qualities  of  his  vessel. 

"  Some  uncharitable  people  say  that  old  Bourbon  is  an 


234  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

indispensable  element  in  the  fighting  qualities  of  some 
of  our  generals  in  the  field,"  smilingly  responded  the 
President.  "  But,  captain,  after  the  account  that  we 
have  heard  to-day,  no  one  will  say  that  any  Dutch  cour 
age  is  needed  on  board  the  Monitor" 

u  It  never  has  been,  sir,"  modestly  observed  the  cap 
tain. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Captain  Fox, "  not  much  of  the 
history  to  which  we  have  listened  is  new  to  me.  I  saw 
this  battle  from  eight  o'clock  until  midday.  There  was 
one  marvel  in  it  which  has  not  been  mentioned — the 
splendid  handling  of  the  Monitor  throughout  the  battle. 
The  first  bold  advance  of  this  diminutive  vessel  against 
a  giant  like  the  Merrimac  was  superlatively  grand.  She 
seemed  inspired  by  Nelson's  order  at  Trafalgar:  '.He 
will  make  no  mistake  who  lays  his  vessel  alongside  the 
enemy.'  One  would  have  thought  the  Monitor  a  living 
thing.  No  man  was  visible.  You  saw  her  moving  around 
that  circle,  delivering  her  fire  invariably  at  the  point  of 
contact,  and  heard  the  crash  of  the  missile  against  her 
enemy's  armor  above  the  thunder  of  her  guns,  on  the 
bank  where  we  stood.  It  was  indescribably  grand !" 

"Now,"  he  continued,  "standing  here  on  the  deck  of 
this  battle-scarred  vessel,  the  first  genuine  iron-clad — the 
victor  in  the  first  fight  of  iron-clads — let  me  make  a  con 
fession,  and  perform,  an  act  of  simple  justice.  I  never 
fully  believed  in  armored  vessels  until  I  saw  this  battle. 
I  know  all  the  facts  which  united  to  give  us  the  Monitor. 
I  withhold  no  credit  from  Captain  Ericsson,  her  invent 
or,  but  I  know  that  the  country  is  principally  indebted 
for  the  construction  of  this  vessel  to  President  Lincoln, 
and  for  the  success  of  her  trial  to  Captain  Worden,  her 
commander." 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  235 


XXVIII. 

JOSEPH  HENRY  AND  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

IN  the  spring  of  1862,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  com 
paring  and  contrasting  two  striking  characters ;  one,  a 
philosopher,  trained  in  the  schools,  matured  by  a  life  of 
study  and  original  investigation  which  would  have  made 
him  the  equal  of  Plato  and  Aristotle  had  he  been  their 
contemporary ;  the  other,  the  product  of  Mature,  with 
his  strong  common-sense  developed  by  the  experiences 
of  human  life  under  hard  and  trying  conditions. 

Professor  Joseph  Henry,  Secretary  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,  called  at  the  office  of  the  register  on  business 
connected  with  the  Light-House  Board,  of  which  he  was 
the  official  head.  He  would  have  taken  high  rank  in 
any  circle  of  learned  men,  from  the  Stoics  to  the  scien 
tists  of  his  own  time.  He  was  an  eminent  physicist  be 
fore  he  was  called  to  his  present  position.  His  original 
investigations,  especially  in  light  and  electricity,  were  of 
great  value,  and  but  for  his  inborn  modesty  would  have 
credited  him  with  the  invention  of  the  art  of  telegraphy. 
After  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  Smithson's  great  trust, 
he  devoted  himself  to  its  care  and  development,  and  to 
the  advancement  of  the  interests  of  the  republic  whose 
servant  he  had  become.  With  what  fidelity  he  pre 
served  the  principal  of  that  trust,  and  with  its 'interest 
built  up  an  institution  for  scientific  work  on  a  scale  of 
magnitude  of  which  Smithson  never  dreamed,  is  known 
to  his  country  and  the  world.  The  value  to  the  republic 
of  his  researches  into  the  science  of  illumination  had  al- 


236  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ready  been  very  great  and  was  increasing  with  every 
passing  year.  To  these  good  works,  add  an  unassuming 
modesty,  complete  unselfishness,  and  an  unvarying  pur 
pose  to  make  every  one  the  better  and  happier  for  his 
acquaintance,  and  it  becomes  apparent  that  Joseph 
Henry  was  a  great  man  with  a  very  beautiful  character. 

"  Do  you  often  see  the  President  ?"  asked  Dr.  Henry, 
when  his  business  was  completed. 

"Occasionally,"  I  answered.  "He  sometimes  visits 
this  office,  as  I  presume  he  does  many  others.  He  is 
always  welcome  here,  but  his  visits  are  by  no  means  as 
frequent  as  I  would  make  them  if  I  could." 

"  I  have  only  recently  come  to  know  the  President, 
except  from  a  passing  introduction,"  he  said.  "  I  have 
lately  met  him  five  or  six  times.  He  is  producing  a 
powerful  impression  upon  me,  more  powerful  than  any 
one  I  can  now  recall.  It  increases  with  every  interview. 
I  think  it  my  duty  to  take  philosophic  views  of  men  and 
things,  but  the  President  upsets  me.  If  I  did  not  resist 
the  inclination,  I  might  even  fall  in  love  with  him." 

It  was  my  opportunity  to  lure  him  on.  Any  views  of 
his  about  President  Lincoln  could  not  fail  to  be  of  in 
terest.  "  Yes  ?"  I  said.  "  Possibly  you  do  not  differ 
from  the  rest  of  us.  I  know  of  nobody  in  this  depart 
ment  who  knows  the  President  who  fails  to  respect  and 
admire  him.  What  do  you  find  in  him  so  attractive?" 

"  I  have  not  yet  arranged  my  thoughts  about  him  in 
a  form  to  warrant  their  expression,"  he  replied.  "But 
I  can  say  so  much  as  this :  President  Lincoln  impresses 
me  as  a  man  whose  honesty  of  purpose  is  transparent, 
who  has  no  mental  reservations,  who  may  be  said  to 
wear  his  heart  upon  his  sleeve.  He  has  been  called 
coarse.  In  my  interviews  with  him  he  converses  with 
apparent  freedom,  and  without  a  trace  of  coarseness.  He 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  237 

has  been  called  ignorant.  He  has  shown  a  comprehen 
sive  grasp  of  every  subject  on  which  he  has  conversed 
with  me.  His  views  of  the  present  situation  are  some 
what  novel,  but  seem  to  me  unanswerable.  He  has  read 
many  books  and  remembers  their  contents  better  than 
I  do.  He  is  associated  with  men  who  I  know  are 
great.  He  impresses  me  as  their  equal,  if  not  their  su 
perior.  I  desired  to  induce  him  to  understand,  and  look 
favorably  upon,  a  change  which  I  wish  to  make  in  the 
policy  of  the  Light-House  Board  in  a  matter  requiring 
some  scientific  knowledge.  He  professed  his  ignorance, 
or,  rather,  he  ridiculed  his  knowledge  of  it,  and  yet  he 
discussed  it  as  intelligently — " 

"  The  President !"  here  interrupted  a  messenger,  open 
ing  the  door  to  admit  President  Lincoln. 

"  You  have  interrupted  an  interesting  commentary," 
I  began,  laughingly,  as  I  rose  to  welcome  him. 

"  Do  not !  You  will  not  say  another  word !"  ex 
claimed  the  doctor,  blushing  like  a  school-girl.  "  You 
will  mortify  me  excessively  if  you  do."  I  saw  that  he 
took  the  matter  seriously,  and  hastened  to  change  the 
conversation. 

These  two  great  Americans  seated  themselves  side  by 
side.  They  had  a  long  conversation.  I  took  no  part  in 
the  conversation,  and  shall  not  attempt  to  recall  it.  It 
began  with  the  subject  of  the  destruction  by  the  Con 
federates  of  all  the  lights,  buoys,  and  signal  stations 
along  their  coast ;  their  purpose  in  such  acts,  and  how 
our  own  vessels  could  best  dispense  with  these  aids  to 
navigation.  It  diverged  to  the  subject  of  illuminating 
oils  of  different  kinds.  I  inferred  that  the  professor  was 
experimenting  with  lard  oils,  with  a  view  to  their  intro 
duction  on  account  of  the  saving  of  expense  in  their  use. 
I  could  not  discover  that  the  President  was  at  a  loss  for 


238  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

a  moment,  and  that  he  conversed  in  any  particular  less 
intelligently  than  the  professor.  The  latter  looked  at 
his  watch,  apologized  for  keeping  Mr.  Lincoln  so  long, 
and  with  the  air  of  having  done  something  very  repre 
hensible,  abruptly  took  his  leave. 

"Do  you  often  see  Professor  Henry?"  inquired  the 
President,  as  soon  as  the  door  had  closed. 

I  smiled,  for  it  was  the  identical  question  which  the 
professor  had  asked  me  about  the  President. 

"  My  visits  to  the  Smithsonian,  to  Dr.  Henry,  and  his 
able  lieutenant.  Professor  Baird,  are  the  chief  recrea 
tions  of  my  life,"  I  said.  "  These  men  are  missionaries 
to  excite  scientific  research  and  promote  scientific  knowl 
edge.  The  country  has  no  more  faithful  servants,  though 
it  may  have  to  wait  another  century  to  appreciate  the 
value  of  their  labors." 

"  I  had  an  impression,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  that  the 
Smithsonian  was  printing  a  great  amount  of  useless  in 
formation.  Professor  Henry  has  convinced  me  of  my 
error.  It  must  be  a  grand  school  if  it  produces  such 
thinkers  as  he  is.  He  is  one  of  the  pleasantest  men  I 
have  ever  met;  so  unassuming,  simple,  and  sincere.  I 
wish  we  had  a  few  thousand  more  such  men !" 

It  was  not  strange  that  these  two  great  men  were  at 
tracted  towards  each  other.  In  their  natural  qualities 
of  sterling  honesty,  simplicity,  and  unselfishness,  they 
were  much  alike.  It  was  in  their  acquisitions  that  they 
differed,  and  these  did  not  constitute  the  foundations  of 
their  characters. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  239 


XXIX. 

INTER  ARMA,  SCIENTIA.— THE   POTOMAC   NATURALISTS'    CLUB. 

THE  Smithsonian  recalls  almost  the  only  recreation 
which  we  permitted  ourselves  to  enjoy.  After  the  first 
Bull  Run,  there  was  no  time  when  some  of  our  friends 
were  not  suffering  from  wounds  or  sickness,  in  the  hos 
pitals  or  in  our  own  households.  Yictories  were  infre 
quent  ;  there  was  a  strange  incongruity  between  so  much 
suffering  and  pleasure  of  any  description. 

In  the  early  autumn  of  1861,  Professor  Baird  sug 
gested  that  we  should  resist  the  general  tendency  to  de 
pression,  by  occasional  meetings  of  the  resident  natural 
ists  of  Washington.  Out  of  this  suggestion  grew  the 
Potomac  Club,  with  its  fortnightly  meetings  at  the 
homes  of  members,  and  its  memories  are  still  fresh  and 
delightful  after  thirty  years.  Time  has  dealt  hardly 
with  its  members :  only  three  or  four  of  them  survive. 
I  cannot  forego  this  opportunity  for  a  brief  notice  of 
some  of  the  most  conspicuous,  to  whom  we  were  in 
debted  for  many  pleasant  hours,  in  what  would  other 
wise  have  been  a  dark  and  depressing  period  of  "Wash 
ington  life. 

First,  and  by  our  unanimous  opinion,  facile  princeps, 
was  Spencer  F.  Baird,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Smith 
sonian  Institute,  our  president.  A  greater  number  of 
talents  were  delivered  to  him  than  to  any  other  member, 
but  he  was  at  all  times  ready  to  be  reckoned  with  con 
cerning  them.  The  science  of  the  world  was  his  witness 
how  fruitful  he  had  made  them.  From  boyhood  he  was 


24:0  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  friend  of  every  living  creature.  At  the  age  of  forty- 
five  he  had  written  and  published  a  description  of  the 
form,  habits,  and  specific  characters  of  every  known 
American  mammal,  bird,  fish,  reptile,  and  many  of  the 
mollusks  and  insects.  He  had  taught  his  countrymen 
the  useful  lesson  that  a  bountiful  Creator  had  given 
these  creatures  life  for  some  good  purpose.  He  had 
brought  together  that  gigantic  collection  in  the  Smith 
sonian,  and  distributed  specimens  by  the  hundred  thou 
sand  to  the  museums  of  the  world.  He  had  trained  a 
multitude  of  useful  workers  in  science  all  over  the  coun 
try,  who,  but  for  him,  would  have  been  ignorant  of  its 
uses  and  its  pleasures.  He  had  created  the  Fish  Com 
mission,  with  an  army  of  unpaid  assistants,  nowr  by  pre 
cept  and  now  by  example,  restoring  to  our  coasts  and 
inland  waters  the  great  fish  families  almost  extermi 
nated  by  the  reckless  improvidence  of  man.  "With  the 
resources  of  Smithson's  legacy  at  his  command,  he  was 
•as  poor  as  when  he  left  his  Pennsylvania  home.  He 
had  certainly  buried  none  of  his  talents  in  the  earth ;  I 
think  he  had  done  more  scientific  work  than  any  natur 
alist  who  had  preceded  him.  It  was  not  strange  that 
Professor  Baird  and  Professor  Henry  had  labored  so 
long  and  so  cordially  together,  for  the  former  was  just 
as  delightful  as,  and  possibly  more  genial  than,  his  superior 
officer.  The  Baird  evenings  of  our  club,  when  we  met 
at  his  residence,  were  the  most  memorable  in  its  history. 
I  open  the  pages  of  a  dilapidated  photograph-album 
of  the  period.  Who  is  this,  shod  with  moccasins,  clad 
in  furs,  with  knitted  pointed  cap,  a  blanket  over  his 
shoulders,  and  a  dog  whip  with  its  trailing  lash  in  his 
right  hand  ?  It  is  Robert  Kennicott,  just  returned  from 
his  three  years'  exploration  of  the  great  marshes  of  the 
Yucon,  the  Arctic  coasts  reached  by  the  Coppermine 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  241 

River,  and  the  regions  round  about  Fort  Mackenzie. 
He  has  brought  back  with  him  from  their  breeding- 
grounds,  before  unknown,  the  eggs  of  the  canvas-back 
and  redhead  duck,  and  of  many  other  birds  new  to  sci 
ence.  He  has  increased  the  collection  in  the  museum 
by  many  new  specimens,  and  added  many  new  facts  to 
scientific  lore.  He  insists  that  at  Fort  Churchill,  where 
he  acquired  celebrity  as  a  great  medicine  man,  human 
beings  hibernate  as  truly  as  the  plantigrades.  During 
his  three  years'  absence  he  was  cut  off  from  home  as 
effectually  as  if  he  had  been  in  another  planet. 

Kennicott  was  born  on  an  Illinois  prairie.  How  en 
ergetic  and  black-eyed  and  queer  he  was !  The  play 
mates  of  his  childhood  belonged  to  the  Crotalus  family. 
]N"o  rattlesnake,  he  said,  had  any  venom  for  him.  He 
collected  them  in  a  bag,  and  handled  them  as  if  they 
were  eels.  None  ever  struck  or  attempted  to  strike  at 
him.  He  was  a  favorite  student  of  Professor  Baird,  and 
the  very  life  of  our  social  meetings.  His  early  death 
was  a  loss  to  science  and  a  personal  grief  to  all  who 
knew  him. 

William  Simpson  was  another  of  our  members — one 
of  the  most  promising  young  naturalists  of  his  time.  He 
had  labored  diligently  in  the  field.  Chicago,  charmed 
by  his  enthusiasm,  had  made  him  her  pet.  The  citizens 
built  a  fine  edifice  for  his  collection,  put  him  in  charge 
of  it  with  a  liberal  salary,  and  it  was  growing  marvel 
lously,  when  in  an  hour  the  fire-fiend  touched  it  with  the 
finder  of  annihilation.  He  had  inherited  tubercular  dis- 

o 

ease,  against  which  he  had  fought  with  the  courage  of  a 
soldier.  But  this  collection  was  the  treasure  of  his  heart, 
the  jewel  of  his  eye.  "When  he  lost  it  he  withered  and 
died,  and  science  lost  a  votary  and  a  martyr. 

Count  Pourtalis  was  another  interesting  member  of 
16 


24:2  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  club.  He  belonged  to  the  French  nobility.  He  dif 
fered  in  opinion  with  his  family,  and  they  cut  him  off 
because  he  insisted  upon  marrying  the  portionless  girl 
whom  he  loved,  and  devoting  himself  to  the  study  of  the 
physical  sciences.  He  wedded  his  love,  both  came  to  the 
United  States,  and  he  presented  himself,  with  an  empty 
purse  and  a  heart  devoted  to  science,  to  his  massive- 
brained  countryman,  Agassiz.  Through  him  the  count 
obtained  a  position  in  the  Coast  Survey.  There  he 
proved  a  most  useful  worker,  was  promoted  according 
to  his  merit,  and  was  then  living  modestly  and  happily 
with  his  wife  and  boys  in  Washington.  A  few  years 
later,  the  noble  Pourtalis  family  were  glad  enough  to 
invite  him  to  return  with  his  wife  and  children,  and  a 
national  reputation  as  a  scientist,  to  his  paternal  halls. 

The  subject  is  very  tempting,  but  must  not  be  further 
pursued  in  detail.  Yet  I  cannot  wholly  pass  over  Baron 
Osten-Sacken,  of  the  Russian  Legation.  The  Diptera, 
or  Cuvier's  twelfth  order  of  insects,  was  his  forte.  Very 
learned  he  was  too,  and,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  his  mono 
graph  on  the  Diptera,  a  large  quarto,  was  printed  by 
the  Smithsonian  as  one  of  its  contributions  to  science. 
He  was  a  genial,  kind-hearted,  unassuming  student  of 
nature.  The  club  had  not  a  more  popular  member ;  but 
owing  to  his  diminutive  size,  he  acquired  a  name  which 
clung  to  him  ever  afterwards. 

"  Pray,  what  are  the  Diptera  ?"  asked  a  member,  whose 
studies  had  not  been  entomological,  of  another  member, 
when  Osten-Sacken  was  mentioned. 

"  Diptera  f  "Well,  I  suppose  a  Culex  belongs  to  the 
Diptera" 

"  What  is  a  Culex,  then  ?"  pursued  his  questioner. 

"A  Culex r  was  the  reply.  "A.  Culex  is  an  insect 
with  a  double  pair  of  wings,  abounding  in  moist  locali- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  243 

ties,  which,  thirsting  for  human  gore,  invades  the  habita 
tions  of  man  with  an  irritating  buzzing  sound,  pierces  the 
cuticle  with  his  lancet-shaped  proboscis,  and  discharges 
into  the  wound  a  poisonous  fluid." 

"  Confound  the  man !  He  means  a  mosquito !"  ex 
claimed  an  irreverent  auditor.  "  Osten-Sacken  would 
naturally  write  about  the  species.  Don't  you  see  the 
family  resemblance  ?" 

This  was  sufficient  to  fasten  an  undeserved  nick-name 
upon  the  good-natured  little  entomologist. 

I  can  only  mention  the  names  of  others.  Jillson  and 
Peale,  from  the  Art  Departments ;  Shaeffer,  the  Libra 
rian  of  the  Patent  Office.  Peale  was  the  brother  of  Rem 
brandt  Peale,  the  artist,  with  many  of  his  accomplish 
ments  ;  Shaeffer  was  one  of  the  most  learned  of  Germans. 
Then  there  was  Hay  den,  who  led  an  exploring -party 
every  spring  beyond  the  one  hundredth  meridian,  and 
returned  in  the  autumn  laden  with  fossils  and  other 
specimens,  to  worry  Congress  into  granting  his  appro 
priation  for  the  coming  year.  He  must  have  understood 
the  business,  for  he  never  failed.  Another  of  our  mem 
bers  was  A.  B.  Meek,  the  most  conscientious  geologist 
who  ever  described  a  fossil,  whose  mind  was  as  clean 
and  pure  as  that  of  an  infant,  whom  we  all  loved  and 
honored,  but  who  was  so  intensely  mortified  by  his  deaf 
ness  that  he  could  be  drawn  but  seldom  to  our  meetings. 
Theodore  Gill  was  our  ichthyologist.  He  was  charged 
with  creating  more  new  species  than  ever  scientific  en 
thusiast  was  responsible  for  before.  S.  M.  Clarke,  then 
of  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing  in  the  Treas 
ury,  whose  microscope,  with  its  collection  of  lenses,  was 
our  envy,  and  who  was  an  accomplished  manipulator  of 
the  instrument,  and  Schott,  the  mathematician  of  the 
Coast  Survey,  eminent  in  his  work,  and  the  owner  of  a 


24A:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

breed  of  Pomeranian  dogs  of  pure  blood,  close  the  list  of 
our  regular  members. 

Among  our  occasional  visitors  was  Cope,  who  had  not 
then  commenced  his  warfare  upon  Marsh,  and  Dr.  New- 
berry,  who  has  since  done  such  magnificent  work  for  the 
spread  of  scientific  instruction,  and  who  was  then  not 
only  a  director,  but  a  hard  worker  of  the  Sanitary  Com 
mission.  Those  were  sessions  of  great  interest,  when, 
just  returning  from  some  field  of  bloody  conflict,  he  told 
us  of  the  lives  and  the  pain  and  suffering  saved  by  the 
judicious  administration  of  that,  the  noblest  of  all  the 
charities  of  the  war.  O.  C.  Marsh  was  always  a  welcome 
guest,  able  to  contribute  his  full  share  to  the  science  or 
pleasure  of  the  evening. 

It  is  fit  that  this  notice  of  the  members  and  visitors 
of  our  club  should  close  with  the  name  of  Alexander 
Agassiz.  Three  nights  he  was  with  us.  Those  were 
evenings  when  we  wanted  to  omit  refreshments,  because 
they  interrupted  Agassiz,  so  eager  were  we  to  listen  to 
the  words  of  this  giant  of  science.  His  facility  of  ex 
pression  would  have  been  considered  remarkable  in  his 
native  tongue — in  English,  a  foreign  language  to  him,  it 
was  marvellous.  He  was  as  willing  to  converse  as  we 
were  to  listen.  And  how  perfectly  unassuming  he  was ! 
He  pretended  to  nothing  that  he  did  not  know.  I  had 
long  desired  to  ascertain  his  views  on  one  subject.  One 
evening  I  had  my  opportunity.  "  Professor  Agassiz,"  I 
said, "  you  have  studied  the  Ice  Period  more  exhaustive 
ly  than  any  other  physicist.  Tell  us  what  it  was  that 
changed  the  temperature  so  as  to  permit  the  ice-sheet  to 
cover  so  large  a  part  of  our  continent." 

He  answered,  without  the  slightest  hesitation :  "  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  science  of  to-day  can  give  a  satisfac 
tory  answer  to  that  question,  simply  because  we  know 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  245 

of  no  conditions  which  could  vaporize  as  large  a  quantity 
of  water  as  was  necessary  to  form  the  ice-sheet.  Its  an 
swer  may  be  found  in  the  great  Rocky  and  Sierra  Ne 
vada  ranges,  or  in  the  basin  between,  but  it  has  not  yet 
been  discovered." 

I  have  addressed  this  inquiry  to  many  other  physicists. 
They  have  almost  invariably  attempted  some  unsatisfac 
tory  reply.  Professor  Agassiz  was  great  enough  to  say 
that  he  did  not  know. 


24:6  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXX. 

A  NIGHT  WITH  THE  POTOMAC  NATURALISTS'  CLUB.— THE  GIANT 

OCTOPUS. 

THE  slogan  "  On  to  Richmond !"  was  no  longer  heard  in 
our  land.  Its  latest  notes  had  receded  into  silence  over  the 
field  of  Bull  Run.  The  dispirited  men  who,  in  broken 
ranks,  straggled  into  Washington,  had  heard  enough  of 
it.  They  would  be  contented  now  to  wait  for  discipline 
and  preparation  before  that  or  any  other  note  of  inex 
perience  was  raised  again. 

Now  it  was  that  the  anaconda  was  taken  as  the  pop 
ular  model  for  the  coming  campaign.  "With  a  firm  at 
tachment  to  Washington  as  its  base,  it  was  to  encircle 
the  whole  Confederate  army,  and  when  the  time  for 
muscular  tension  came,  not  a  single  soldier  of  the  enemy 
was  to  escape  from  the  deadly  constriction  of  its  folds. 
The  anaconda  contrivance  appeared  to  be  safe,  simple,- 
and  very  popular. 

At  one  of  our  club-meetings  a  member  incidentally 
referred  to  the  anaconda  model  suggested  by  our  young 
and  popular  military  chieftain.  It  was  criticised  as  an 
unfortunate  suggestion.  These  boas  were  a  sluggish, 
cowardly  race,  said  the  member.  They  lurked  in  foul 
recesses ;  they  struck  from  behind.  It  was  essential  to 
capture  that  the  quarry  should  be  standing  quiet  at  the 
moment  of  attack.  The  rebels  were  a  restless  race,  con 
tinually  moving  about,  and  could  not  be  counted  on  to 
stand  still  long  enough  for  the  process  of  constriction. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  247 

The  rattlesnake  was  a  better  model.  He  was  a  fighter 
ab  ovo.  He  gave  notice  before  he  struck,  and  rather  pre 
ferred  to  hit  his  enemy  in  the  face. 

"  "Why  would  not  the  giant  octopus  answer  for  a  mil 
itary  model  ?"  said  another  member.  u  He  has  claims 
that  are  not  to  be  overlooked — that  is,  if  his  existence  is 
not  wholly  fabulous." 

"  I  believe  in  the  giant  octopus,"  said  Count  Pourtalis. 
"  I  have  had  occasion  recently  to  investigate  his  history, 
and  there  is  very  satisfactory  evidence  of  his  existence. 
I  cannot  discuss  him  as  a  military  model,  but  as  an  ex 
isting  species  he  is  a  fact  which  I  am  prepared  to  prove." 

The  count  was  the  expert  of  the  Coast  Survey  in  deep- 
sea  soundings.  His  reputation  as  an  investigator  was 
established.  He  readily  acceded  to  the  universal  demand 
of  the  members,  that  he  should  give  them  the  latest  facts 
about,  as  well  as  the  natural  history  of,  the  giant  octopus. 

"  Gentlemen,"  he  began,  "  I  think  I  shall  be  able  to 
show  you  that  the  cuttle-fish  is  not  to  be  ridiculed.  He 
belongs  to  the  squid  family,  and  has  a  lot  of  names.  He 
is  called  a  cephalopod,  an  octopus,  a  loligo,  a  teuthis,  as 
well  as  a  cuttle-fish  and  a  squid.  He  cuts  an  important 
figure  in  the  early  literature  of  natural  science.  In  the 
'  Historic  ISTaturalis,'  of  Dr.  Johannes  Jonstonus,  pub 
lished,  in  two  huge  folios,  at  Amsterdam,  in  1657,  you 
will  find  him  figured  in  five  gigantic  forms.  The  learned 
doctor  has  collected  all  that  the  naturalists  have  written 
on  the  subject  from  Aristotle  and  Elian,  Plutarch  and 
Hippocrates,  to  the  writers  of  his  own  time.  Pliny  de 
scribes  one  captured  at  Carteia,  the  dried  remains  of 
which  weighed  seven  hundred  pounds.  Its  arms  were 
thirty  feet  long,  with  suckers  as  big  as  an  urn.  All  the 
writers  agree  on  its  enormous  size  and  its  destructive- 
ness  to  man.  But  it  is  in  the  Arctic  seas  that  it  is  largest 


248  RECOLLECTIONS  OF    PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

and  most  ferocious.  Olaus  Magnus  figures  one  in  the 
act  of  taking  a  sailor  from  the  deck  of  a  vessel.  Mont- 
fort  represented  one  pulling  a  three-masted  ship  under 
the  waves.  It  remained  for  the  pious  old  Bishop  Pon- 
toppidan,  as  recently  as  the  last  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  to  describe  it  as  '  the  largest  of  all  living  creat 
ures.'  <  He  never  shows  his  whole  body  out  of  the  wa 
ter,  but  shows  a  portion  about  an  English  mile  and  a  half 
in  circumference.'  '  If  this  creature's  arms  were  to  lay 
hold  of  the  largest  man-of-war,  he  would  drag  it  clown 
to  the  bottom.'  'When  he  sinks,  he  creates  a  whirl 
pool  which  draws  everything  down  with  it.'  Perhaps," 
continued  the  count,  "  this  is  enough  to  show  you  that 
the  old  naturalists  thought  him  an  animal  of  some  mag 
nitude."  To  which  the  club  readily  assented. 

"  Then,"  he  resumed,  "  we  Avill  take  some  more  recent 
evidence.  In  a  late  number  of  the  Comptes  Rendus  of 
the  French  Academy  is  an  account  of  a  battle  between 
the  crew  of  a  French  man-of-war  and  a  huge  loligo, 
which  occurred  in  the  Indian  Ocean  less  than  two  years 
ago.  This  battle  is  authenticated  by  the  oaths  of  the 
officers.  It  continued  for  more  than  four  hours.  The 
squid  escaped,  for  their  harpoons  and  hooks  drew  out  of 
its  soft  body.  But  they  cut  off  some  of  its  arms,  over 
thirty  feet  in  length,  exclusive  of  the  paddle,  which 
measured  ten  feet  more.  Travellers  in  Japan  report 
paintings  of  the  squid,  tearing  fishermen  from  their 
boats,  and  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  huge  masses 
of  one  which  had  been  killed  were  found,  with  the  ten 
tacles  attached,  over  forty  feet  in  length.  Upon  this 
evidence,  I  am  a  believer  in  the  existence  of  the  giant 
cuttle-fish." 

The  count  having  concluded,  Professor  Baird  took  up 
the  discussion.  "  Suppose,  now,  that,  in  the  words  of  Mrs. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  249 

Partington,  we  c  cease  to  refrain  from  odorous  compari 
sons,'  and  look  the  octopus  squarely  in  the -face.  His 
eyes  are  like  saucers,  but  as  he  is  not  provided  with  eye 
lids,  he  carries  them  under  his  arms.  He  is  well  fixed 
in  the  matter  of  arms,  having  anywhere  from  eight  to 
twenty,  which,  for  convenience  in  feeding,  are  arranged 
in  a  circle  around  his  mouth,  which  is  directly  on  top 
of  his  head.  His  jaws  are  horny  and  triangular,  and 
work  up  and  down  like  the  knife  of  a  guillotine.  Hav 
ing  such  a  supply  of  arms,  he  dispenses  with  legs  alto 
gether,  and  walks  on  his  head,  tail  upwards.  Along 
these  tentacles,  forty  or  fifty  feet  in  length,  are  arranged 
rows  of  cup-shaped  suckers.  When  they  grasp  their 
prey,  a  single  muscular  contraction  creates  a  vacuum  in 
these  suckers,  and  every  cup  is  made  as  fast  as  a  limpet 
to  a  rock,  so  that  it  'is  easier  to  tear  off  than  to  detach 
the  arm.  They  have  a  fair  brain,  in  a  well-protected 
skull,  a  fine  sense  of  hearing,  and  they  handle  their  arms 
with  the  quickness  of  a  monkey.  They  move  sideways 
by  means  of  their  arms,  or  backwards  by  squirting  the 
water  in  advance.  They  are  provided  with  supplies  of 
paint  in  cells  under  the  skin,  and  by  pressing  these  cells 
they  can  paint  themselves  in  other  colors.  Like  an  army 
correspondent,  they  always  carry  their  ink-bag,  and, 
whenever  they  wish  to  retire  from  the  public  or  any 
other  view,  a  gentle  pressure  upon  the  ink-bag  surrounds 
them  with  a  black  curtain  which  no  vision  can  penetrate, 
and  they  can  then  make  their  retreat  invisible  to  an  en 
emy.  Obviously  such  invisibility  would  be  of  great  ad 
vantage  to  a  retreating  army." 

The  subject  was  then  open  for  general  discussion, 
which  was  continued  on  a  scientific  basis,  but  in  a  sim 
ilar  temper.  We  decided  that  the  squid  was  a  fact,  if 
not  a  factor,  and  that  he  was  well  arranged  for  a  preda- 


250  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN     • 

tory  life  at  the  expense  of  the  enemy.  After  a  sarcastic 
notice  of  this  discussion  by  the  press  nothing  more  was 
heard  of  the  anaconda  as  a  model  for  our  army. 

To  these  notes  I  may  add  an  incident  in  my  own 
experience.  Years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  I  was 
one  day  walking  along  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  Mexi 
can  territory  of  Lower  California,  near  Magdalena  Bay. 
The  tide  was  low,  and  in  a  cavity  of  the  rock  I  saw 
what  I  supposed  to  be  a  star -fish  or  a  holothurian, 
and  carelessly  thrust  the  long  staff  I  was  using  as  a 
walking-stick  into  it.  Like  a  flash  the  tentacles  of  the 
animal  grasped  it,  reaching  nearly  to  my  hand.  My 
companion,  an  intelligent  Ecuadorian,  well  acquainted 
with  that  coast,  shrieked  to  me  to  let  the  creature  alone. 
I  pulled  it  out,  as  it  adhered  to  the  staff,  and  found  it 
to  be  a  squid,  weighing  thirty  or  forty  pounds.  I  had 
to  kill  the  animal  before  he  would  leave  the  staff.  My 
companion  then  gave  me  the  following  account,  as  of  a 
fact  which  occurred  within  his  own  knowledge.  The 
Chinese  from  San  Francisco  were  accustomed  to  visit 
that  coast  to  collect  a  bivalve  mollusk,  which  they  dried 
and  used  for  food.  One  day  a  man  belonging  to  one  of 
their  schooners  disappeared,  and  was  not  to  be  found. 
He  was  finally  discovered  adhering,  apparently,  to  the 
face  of  a  perpendicular  rock,  two  or  three  fathoms  above 
the  surface  of  the  water.  He  was  quite  dead,  in  the 
grasp  of  a  squid,  which  was  already  feasting  on  his  body. 
The  squid  occupied  a  cavity  in  the  rock,  and  had  seized 
the  Chinaman  in  his  tentacles,  drawn  him  to  the  mouth 
of  his  den,  and  there  crushed  him.  That  animal  was 
supposed  to  weigh  about  four  hundred  pounds. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  251 


XXXI. 

HOSPITAL  NOTES.— THE  WOUNDED  FROM  THE  WILDERNESS.— 
CHARITIES  OF  THE  COLORED  POOR.— SISTERS  OF  CHARITY.— 
ANAESTHETICS. 

"WAS  the  whole  of  Grant's  army  being  sent  back 
wounded  to  Washington  ?  It  appeared  so,  in  those  early 
days  of  May,  1864:.  Ample  hospitals  had  been  provided 
for  the  wounded  and  disabled  from  a  great  battle.  Many 
swift  steamers  were  constantly  plying  between  Aquia 
Creek  and  Washington.  Mattresses  spread  side  by  side 
covered  the  decks  and  the  cabin  floor,  on  each  of  which, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  lay  a  wounded  man.  As 
they  neared  its  end,  and  came  to  the  Sixth  Street  Land 
ing,  some  of  these  were  vacant.  Their  tenants  lay  in  the 
bow  of  the  steamer ;  their  faces  were  covered,  and  they 
were  very  still.  Attendants  moved  gently  among  them, 
for  they  were  asleep.  Many  in  that  short  voyage  had 
fallen  into  the  sleep  that  knows  no  waking. 

At  the  landing  the  survivors  were  placed  by  careful 
hands  in  ambulances,  which  took  their  places  in  a  pro 
cession  constantly  moving  on  one  line  out  to  the  hospi 
tals  on  the  hills  back  of  the  city,  and  then  returning  by 
another  route  to  the  Sixth  Street  Landing.  This  pro 
cession  of  laden  ambulances  was  more  than  three  miles 
long,  and  the  vehicles  ran  quite  near  each  other ;  the  re 
turn  route  was  somewhat  longer. 

For  three  days  and  as  many  nights  the  procession  had 
been  moving  up  and  down  its  course,  never  ceasing  its 
progress,  save  when  the  breaking  of  a  carriage  caused  a 


252  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

temporary  delay.  Was  it  never  to  stop  ?  "Was  the  en 
tire  army  to  be  returned  in  this  disabled  condition  I 

The  silent  patience  with  which  these  soldiers  endured 
their  sufferings  was  most  impressive.  Wounded  as  many 
were  unto  death,  tortured  by  the  agony  of  thirst  which 
always  follows  the  loss  of  blood  in  gun-shot  wounds, 
some  with  limbs  amputated  on  the  field,  and  the  severed 
stumps  still  undressed,  scarcely  a  sigh  or  a  groan  escaped 
their  parched  lips.  It  was  discovered  by  those  who 
lived  along  the  route  that  water,  or  any  liquid  which 
would  quench  thirst,  was  the  most  grateful  relief  that 
could  be  afforded  them.  The  colored  people  were  the 
first  to  make  the  discovery.  They  built  little  stands  by 
the  roadside,  and  from  these,  little  darkies,  with  vessels 
of  every  form  and  dimension,  trotted  along  by  the  ambu 
lances,  and  served  out  the  contents  to  the  suffering  men. 
Soon  tables  were  set  out  before  many  of  the  dwellings,  and 
coffee,  tea,  and  light  eatables  were  given  to  all  soldiers 
who  would  accept  them.  Almost  every  residence  became 
a  house  of  refreshments,  managed  by  patriotic  women. 
The  gratitude  which  some  could  express  only  by  a  look 
was  the  only  compensation  demanded. 

After  midnight  on  May  10th,  there  suddenly  gathered 
over  the  city  one  of  those  heavy  rain  clouds  not  uncom 
mon  in  that  locality.  This  cloud  appeared  to  embrace 
the  earth,  the  darkness  was  complete ;  its  density  was 
almost  palpable  to  the  sense  of  feeling.  When  the  con 
densation  began,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  like  water  from 
a  cascade,  bringing  with  it  thunder,  and  lightning  in 
flashes  so  frequent  as  to  seem  almost  continuous.  All 
objects  were  sharply  illuminated  and  brought  into  bold 
relief.  The  thunder  came  in  crashes  rather  than  in  re 
verberations. 

The  procession  of  the  ambulances  could  not  move  in 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  253 

that  storm  and  darkness,  and  had  come  to  a  halt.  Look 
ing  down  Eleventh  from  M  Street  to  Pennsylvania  Ave 
nue,  one  could  see  by  the  lightning  flashes  for  a  distance 
of  half  a  mile.  There  was  presented  a  singular  and  un 
usual  spectacle.  Around  every  vehicle  was  a  fringe  of 
white  objects,  projecting  outward.  They  were  of  irreg 
ular  forms  and  sizes,  and  it  puzzled  the  observer  to  know 
what  they  were.  They  proved  to  be  the  limbs  and  por 
tions  of  the  bodies  of  the  wounded  —  their  legs,  arms, 
shoulders,  faces,  heads,  necks,  every  part  which  it  was 
possible  to  expose  to  the  falling  shower  of  rain.  It  was 
a  weird  and  curious  picture,  another  of  the  myriad  forms 
in  which  are  exhibited  the  pains  and  miseries  of  war. 

The  war  had  its  full  complement  of  miseries ;  its  scenes 
of  suffering  were  very  numerous,  and  painful  beyond  de 
scription.  On  the  other  hand,  it  developed  some  of  the 
finer  qualities  of  our  humanity  in  a  remarkable  degree, 
from  unexpected  sources.  There  were  occasions  when 
everybody,  the  poor  equally  with  the  rich,  seemed  to  be 
moved  by  a  common  impulse  to  works  of  benevolence 
and  charity.  This  statement  is  especially  true  of  the 
colored  race,  of  which  some  proofs  will  be  elsewhere 
given. 

Bull  Run,  the  first  great  battle  of  the  war,  had  proved 
the  miserable  inadequacy  of  the  hospital  accommodations 
of  the  army.  The  churches,  all  the  public  buildings  which 
could  possibly  be  vacated,  were  filled  with  sick  and 
w^ounded  men.  Citizens  received  their  wounded  friends 
into  their  own  homes ;  tents  were  pitched  upon  the  va 
cant  squares,  and  yet  there  were  hundreds  who,  for  a 
day  or  two,  lay  upon  the  streets,-  exposed  to  the  sun,  the 
rain,  the  heat,  the  insects,  and  all  the  inconveniences  of 
an  unsheltered  situation.  Even  when  a  great  enlarge 
ment  of  hospital  accommodations  was  undertaken,  so 


254  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

little  attention  was  paid  to  sanitary  conditions  that  the 
hospitals  were  built  wherever  there  was  a  vacant  square. 
One  of  the  largest  was  located  near  the  Smithsonian  In 
stitution,  along  the  border  of  the  old  canal,  which,  re 
ceiving  the  surface  drainage  of  half  the  city,  in  the  heat 
of  summer  became  eventually  little  less  than  a  noisome 
cesspool.  It  seems  incredible  that  such  negligence 
should  have  been  permitted.  The  inevitable  result,  as 
any  one  could  have  foreseen,  was  fchat  this  hospital  be 
came  the  slaughter-house  of  the  soldier.  Death  from 
blood-poisoning  became  so  certain  that  the  simplest  in 
cised  wounds,  and  even  scratches,  Avere  fatal,  if  the  suf 
ferer  was  sent  to  that  hospital. 

Experience  and  the  newspapers  soon  brought  about  a 
reform.  The  Sanitary  Commission  made  its  voice  heard 
and  its  influence  felt.  Instead  of  erecting  hospitals  in 
the  heart  of  the  city,  the  authorities  began  to  locate  them 
upon  the  hills  surrounding  it,  where  there  was  pure  air 
and  abundant  room  for  the  tents,  which  were  more 
healthy  than  enclosed  structures.  Upon  these  hills  were 
the  forts  which  defended  the  capital.  By  the  autumn 
of  1864  there  was  a  succession  of  hospitals  in  a  circle 
just  outside  the  city  limits,  with  large  accommodations, 
and  a  greater  number  of  tenants  than  were  comprised 
in  all  these  forts  and  their  outworks. 

Our  Sunday  afternoons  were  generally  devoted  to 
visiting  these  hospitals.  The  occasions  were  infrequent 
when  there  were  not  sufferers  from  the  green  hills 
of  Yermont  in  some  of  them,  to  whom  the  sight  of  a 
friendly  face  seemed  to  be  the  best  of  medicines.  The 
grateful  looks  of  these  wounded  boys  always  well  repaid 
the  trouble  of  a  visit.  We  often  found  the  poor  fellows 
craving,  or  rather  intensely  suffering,  for  the  want  of 
something  which  the  service  did  not  furnish,  but  which  a 


AND    HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  255 

few  cents  and  a  friendly  hand  could  supply.  The  gift  of 
diamonds  and  sapphires  would  not  have  elicited  the  grat 
itude  I  have  seen  drawn  out  by  the  contents  of  a  hand- 
basket.  We  saw  much  suffering  in  these  visits,  but  we  also 
saw  much  that  illustrated  the  better  side  of  human  nature. 

On  one  occasion  I  was  visiting  a  Vermont  cavalry 
man,  who  lay  in  a  large  hospital  near  Columbia  College, 
on  the  continuation  of  Fourteenth  Street.  He  had  a 
splendid  record  for  bravery  in  the  field,  and  now  in  the 
hospital  he  was  fighting  death  with  equal  courage  and 
fortitude.  He  was  in  a  ward  filled  with  the  wounded 
from  a  battle  in  the  valley  some  weeks  before.  Only 
those  whose  wounds  were  particularly  severe  had  been 
brought  there,  and  at  the  time  of  my  visit  most  of  those 
who  remained  had  been  there  some  three  or  four  weeks, 
slowly  recovering  from  what  seemed  to  me  terrible  in 
juries. 

I  was  writing  at  the  dictation  of  the  Yermonter  a  let 
ter  to  his  wife,  when,  from  my  camp-stool  at  his  bedside, 
I  saw  a  colored  woman  enter  the  ward.  She  was  old, 
decrepit,  and  poorly  clad,  so  lame  that  she  could  scarcely 
walk,  but  managed  to  hobble  along  by  the  aid  of  a  staff. 
Except  a  basket,  covered  by  a  clean  white  cloth,  which 
hung  upon  her  arm,  everything  about  her  indicated  ex 
treme  poverty. 

The  entrance  of  this  unattractive  person  produced  a 
commotion.  A  dozen  men,  my  cavalry-man  included, 
shouted  their  welcome,  and  even  the  faces  of  those  too 
weak  to  raise  their  heads  from  their  pillow  were  lighted 
up  with  joy.  "Here's  mammy!"  "Come  here  first, 
mammy!"  "Don't  forget  me,  mammy!" — these  and 
similar  expressions  came  from  all  parts  of  the  ward.  I 
have  seen  the  wife  of  a  President  enter  a  ward  without 
exciting  any  such  expressions  of  interest. 


256  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  Yes  !  ole  mammy's  heah,  chilluns,  jes'  as  I  tole  you. 
She's  got  two  apiece  for  ebery  one  of  ye !  I  had  to 
bony  some  from  a  fren'.  It's  been  offul  dry,  an'  de  new 
vines  ha'n't  come  on  like  as  I  'spected.  But  dey's  doin' 
well  now.  Nex'  Sunday  I  'spect  I'll  have  three  apiece, 
an'  a  big  one  for  doctor.  !Nbw  you  all  jes'  be  quiet ;  I 
won't  forgit  one  of  ye !" 

She  hobbled  up  to  a  bed.  It  was  vacant.  u  Why, 
where 's  Mass'  Frank  ?  "  she  exclaimed,  with  unmistaka 
ble  surprise.  "  Why  don't  you  tell  me  ?  Where's  Mass' 
Frank, I  say?" 

"  Poor  Frank  has  gone  home,  mammy !  He  got  his 
discharge  yesterday,"  said  one  who  lay  near  by,  in  a  voice 
which  trembled  a  little  in  spite  of  himself. 

"  I  was  afeerd  on't !  I  was  afeerd  on't.  He  tole  me 
he  was  goin'  away  !"  And  the  poor  old  creature  sobbed 
as  if  she  had  a  heart  as  tender  as  one  of  whiter  skin. 
"  Poor  Mass'  Frank  !  I  reckon  he's  better  now.  He  read 
me  his  mammy's  letter.  Poor  mammy  !  She's  done  got 
a  heap  o'  trouble.  She  lose  her  boy.  Poor  mammy! 
Poor  Mass'  Frank !  He  was  a  brave  one !  His  hurt  was 
offul !  Seemed  like  you  could  jes'  see  his  heart  in  dat 
great  red  hole !" 

She  dried  her  tears,  took  up  her  basket,  and  went  from 
cot  to  cot,  making  her  distribution  of  its  contents.  The 
weakest  of  the  wounded  boys  put  out  his  thin  hand 
eagerly,  as  if  what  she  gave  was  very  precious.  The 
very  last  was  my  cavalryman,  who  was  just  as  eager  as 
the  rest.  And  then  I  saw  that  she  had  been  distribut 
ing  small  cucumbers  pickled  in  vinegar  ! 

"  Dat's  all  to-day,  my  chilluns !  ISTex'  Lord's-day  I'll 
be  here,  shore!  De  weather's  done  been  good,  and  I 
'spect  I'll  have  more  an'  bigger  uns.  Yes,  I'll  come, 
shore!" 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  257 

"  Bring  your  basket  here,  mammy,"  said  one,  "  I  have 
something  that  the  boys  want  to  put  into  it,  which  you 
must  not  look  at  nor  open  until  you  get  home.  "Will 
you  promise  ?" 

"  No,  Mass'  George !  You  can't  fool  ole  mammy  dat 
way.  I  can't  make  dat  promise.  I  know  yo'  tricks. 
Dat's  money,  dat  is.  Mass'  George,  I'm  ole,  an'  all  broke 
up  wid  rheumatiz,  workin'  in  de  rice-field.  I've  got  jes' 
one  boy  left.  He  takes  good  care  o'  his  ole  mammy. 
All  de  rest  is  sold— all  gone  Souf  to  de  cane-fields  or  de 
cotton-fields !  I  'spect  I  shall  never  see  'em  again.  But, 
Mass'  George"  (here  a  joyful  light  flashed  over  her 
wrinkled  face),  "  I'se  free  now,  bress  de  Lord  an'  Mass' 
Linkum !  I  reckon  all  I'se  good  for  is  to  raise  pickles 
for  de  boys.  But  I  can't  sell  'em  for  money !  No,  no !" 

She  shook  her  head  in  the  most  decided  manner  and 
went  out  of  the  ward,  followed  by  shouts  of  "  Good-bye, 
mammy !"  "  God  bless  you !"  "  Come  again !" 

The  cavalryman  informed  me,  and  the  statement  has 
since  been  confirmed  by  surgeons,  that  there  was  noth 
ing  so  much  craved  by  the  wounded,  especially  those 
who  had  lost  much  blood,  as  sharp,  pickled  cucumbers. 
He  had  seen  the  time  when  his  longing  for  them  was 
intolerable,  when  he  would  have  given  a  month's  pay 
for  even  one  small  pickle.  I  have  no  idea  why  more  of 
them  were  not  provided,  when  such  complete  provision 
was  made  for  all  hospital  supplies.  My  informant  said 
that  one  of  the  highest  ladies  in  the  land  had  visited 
that  ward,  and  asked  what  the  boys  most  wanted.  The 
answer  was,  pickled  cucumbers.  She  immediately  told 
them  that  she  would  supply  that  want,  and  would  order 
a  whole  barrel  of  the  coveted  delicacies  from  a  whole 
sale  grocery-house.  The  pickles  never  came,  and  the 
boys  were  cruelly  disappointed.  The  lady  probably  for- 
17 


258  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

got  her  promise,  or  found  it  inconvenient  to  keep  it. 
"  Old  mammy  isn't  much  on  promises,"  said  the  cavalry 
man,  "  but  she  always  fetches  the  pickles !" 

Of  all  the  forms  of  charity  and  benevolence  seen  in 
the  crowded  wards  of  the  hospitals,  those  of  some  Cath 
olic  sisters  were  among  the  most  efficient.  I  never  knew 
whence  they  came,  or  what  was  the  name  of  their  order. 
They  w^ore  the  ordinary  plain  black  dress  of  some  wors 
ted  stuff,  but  not  the  white  band  about  the  forehead.  One 
instance  illustrates  the  value  of  these  volunteer  nurses. 
In  one  of  the  ward?  was  a  gigantic  soldier,  severely 
wounded  in  the  head.  He  had  suddenly  become  deliri 
ous,  and  was  raging  up  and  down  the  ward,  furious 
against  those  who  had  robbed  him,  of  what  I,  could 
not  make  out.  He  cast  off  the  attendants  who  attempt 
ed  to  seize  him  as  if  they  had  been  children.  The  surgeon 
was  called  in,  and  with  several  officers  was  consulting 
IIOAV  they  should  seize  and  bind  him,  when  a  small  figure 
in  black  entered  the  room.  "With  a  shout  of  joyous 
recognition  the  soldier  rushed  to  his  cot,  and  drew  the 
blanket  over  him,  as  if  ashamed  of  his  half-dressed  ap 
pearance.  The  sister  seated  herself  at  his  bedside,  and 
placed  her  white  hand  upon  the  soldier's  heated  brow. 
His  chest  was  heaving  with  excitement,  but  the  sight  of 
her  face  had  restored  his  reason.  "  I  must  have  dreamed 
it,"  he  said,  "  but  it  was  so  real !  I  thought  they  had 
taken  you  away,  and  said  I  should  never  see  you  again. 
Oh,  I  could  have  killed  them  all !" 

"  You  must  sleep  now,"  she  said,  very  gently.  "  I 
shall  stay  if  you  are  good,  and  you  have  been  so  ex 
cited—" 

"  Yes,"  he  murmured,  "  I  will  sleep.  I  will  do  any 
thing  for  you  if  they  will  not  take  you  away.  I  could 
not  bear  that,  you  know." 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  259 

He  closed  his  eyes,  holding  one  of  her  hands  clasped 
in  both  of  his,  and,  while  we  were  looking  on,  slept  as 
peacefully  as  a  child. 

Late  in  that  terrible  battle  summer,  when  Grant  was 
forcing  his  resistless  march  towards  Richmond,  the  hos- 

o 

pitals  were  not  only  overcrowded,  but  for  a  time  there 
was  no  proper  separation  of  the  wounded  from  those 
sick  from  other  causes.  In  a  single  ward  were  men  with 
freshly  amputated  limbs,  and  gunshot  wounds  of  every 
kind,  and  men  burning  with  many  fevers.  Erysipelas 
was  silently  sapping  the  vital  forces  of  one,  consumption 
undermining  the  lungs  of  another,  an  angry  cutaneous 
disease  absorbing  the  surface  moisture  of  a  third — all 
stretched  upon  cots  so  close  together  that  there  was 
scarcely  room  to  pass  between  them.  "What  seemed 
especially  horrible  to  me  were  the  surgical  operations 
carried  on  in  the  wards,  because  the  operating-rooms 
were  so  constantly  in  use.  For  these  suffering  men,  in 
addition  to  their  own  ills,  to  see  one  of  their  number 
stretched  upon  a  table,  where  the  surgeon's  knife  severed 
the  living  muscle  and  the  resisting  bone,  with  a  displa}^ 
of  all  the  suggestive  machinery  of  the  surgeon's  profes 
sion,  seemed  too  much  for  weak  humanity  to  endure. 

These  scenes,  altogether  the  most  painful  I  have  ever 
witnessed,  have  nevertheless  in  my  memory  a  beautiful 
side.  More  lovely  than  anything  I  have  ever  seen  in 
art,  so  long  devoted  to  illustrations  of  love,  mercy,  and 
charity,  are  the  pictures  that  remain  of  those  modest 
sisters  going  on  their  errands  of  mercy  among  the  suf 
fering  and  the  dying.  Gentle  and  womanly,  yet  with 
the  courage  of  soldiers  leading  a  forlorn  hope,  to  sustain 
them  in  contact  with  such  horrors.  As  they  went  from 
cot  to  cot,  distributing  the  medicines  prescribed,  or  ad 
ministering  the  cooling,  strengthening  draughts  as  di- 


260  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

reeled,  they  were  veritable  angels  of  mercy.  Their 
words  were  suited  to  every  sufferer.  One  they  incited 
and  encouraged,  another  they  calmed  and  soothed. 
With  every  soldier  they  conversed  about  his  home,  his 
wife,  his  children,  all  the  loved  ones  he  was  soon  to  see 
again  if  he  was  obedient  and  patient.  How  many  times 
have  I  seen  them  exorcise  pain  by  their  presence  or 
their  words !  How  often  has  the  hot  forehead  of  the 
soldier  grown  cool  as  one  of  these  sisters  bathed  it! 
How  often  has  he  been  refreshed,  encouraged,  and  as- 
.sisted  along  the  road  to  convalescence,  when  he  would 
otherwise  have  fallen  by  the  way,  by  the  home  memo 
ries  with  which  these  unpaid  nurses  filled  his  heart ! 

"  Are  there  any  means  by  which  I  can  overcome  the 
unpleasant  sensations  which  I  always  feel  on  my  visits 
to  your  hospital-wards  ?"  I  asked  of  an  experienced  sur 
geon.  "  It  is  a  duty  to  make  them,  as  long  as  I  can  be 
of  any  use  to  the  boys,  but  I  am  made  sick  every  time. 
I  have  a  feeling  of  nausea  which  continues  for  hours." 

"  It  is  the  effect  of  your  imagination,"  he  responded. 
"You  are  unused  to  wounds.  You  exaggerate  their 
symptoms.  These  men  do  not  suffer  as  you  imagine ;  if 
they  did,  we  should  relieve  them.  Wounded  men  en 
dure  great  suffering  on  the  field,  and  on  their  way  to 
the  hospital,  but  very  little  after  they  come  under  our 
hands.  They  suffer  more  from  thirst  than  any  other 
cause.  Loss  of  blood  makes  the  whole  machinery  of  life 
dry  and  thirsty.  After  they  reach  the  hospital,  relief  is 
speedy." 

"  Yes,  it  must  be,"  I  said,  ironically.  "  Eelief  by  be 
ing  hacked  and  cut  and  sawn  in  sections  must  be  pain 
less  !" 

"  You  should  see  an  operation;"  said  the  surgeon. 
"  It  would  cure  your  nausea,  and  correct  some  of  your 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION,  261 

erroneous  ideas.  I  am  perfectly  serious.  I  am  to  do 
rather  a  difficult  piece  of  work  now,  as  soon  as  the  op 
erating-room  is  put  in  order.  Come  and  see  it,  and  judge 
for  yourself." 

"  I  know  it  will  irritate  every  nerve  in  my  body,  like 
a  shock  of  electricity!  But  it  would  be  cowardly  to 
decline.  Surely,  if  the  poor  soldier  can  endure  it,  I 
ought  to  be  able  to  stand  the  sight  of  it.  Yes,  I  will 
come,"  I  said. 

I  was  shown  into  a  small  room  adjoining  the  ward, 
with  windows  opening  on  two  sides,  through  which  the 
green  fields  and  peach  orchards,  laden  with  young  fruit, 
were  visible.  The  room  had  just  been  scoured,  and  was 
fresh  and  odorless.  On  one  side  of  the  apartment  were 
washing  conveniences  with  a  stream  of  running  water. 
A  plain,  heavy  table  stood  in  the  centre,  covered  by  a 
rubber  cloth  which  extended  nearly  to  the  floor  on  its 
four  sides.  The  only  suspicious  objects  visible  were 
several  large  mahogany  boxes,  standing  upon  shelves  in 
one  corner,  but  these  were  closed.  If  the  removal  of 
the  cover  had  disclosed  a  proper  table,  the  room  might 
have  been  as  well  suited  to  billiards  as  to  surgical  opera 
tions. 

Four  strong  men  now  brought  in  a  stretcher,  on  which 
was  a  bed  with  white  linen  sheets,  containing  a  wounded 
soldier.  The  stretcher  was  laid  upon  the  table.  An  at 
tendant  quickly  applied  a  sponge,  which  he  pressed  to 
the  mouth  of  the  patient.  I  detected  the  odor  of  ether, 
and  in  less  time  than  it  has  taken  to  write  the  account 
the  soldier  lay  quietly  unconscious  and  passive.  His 
clothing,  the  bed,  and  everything  under  him  was  then 
quickly  removed,  so  that  his  naked  chest  was  in  contact 
with  the  rubber  covering.  His  torso  was  as  splendidly 
muscular  as  that  of  a  gladiator.  He  was  a  Dane,  appa- 


262  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

rently  about  twenty-five  years  of  age,  a  blond,  with  blue 
eyes,  fair  hair,. and  a  transparent  skin,  under  which  the 
strong  muscles  of  his  chest  and  right  arm  were  plain 
ly  visible.  The  upper  portion  of  his  left  arm  and  the 
entire  left  shoulder  were  of  a  deep  purple  color,  angry 
and  dark  by  contrast.  Marching  with  his  regiment 
through  a  rocky  dell,  far  down  the  valley,  below  Luray. 
he  had  been  shot  by  a  bushwhacker  ambushed  in  the 
rocks  above  him.  A  minie  bullet  had  crashed  through 
his  shoulder  at  the  joint,  shattering  the  humerus  to  the 
elbow.  He  was  far  away  from  any  hospital.  Lying  on 
the  straw  in  an  army  wagon,  he  had  been  carted  over 
the  stony  roads  more  than  sixty  miles  to  Harper's  Ferry, 
where  he  had  been  placed  with  other  wounded  in  a  box 
freight-car  on  the  railroad,  and  so  had  reached  Wash 
ington  and  been  carried  to  the  hospital.  It  was  now 
several  days  since  he  received  his  wound.  The  shoulder 
and  arm  were  swollen,  an  angry  circle  of  dark  purple 
surrounding  the  opening  where  the  ball  had  entered.  It 
was  a  terrible  wound,  rendered  fatal,  to  all  appearance, 
by  the  long  fatigue,  neglect,  and  exposure. 

The  surgeon,  with  a  small-bladed  knife,  laid  open  the 
arm  from  the  shoulder  to  the  elbow-joint,  and  began  to 
separate  the  muscle  from  the  shattered  bone.  Piece 
after  piece  of  bone  was  taken  out  until  the  entire  length, 
in  six  fragments,  lay  upon  the  table.  The  muscle  w^as 
then  turned  out  like  the  finger  of  a  glove,  exposing  the 
shoulder-joint,  also  badly  fractured.  The  pieces  were 
removed,  and  the  projecting  points  cut  off.  The  whole 
mass  of  muscle  was  then  cleansed  from  blood,  washed 
with  some  lotion  of  an  antiseptic  nature,  and  the  entire 
cut,  from  elbow  to  shoulder,  carefully  stitched  together. 
The  remains  of  the  arm  were  then  laid  along  the  side  of 
the  chest,  and  firmly  fastened  to  it  with  bandages.  The 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  263 

operation  occupied  nearly  an  hour.  All  the  bones  and 
blood  were  removed,  the  table  again  washed,  and  clean 
linen  placed  upon  the  soldier.  He  was  laid  between  the 
clean  white  sheets,  the  ether  was  taken  away,  and  he 
was  restored  to  consciousness. 

During  all  this  horrible  operation  the  patient  ap 
peared  to  be  living* in  a  pleasant  dream  of  the  farm  in 
Iowa,  where  he  had  made  his  home.  He  was  driving 
his  oxen  at  the  plough,  reproving  the  awkwardness  of 
his  farm  hands,  playing  with  his  children,  and  consult 
ing  with  his  wife  about  their  schools,  and  other  domes 
tic  matters.  He  talked  and  laughed  and  sang.  He  had 
been  mercifully  spared  all  pain  and  suffering,  so  that 
when  he  recovered  consciousness  it  was  a  considerable 
time  before  he  could  be  convinced  that  he  had  been  sub 
jected  to  any  surgical  operation. 

He  was  removed  to  his  cot.  I  gave  him  my  address, 
and  asked  him  to  write  to  me  if  he  wanted  anything 
which  the  hospital  could  not  provide.  We  subsequently 
furnished  him  with  a  few  delicacies ;  new  cases  engrossed 
our  attention,  and  the  Dane  was  forgotten. 

Four  or  live  months  later,  a  stout,  rugged  man,  in  the 
uniform  of  a  soldier,  called  at  my  office  in  the  Treasury. 
I  did  not  .recognize  him,  though  his  face  impressed  me 

as  one  that  I  had  seen  somewhere.  "  I  am  B ,  from 

the  4th  Iowa,  to  whom  your  lady  was  so  kind  in  the  hos 
pital,"  he  said.  "  I  have  just  got  my  discharge,  and  am 
on  my  way  home."  Upon  my  inquiry  whether  his  arm 
was  at  all  useful  to  him,  he  took  hold  of  a  large  scuttle 
filled  with  coal,  and  carried  it  across  the  room.  He  made 
a  fair  signature  with  a  pen,  and  showed  that  he  could 
make  good  use  of  his  arm,  except  that  he  could  not  raise 
it  above  the  level  of  his  shoulder.  I  have  since  heard  of 
him  as  a  respected  farmer  in  easy  circumstances  in  Iowa. 


264  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

The  pain  and  suffering  spared  to  the  soldier  by  the 
intelligent  use  of  anaesthetics  during  the  war  was  beyond 
measure.  Although  the  history  belongs  to  the  profes 
sion  of  those  who  used  them,  I  saw  so  much  of  their 
blessed  influence  that  I  could  not  forbear  giving  this 
testimony  to  their  value. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  265 


XXXII. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  AND  THE  SLEEPING  SENTINEL.— ERRONE 
OUS  VERSIONS  OF  THE  STORY.— WILLIAM  SCOTT,  A  MEMBER 
OF  THE  THIRD  VERMONT,  SENTENCED  TO  DEATH  FOR  SLEEP 
ING  ON  HIS  POST.— HE  IS  PARDONED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT.— 
HIS  LAST  MESSAGE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT.— HIS  DEATH  AT  THE 
BATTLE  OF  LEE'S  MILLS. 

THE  story  of  the  President  and  the  sleeping  senti 
nel  has  been  so  many  times  sung  in  song  and  described 
in  story  that  its  repetition  may  seem  like  the  relation 
of  a  thrice-told  tale.  The  substantial  facts  are  common 
to  all  its  versions.  A  soldier  named  Scott,  condemned 
to  be  shot  for  the  crime  of  sleeping  on  his  post,  was 
pardoned  by  President  Lincoln,  only  to  be  killed  after 
wards  at  the  battle  of  Lee's  Mills,  on  the  Peninsula. 
The  incidental  facts  are  varied  according  to  the  taste, 
the  fancy,  or  the  imagination  of  the  writer  of  each  ver 
sion.  The  number  of  persons  who  claim  to  have  pro 
cured  the  intervention  of  the  President  to  save  the  life 
of  the  soldier  nearly  equals  that  of  the  different  ver 
sions.  As  these  persons  worked  independently  of  each 
other,  and  one  did  not  know  what  another  had  done,  it 
is  not  improbable  that  several  of  them  are  entitled  to 
some  measure  of  credit,  of  which  I  should  be  most  un 
willing  to  deprive  them. 

The  truth  is  always  and  everywhere  attractive.  The 
child  loves,  and  never  outgrows  its  love,  for  a  real  true 
story.  The  story  of  this  young  soldier,  as  it  was  pre 
sented  to  me,  so  touchingly  reveals  some  of  the  kindlier 


266  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

qualities  of  the  President's  character  that  it  seldom  fails 
to  charm  those  to  whom  it  is  related.  I  shall  give  its 
facts  as  I  understood  them,  and  I  think  I  can  guarantee 
their  general  accuracy. 

On  a  dark  September  morning,  in  1861,  when  I  reached 
my  office,  I  found  waiting  there  a  party  of  soldiers,  none 
of  whom  I  personally  knew.  They  were  greatly  excited, 
all  speaking  at  the  same  time,  and  consequently  unintel 
ligible.  One  of  them  wore  the  bars  of  a  captain.  I  said 
to  them,  pleasantly,  "Boys,  I  cannot  understand  you. 
Pray,  let  your  captain  say  what  you  want,  and  what  I 
can  do  for  you.''  They  complied,  and  the  captain  put 
me  in  possession  of  the  following  facts : 

They  belonged  to  the  Third  Vermont  Regiment,  raised, 
with  the  exception  of  one  company,  on  the  eastern  -slope 
of  the  Green  Mountains,  and  mustered  into  service  while 
the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  progressing.  They  were  im 
mediately  sent  to  Washington,  and  since  their  arrival, 
during  the  last  days  of  July,  had  been  stationed  at  the 
Chain  Bridge,  some  three  miles  above  Georgetown. 
Company  K,  to  which  most  of  them  belonged,  was 
largely  made  up  of  farmer-boys,  many  of  them  still  in 
their  minority. 

The  sterile  flanks  of  the  mountains  of  Vermont  have, 
to  some  extent,  been  abandoned  for  the  more  fertile  re 
gions  of  the  West,  and  are  now  open  to  immigration 
from  the  more  barren  soils  of  Scandinavia  and  the  Alps. 
Fifty  years  ago  these  Vermont  mountains  reared  men 
who  have  since  left  their  impress  upon  the  enterprise  of 
the  world.  The  hard  conditions  of  life  in  these  moun 
tains  then  required  the  most  unbroken  regularity  in  the 
continuous  struggle  for  existence.  To  rise  and  retire 
with  the  sun,  working  through  all  the  hours  of  daylight, 
sleeping  through  all  the  hours  of  night,  was  the  univer- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  267 

sal  rule.  Such  industry,  practised  from  childhood,  united 
to  a  thrift  and  economy  no  longer  known  in  the  republic, 
enabled  the  Yermonter  to  pay  his  taxes  and  train  up  his 
family  in  obedience  to  the  laws  of  God  and  his  country. 
Nowhere  under  the  sun  were  charity,  benevolence,  mu 
tual  help,  and  similar  virtues  more  finely  developed  or 
universally  practised  than  among  these  hard -handed, 
kind-hearted  mountaineers. 

The  story  which  I  extracted  from  the  "  boys  "  was,  in 
substance,  this  :  William  Scott,  one  of  these  mountain- 
boys,  just  of  age,  had  enlisted  in  Company  K.  Accus 
tomed  to  his  regular  sound  and  healthy  sleep,  not  yet 
inured  to  the  life  of  the  camp,  he  had  volunteered  to 
take  the  place  of  a  sick  comrade  who  had  been  detailed 
for  picket  duty,  and  had  passed  the  night  as  a  sentinel 
on  guard.  The  next  day  he  was  himself  detailed  for 
the  same  duty,  and  undertook  its  performance.  But  he 
found  it  impossible  to  keep  awake  for  two  nights  in  suc 
cession,  and  had  been  found  by  the  relief  sound  asleep 
on  his  post.  For  this  offence  he  had  been  tried  by  a 
court-martial,  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  be  shot 
within  twenty-four  hours  after  his  trial,  and  on  the  sec 
ond  morning  after  his  offence  was  committed. 

Scott's  comrades  had  set  about  saving  him  in  a  char 
acteristic  way.  They  had  called  a  meeting,  appointed 
a  committee,  with  power  to  use  all  the  resources  of  the 
regiment  in  his  behalf.  Strangers  in  Washington,  the 
committee  had  resolved  to  call  on  me  for  advice,  because 
I  was  a  Vermonter,  and  they  had  already  marched  from 
the  camp  to  my  office  since  daylight  that  morning. 

The  captain  took  all  the  blame  from  Scott  upon  himself. 
Scott's  mother  opposed  his  enlistment  on  the  ground  of 
his  inexperience,  and  had  only  consented  on  the  captain's 
promise  to  look  after  him  as  if  he  were  his  own  son.  This 


268  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

he  had  wholly  failed  to  do.  He  must  have  been  asleep 
or  stupid  himself,  he  said,  when  he  paid  no  attention  to 
the  boy's  statement  that  he  had  fallen  asleep  during  the 
day,  and  feared  he  could  not  keep  awake  the  second 
night  on  picket.  Instead  of  sending  some  one,  or  going 
himself  in  Scott's  place,  as  he  should,  he  had  let  him  go 
to  his  death.  He  alone  was  guilty — "  if  any  one  ought 
to  be  shot,  I  am  the  fellow,  and  everybody  at  home 
would  have  the  right  to  say  so."  "  There  must  be  some 
way  to  save  him,  judge !"  (They  all  called  me  judge.) 
"  He  is  as  good  a  boy  as  there  is  in  the  army,  and  he  ain't 
to  blame.  You  will  help  us,  now,  won't  you  ?"  he  said, 
almost  with  tears. 

The  other  members  of  the  committee  had  a  definite, 
if  not  a  practicable,  plan.  They  insisted  that  Scott  had 
not  been  tried,  and  gave  this  account  of  the  proceeding. 
He  was  asked  what  he  had  to  say  to  the  charge,  and 
said  he  would  tell  them  just  how  it  all  happened.  He 
had  never  been  up  all  night  that  he  remembered.  He 
was  "  all  beat  out "  by  the  night  before,  and  knew  he 
should  have  a  hard  fight  to  keep  awake  ;  he  thought  of 
hiring  one  of  the  boys  to  go  in  his  place,  but  they  might 
think  lie  was  afraid  to  do  his  duty,  and  he  decided  to 
"  chance  it."  Twice  he  went  to  sleep  and  woke  himself 
wrhile  he  was  marching,  and  then — he  could  not  tell  any 
thing  about  it — all  he  knew  was  that  he  was  sound  asleep 
when  the  guard  came.  It  was  very  wrong,  he  knew. 
He  wanted  to  be  a  good  soldier,  and  do  all  his  duty. 
What  else  did  he  enlist  for?  They  could  shoot  him, 
and  perhaps  they  ought  to,  but  he  could  not  have  tried 
harder ;  and  if  he  was  in  the  same  place  again,  he  could 
no  more  help  going  to  sleep  than  he  could  fly. 

One  must  have  been  made  of  sterner  stuff  than  I  was 
not  to  be  touched  by  the  earnest  manner  with  which 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  269 

these  men  offered  to  devote  even  their  farms  to  the  aid 
of  their  comrade.  The  captain  and  the  others  had  no 
need  of  words  to  express  their  emotions.  I  saw  that 
the  situation  Avas  surrounded  by  difficulties  of  which 
they  knew  nothing.  They  had  subscribed  a  sum  of 
money  to  pay  counsel,  and  offered  to  pledge  their  credit 
to  any  amount  necessary  to  secure  him  a  fair  trial. 

"  Put  up  your  money,"  I  said.  "  It  will  be  long  after 
this  when  one  of  my  name  takes  money  for  helping  a 
Yermont  soldier.  I  know  facts  which  touch  this  case 
of  which  you  know  nothing.  1  fear  that  nothing  effect 
ual  can  be  done  for  your  comrade.  The  courts  and  law 
yers  can  do  nothing.  I  fear  that  we  can  do  no  more ; 
but  we  can  try." 

I  must  digress  here  to  say  that  the  Chain  Bridge  across 
the  Potomac  was  one  of  the  positions  upon  which  the 
safety  of  Washington  depended.  The  Confederates  had 
fortified  the  approach  to  it  on  the  Virginia  side,  and  the 
Federals  on  the  hills  of  Maryland  opposite.  Here,  for 
months,  the  opposing  forces  had  confronted  each  other. 
There  had  been  no  fighting ;  the  men,  and  even  the  offi 
cers,  had  gradually  contracted  an  intimacy,  and,  having 
nothing  better  to  do,  had  swapped  stories  and  other  prop 
erty  until  they  had  come  to  live  upon  the  footing  of 
good  neighbors  rather  than  mortal  enemies.  This  rela 
tion  was  equally  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  Wash 
ington  and  the  stern  discipline  of  war.  Its  discovery 
had  excited  alarm,  and  immediate  measures  were  taken 
to  break  it  up.  General  W.  F.  Smith,  better  known  as 
"  Baldy  "  Smith,  had  been  appointed  colonel  of  the  Third 
Vermont  Eegiment,  placed  in  command  of  the  post,  and 
undertook  to  correct  the  irregularity. 

General  Smith,  a  Vermonter  by  birth,  a  West-Pointer 
by  education,  was  a  soldier  from  spur  to  crown.  Possi- 


270  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

bly  he  had  natural  sympathies,  but  they  were  so  subor 
dinated  to  the  demands  of  his  profession  that  they  might 
as  well  not  have  existed.  He  regarded  a  soldier  as  so 
much  valuable  material,  to  be  used  with  economy,  like 
powder  and  lead,  to  the  best  advantage.  The  soldier 
was  not  worth  much  to  him  until  his  individuality  was 
suppressed  and  converted  into  the  unit  of  an  army.  He 
must  be  taught  obedience ;  discipline  must  never  be  re 
laxed.  In  the  demoralization  which  existed  at  the  Chain 
Bridge,  in  his  opinion,  the  occasional  execution  of  a  sol 
dier  would  tend  to  enforce  discipline,  and  in  the  end 
promote  economy  of  life.  He  had  issued  orders  de 
claring  the  penalty  of  death  for  military  offences, 
among  others  that  of  a  sentinel  sleeping  upon  his  post. 
His  orders  were  made  to  be  obeyed.  Scott  was,  appa 
rently,  their  first  victim.  It  went  without  saying  that 
any  appeal  in  his  behalf  to  General  Smith  would  lead 
to  nothing  but  loss  of  time. 

The  more  I  reflected  upon  what  I  was  to  do,  the  more 
hopeless  the  case  appeared.  Thought  was  useless.  I 
must  act  upon  impulse,  or  I  should  not  act  at  all. 

"  Come,"  I  said,  "  there  is  only  one  man  on  earth  who 
can  save  your  comrade.  Fortunately,  he  is  the  best  man 
on  the  continent.  "We  will  go  to  President  Lincoln." 

I  went  swiftly  out  of  the  Treasury  over  to  the  White 
House,  and  up  the  stairway  to  the  little  office  where  the 
President  was  writing.  The  boys  followed  in  a  proces 
sion.  I  did  not  give  the  thought  time  to  get  any  hold 
on  me  that  I,  an  officer  of  the  government,  was  commit 
ting  an  impropriety  in  thus  rushing  a  matter  upon  the 
President's  attention,  The  President  was  the  first  to 
speak. 

"What  is  this?"  he  asked.  "An  expedition  to  kid 
nap  somebody,  or  to  get  another  brigadier  appointed,  or 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  271 

for  a  furlough  to  go  home  to  vote?  I  cannot  do  it, 
gentlemen.  Brigadiers  are  thicker  than  drum-majors, 
and  I  couldn't  get  a  furlough  for  myself  if  I  asked  it 
from  the  War  Department." 

There  was  hope  in  the  tone  in  which  he  spoke.  I 
went  straight  to  my  point.  "Mr.  President,"  I  said, 
"these  men  want  nothing  for  themselves.  They  are 
Green  Mountain  boys  of  the  Third  Vermont,  who  have 
come  to  stay  as  long  as  you  need  good  soldiers.  They 
don't  want  promotion  until  they  earn  it.  But  they  do 
want  something  that  you  alone  can  give  them — the  life 
of  a  comrade." 

"  What  has  he  done  ?"  asked  the  President.  "  You 
Vermonters  are  not  a  bad  lot,  generally.  Has  he  com 
mitted  murder  or  mutiny,  or  what  other  felony  ?" 

"  Tell  him,"  I  whispered  to  the  captain. 

"  I  cannot !  I  cannot !  I  should  stammer  like  a  fool! 
You  can  do  it  better !" 

"  Captain,"  I  said,  pushing  him  forward,  "  Scott's  life 
depends  on  you.  You  must  tell  the  President  the  story. 
I  only  know  it  from  hearsay." 

He  commenced  like  the  man  by  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
who  had  an  impediment  in  his  speech;  but  very  soon 
the  string  of  his  tongue  was  loosened,  and  he  spoke 
plain.  He  began  to  word-paint  a  picture  with  the  hand 
of  a  master.  As  the  words  burst  from  his  lips  they 
stirred  my  own  blood.  He  gave  a  graphic  account  of 
the  whole  story,  and  ended  by  saying,  "  lie  is  as  brave 
a  boy  as  there  is  in  your  army,  sir.  Scott  is  no  coward. 
Our  mountains  breed  no  cowards.  They  are  the  homes 
of  thirty  thousand  men  who  voted  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 
They  will  not  be  able  to  see  that  the  best  thing  to  be 
done  with  William  Scott  will  be  to  shoot  him  like  a  trai 
tor  and  bury  him  like  a  dog !  Oh,  Mr.  Lincoln,  can  you?" 


272  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  No,  I  can't !"  exclaimed  the  President.  It  was  one 
of  the  moments  when  his  countenance  became  such  a 
remarkable  study.  It  had  become  very  earnest  as  the 
captain  rose  with  his  subject ;  then  it  took  on  that  mel 
ancholy  expression  which,  later  in  his  life,  became  so  in 
finitely  touching.  I  thought  I  could  detect  a  mist  in 
the  deep  cavities  of  his  eyes.  Then,  in  a  flash,  there 
was  a  total  change.  He  smiled,  and  finally  broke  into 
a  hearty  laugh,  as  he  asked  me, 

"  Do  your  Green  Mountain  boys  fight  as  well  as  they 
talk  ?  If  they  do,  I  don't  wonder  at  the  legends  about 
Ethan  Allen."  Then  his  face  softened  as  he  said,  "  But 
what  can  I  do  ?  What  do  you  expect  me  to  do  ?  As 
you  know,  I  have  not  much  influence  with  the  depart 
ments  ?" 

a  I  have  not  thought  the  matter  out,"  I  said.  "  I  feel 
a  deep  interest  in  saving  young  Scott's  life.  I  think  I 
knew  the  boy's  father.  It  is  useless  to  apply  to  Gen 
eral  Smith.  An  application  to  Secretary  Stanton  would 
only  be  referred  to  General  Smith.  The  only  thing  to 
be  done  was  to  apply  to  you.  It  seems  to  me  that,  if 
you  would  sign  an  order  suspending  Scott's  execution 
until  his  friends  can  have  his  case  examined,  I  might 
carry  it  to  the  War  Department,  and  so  insure  the  de 
livery  of  the  order  to  General  Smith  to-day,  through  the 
regular  channels  of  the  War  Office." 

"  No !  I  do  not  think  that  course  would  be  safe.  You 
do  not  know  these  officers  of  the  regular  army.  They 
are  a  law  unto  themselves.  They  sincerely  think  that 
it  is  good  policy  occasionally  to  shoot  a  soldier.  I  can 
see  it,  where  a  soldier  deserts  or  commits  a  crime,  but  I 
cannot  in  such  a  case  as  Scott's.  They  say  that  I  am 
always  interfering  with  the  discipline  of  the  army,  and 
being  cruel  to  the  soldiers.  Well,  I  can't  help  it,  so  I 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  273 

shall  have  to  go  right  on  doing  wrong.  I  do  not  think 
an  honest,  brave  soldier,  conscious  of  no  crime  but  sleep 
ing  when  he  was  weary,  ought  to  be  shot  or  hung.  The 
country  has  better  uses  for  him." 

"  Captain,"  continued  the  President,  "  your  boy  shall 
not  be  shot — that  is,  not  to-morrow,  nor  until  I  know 
more  about  his  case."  To  me  he  said,  "I  will  have  to 
attend  to  this  matter  myself.  I  have  for  some  time  in 
tended  to  go  up  to  the  Chain  Bridge.  I  will  do  so  to 
day.  I  shall  then  know  that  there  is  no  mistake  in  sus 
pending  the  execution." 

I  remarked  that  he  was  undertaking  a  burden  which 
we  had  no  right  to  impose  ;  that  it  was  asking  too  much 
of  the  President  in  behalf  of  a  private  soldier. 

"  Scott's  life  is  as  valuable  to  him  as  that  of  any  per 
son  in  the  land,"  he  said.  "  You  remember  the  remark 
of  a  Scotchman  about  the  head  of  a  nobleman  who  was 
decapitated.  <  It  was  a  small  matter  of  a  head,  but  it 
was  valuable  to  him,  poor  fellow,  for  it  was  the  only  one 
he  had.' " 

I  saw  that  remonstrance  was  vain.  I  suppressed  the 
rising  gratitude  of  the  soldiers,  and  we  took  our  leave. 
Two  members  of  "  the  committee  "  remained  to  watch 
events  in  the  city,  while  the  others  returned  to  carry  the 
news  of  their  success  to  Scott  and  to  the  camp.  Later 
in  the  day  the  two  members  reported  that  the  President 
had  started  in  the  direction  of  the  camp ;  that  their  work 
here  was  ended,  and  they  proposed  to  return  to  their 
quarters. 

Within  a  day  or  two  the  newspapers  reported  that  a 
soldier,  sentenced  to  be  shot  for  sleeping  on  his  post,  had 
been  pardoned  by  the  President  and  returned  to  his  reg 
iment.  Other  duties  pressed  me,  and  it  was  December 
before  I  heard  anything  further  from  Scott.  Then  an- 
18 


TY 

i 


274  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

other  elderly  soldier  of  the  same  company,  whose  health 
had  failed,  and  who  was  arranging  for  his  own  discharge, 
called  upon  me,  and  I  made  inquiry  about  Scott.  The 
soldier  gave  an  enthusiastic  account  of  him.  He  was  in 
splendid  health,  was  very  athletic,  popular  with  every 
body,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being  the  best  all-around 
soldier  in  the  company,  if  not  in  the  regiment.  His  mate 
was  the  elderly  soldier  who  had  visited  me  with  the  party 
in  September,  who  would  be  able  to  tell  me  all  about 
him.  To  him  I  sent  a  message,  asking  him  to  see  me 
when  he  was  next  in  the  city.  His  name  was  Ellis  or 
Evans. 

Not  long  afterwards  he  called  at  my  office,  and,  as  his 
leave  permitted,  I  kept  him  overnight  at  my  house,  and 
gathered  from  him  the  following  facts  about  Scott.  He 
said  that,  as  we  supposed,  the  President  went  to  the 
camp,  had  a  long  conversation  with  Scott,  at  the  end  of 
which  he  was  sent  back  to  his  company  a  free  man.  The 
President  had  given  him  a  paper,  which  he  preserved 
very  carefully,  which  was  supposed  to  be  his  discharge 
from  the  sentence.  A  regular  order  for  his  pardon  had 
been  read  in  the  presence  of  the  regiment,  signed  by 
General  McClellan,  but  every  one  knew  that  his  life  had 
been  saved  by  the  President. 

From  that  day  Scott  was  the  most. industrious  man  in 
the  company.  lie  was  always  at  work,  generally  help 
ing  some  other  soldier.  His  arms  and  his  dress  were 
neat  and  cleanly ;  he  took  charge  of  policing  the  com 
pany's  quarters ;  was  never  absent  at  roll-call,  unless  he 
was  sent  away,  and  always  on  hand  if  there  was  any 
work  to  be  done.  He  was  very  strong,  and  practised 
feats  of  strength  until  he  could  pick  up  a  man  lying  on 
the  ground  and  carry  him  away  on  his  shoulders.  He 
was  of  great  use  in  the  hospital,  and  in  all  the  serious 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  275 

cases  sought  employment  as  a  nurse,  because  it  trained 
him  in  night -work  and  keeping  awake  at  night.  He 
soon  attracted  attention.  He  was  offered  promotion, 
which,  for  some  reason,  he  declined. 

It  was  a  long  time  before  he  would  speak  of  his  inter 
view  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  One  night,  when  he  had  re 
ceived  a  long  letter  from  home,  Scott  opened  his  heart, 
and  told  Evans  the  story. 

Scott  said :  "  The  President  was  the  kindest  man  I  had 
ever  seen ;  I  knew  him  at  once,  by  a  Lincoln  medal  I 
had  long  worn.  I  was  scared  at  first,  for  I  had  never 
before  talked  with  a  great  man.  But  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
so  easy  with  me,  so  gentle,  that  I  soon  forgot  my  fright. 
He  asked  me  all  about  the  people  at  home,  the  neigh 
bors,  the  farm,  and  where  I  went  to  school,  and  who 
niy  schoolmates  were.  Then  he  asked  me  about  mother, 
and  how  she  looked,  and  I  was  glad  I  could  take  her 
photograph  from  my  bosom  and  show  it  to  him.  He 
•  said  how  thankful  I  ought  to  be  that  my  mother  still 
lived,  and  how,  if  he  was  in  my  place,  he  would  try  to 
make  her  a  proud  mother,  and  never  cause  her  a  sorrow 
or  a  tear.  I  cannot  remember  it  all,  but  every  word  was 
so  kind. 

"He  had  said  nothing  yet  about  that  dreadful  next 
morning.  I  thought  it  must  be  that  he  was  so  kind- 
hearted  that  he  didn't  like  to  speak  of  it.  But  why  did 
he  say  so  much  about  my  mother,  and  my  not  causing 
her  a  sorrow  or  a  tear  when  I  knew  that  I  must  die  the 
next  morning  ?  But  I  supposed  that  was  something  that 
would  have  to  go  unexplained,  and  so  I  determined  to 
brace  up,  and  tell  him  that  I  did  not  feel  a  bit  guilty, 
and  ask  him  wouldn't  he  fix  it  so  that  the  firing-party 
would  not  be  from  our  regiment !  That  was  going  to 
be  the  hardest  of  all — to  die  by  the  hands  of  my  com- 


276  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

rades.  Just  as  I  was  going  to  ask  him  this  favor,  he 
stood  up,  and  he  says  to  me,  '  My  boy,  stand  up  here 
and  look  me  in  the  face.'  I  did  as  he  bade  me.  '.My 
boy,'  he  said, i  you  are  not  going  to  be  shot  to-morrow. 
I  believe  you  when  you  tell  me  that  you  could  not  keep 
awake.  I  am  going  to  trust  you,  and  send  you  back  to 
your  regiment.  But  I  have  been  put  to  a  good  deal  of 
trouble  on  your  account.  I  have  had  to  come  up  here 
from  Washington  when  I  have  got  a  great  deal  to  do ; 
and  what  I  want  to  know  is,  how  you  are  going  to  pay 
my  bill  ?'  There  was  a  big  lump  in  my  throat ;  I  could 
scarcely  speak.  I  had  expected  to  die,  you  see,  and  had 
kind  of  got  used  to  thinking  that  way.  To  have  it  all 
changed  in  a  minute !  But  I  got  it  crowded  down,  and 
managed  to  say,  I  am  grateful,  Mr.  Lincoln !  I  hope  I 
am  as  grateful  as  ever  a  man  can  be  to  you  for  saving 
my  life.  But  it  comes  upon  me  sudden  and  unexpected 
like.  I  didn't  lay  out  for  it  at  all.  But  there  is  some 
way  to  pay  you,  and  I  will  find  it  after  a  little.  There 
is  the  bounty  in  the  savings-bank.  I  guess  we  could  bor 
row  some  money  on  the  mortgage  of  the  farm.  There 
was  my  pay  was  something,  and  if  he  would  wait  until 
pay-day  I  was  sure  the  boys  would  help,  so  I  thought 
we  could  make  it  up,  if  it  wasn't  more  than  five  or  six 
hundred  dollars.  '  But  it  is  a  great  deal  more  than  that,' 
he  said.  Then  I  said  I  didn't  just  see  how,  but  I  was 
sure  I  would  find  some  way — if  I  lived. 

"  Then  Mr.  Lincoln  put  his  hands  on  my  shoulders  and 
looked  into  my  face  as  if  he  was  sorry,  and  said,  '  My 
boy,  my  bill  is  a  very  large  one.  Your  friends  cannot 
pay  it,  nor  your  bounty,  nor  the  farm,  nor  all  your  com 
rades  !  There  is  only  one  man  in  all  the  world  who  can 
pay  it,  and  his  name  is  "William  Scott !  If  from  this  day 
William  Scott  does  his  duty,  so  that,  if  I  was  there  when 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  277 

he  comes  to  die,  he  can  look  me  in  the  face  as  he  does 
now,  and  say,  I  have  kept  my  promise,  and  I  have  done 
my  duty  as  a  soldier,  then  my  debt  will  be  paid.  "Will 
you  make  that  promise  and  try  to  keep  it  ?' 

"  I  said  I  would  make  the  promise,  and,  with  God's 
help,  I  would  keep  it.  I  could  not  say  any  more.  I 
wanted  to  tell  him  how  hard  I  would  try  to  do  all  he 
wanted ;  but  the  words  would  not  come,  so  I  had  to  let 
it  all  go  unsaid.  He  went  away,  out  of  my  sight  for 
ever.  I  know  I  shall  never  see  him  again ;  but  may 
God  forget  me  if  I  ever  forget  his  kind  words  or  my 
promise." 

This  was  the  end  of  the  story  of  Evans,  who  got  his 
discharge,  and  went  home  at  the  close  of  the  year.  I 
heard  from  Scott  occasionally  afterwards.  He  was  gain 
ing  a  wonderful  reputation  as  an  athlete.  He  was  the 
strongest  man  in  the  regiment.  The  regiment  was  en 
gaged  in  two  or  three  reconnoissances  in  force,  in  w^hich 
he  performed  the  most  exposed  service  with  singular 
bravery.  If  any  man  was  in  trouble,  Scott  was  his  good 
Samaritan ;  if  any  soldier  was  sick,  Scott  was  his  nurse. 
He  was  ready  to  volunteer  for  any  extra  service  or  labor 
— he  had  done  some  difficult  and  useful  scouting.  He 
still  refused  promotion,  saying  that  he  had  done  nothing 
worthy  of  it.  The  final  result  was  that  he  was  the  gen 
eral  favorite  of  all  his  comrades,  the  most  popular  man 
in  the  regiment,  and  modest,  unassuming,  and  unspoiled 
'by  his  success. 

'  The  next  scene  in  this  drama  opens  on  the  Peninsula, 
between  the  York  and  the  James  rivers,  in  March,  1862. 
The  sluggish  Warwick  Eiver  runs  from  its  source,  near 
Yorktown,  across  the  Peninsula  to  its  discharge.  It 
formed  at  that  time  a  line  of  defence,  which  had  been 
fortified  by  General  Magruder,  and  was  held  by  him  with 


278  RECOLLECTIONS  OF    PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

a  force  of  some  twelve  thousand  Confederates.  York- 
town  was  an  important  position  to  the  Confederates. 

On  the  15th  of  April  the  division  of  General  Smith 
was  ordered  to  stop  the  enemy's  work  on  the  entrench 
ments  at  Lee's  Mills,  the  strongest  position  on  the  War 
wick  River.  His  force  consisted  of  the  Vermont  brigade 
of  five  regiments,  and  three  batteries  of  artillery.  After 
a  lively  skirmish,  which  occupied  the  greater  part  of  the 
forenoon,  this  order  was  executed,  and  should  have  ended 
the  movement. 

But  about  noon  General  McClellan  with  his  staff,  in 
cluding  the  French  princes,  came  upon  the  scene,  and 
ordered  General  Smith  to  assault  and  capture  the  rebel 
works  on  the  opposite  bank.  Some  discretion  was  given 
to  General  Smith,  who  was  directed  not  to  bring  on  a 
general  engagement,  but  to  withdraw  his  men  if  he 
found  the  defence  too  strong  to  be  overcome.  This  dis 
cretion  cost  many  lives  when  the  moment  came  for  its 
exercise. 

General  Smith  disposed  his  forces  for  the  assault, 
which  was  made  by  Companies  D,  E,  F,  and  K  of  the 
Third  Vermont  Regiment,  covered  by  the  artillery,  with 
the  Vermont  brigade  in  reserve.  About  four  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  the  charge  was  ordered.  Unclasping  their 
belts,  and  holding  their  guns  and  cartridge-boxes  above 
their  heads,  the  Vermonters  dashed  into  and  across  the 
stream  at  Dam  Number  One,  the  strongest  position  in  the 
Confederate  line,  and  cleared  out  the  rifle-pits.  But  the 
earthworks  were  held  by  an  overwhelming  force  of  reb 
els,  and  proved  impregnable.  After  a  dashing  attack 
upon  them  the  Vermonters  were  repulsed,  and  were  or 
dered  to  retire  across  the  river.  They  retreated  under  a 
heavy  fire,  leaving  nearly  half  their  number  dead  or 
wounded  in  the  river  and  on  the  opposite  shore. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  279 

Every  member  of  these  four  companies  was  a  brave 
man.  But  all  the  eye-witnesses  agreed  that  among 
those  who  in  this,  their  first  hard  battle,  faced  death 
without  blenching,  there  was  none  braver  or  more  effi 
cient  than  William  Scott,  of  Company  K,  debtor  for  his 
own  life  to  President  Lincoln.  He  was  almost  the  first 
to  reach  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  the  first  in  the  rifle- 
pits,  and  the  last  to  retreat.  He  recrossed  the  river  with 
a  wounded  officer  on  his  back — he  carried  him  to  a  place 
of  safety,  and  returned  to  assist  his  comrades,  who  did 
not  agree  on  the  number  of  wounded  men  saved  by  him 
from  drowning  or  capture,  but  all  agreed  that  he  had 
carried  the  last  wounded  man  from  the  south  bank,  and 
was  nearly  across  the  stream,  when  the  fire  of  the  rebels 
was  concentrated  upon  him ;  he  staggered  with  his  liv 
ing  burden  to  the  shore  and  fell. 

An  account  of  the  closing  scene  in  the  life  of  William 
Scott  was  given  me  by  a  wounded  comrade,  as  he  lay 
upon  his  cot  in  a  hospital  tent,  near  Columbia  College,  in 
Washington,  after  the  retreat  of  the  army  from  the 
Peninsula.  "  He  was  shot  all  to  pieces,"  said  private  H. 
"  We  carried  him  back,  out  of  the  line  of  fire,  and  laid 
him  on  the  grass  to  die.  His  body  was  shot  through  and 
through,  and  the  blood  was  pouring  from  his  many 
wounds.  But  his  strength  was  great,  and  such  a  power 
ful  man  was  hard  to  kill.  The  surgeons  checked  the 
flow  of  blood — they  said  he  had  rallied  from  the  shock ; 
we  laid  him  on  a  cot  in  a  hospital  tent,  and  the  boys 
crowded  around  him,  until  the  doctors  said  they  must 
leave  if  he  was  to  have  any  chance  at  all.  We  all  knew 
he  must  die.  We  dropped  on  to  the  ground  wherever 
we  could,  and  fell  into  a  broken  slumber— wounded  and 
well  side  by  side.  Just  at  daylight  the  word  was  passed 
that  Scott  wanted  to  see  us  all.  We  went  into  his  tent 


280  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

and  stood  around  his  cot.  His  face  was  bright  and  his 
voice  cheerful.  '  Boys,'  he  said, '  I  shall  never  see  another 
battle.  I  supposed  this  would  be  my  last.  I  haven't 
much  to  say.  You  all  know  what  you  can  tell  them  at 
home  about  me.  I  have  tried  to  do  the  right  thing  !  I 
am  almost  certain  you  will  all  say  that?  Then  while  his 
strength  was  failing,  his  life  ebbing  away,  and  we  looked 
to  see  his  voice  sink  into  a  whisper,  his  face  lighted  up  and 
his  voice  came  out  natural  and  clear  as  he  said  :  '  If  any 
of  you  ever  have  the  chance,  I  wish  you  would  tell  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  that  I  have  never  forgotten  the  kind  words  he 
said  to  me  at  the  Chain  Bridge — that  I  have  tried  to  be 
a  good  soldier  and  true  to  the  flag — that  I  should  have 
paid  my  whole  debt  to  him  if  I  had  lived ;  and  that  now, 
when  I  know  that  I  am  dying,  I  think  of  his  kind  face 
and  thank  him  again,  because  he  gave  me  the  chance  to 
fall  like  a  soldier  in  battle,  and  not  like  a  coward  by  the 
hands  of  my  comrades.' 

"  His  face,  as  he  uttered  these  words,  w^as  that  of  a 
happy  man.  Not  a  groan  or  an  expression  of  pain,  not  a 
word  of  complaint  or  regret  came  from  his  lips.  <  Good 
bye,  boys,'  he  said,  cheerily.  Then  he  closed  his  own 
eyes,  crossed  his  hands  on  his  breast,  and — and  —  that 
was  all.  His  face  was  at  rest,  and  we  all  said  it  was 
beautiful.  Strong  men  stood  around  his  bed ;  they  had 
seen  their  comrades  fall,  and  had  been  very  near  to  death 
themselves  :  such  men  are  accustomed  to  control  their 
feelings  ;  but  now  they  wept  like  children.  One  only 
spoke,  as  if  to  himself,  '  Thank  God,  I  know  now  how  a 
brave  man  dies.' 

"  Scott  would  have  been  satisfied  to  rest  in  the  same 
grave  with  his  comrades,"  the  wounded  soldier  con 
tinued.  "  But  we  wanted  to  know  where  he  lay.  There 
was  a  small  grove  of  cherry-trees  just  in  the  rear  of  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  281 

camp,  with  a  noble  oak  in  its  centre.  At  the  foot  of  this 
oak  we  dug  his  grave.  There  we  laid  him,  with  his 
empty  rifle  and  accoutrements  by  his  side.  Deep  into 
the  oak  we  cut  the  initials,  W.  S.,  and  under  it  the 
words,  'A  brave  soldier.'  Our  chaplain  said  a  short 
prayer.  We  fired  a  volley  over  his  grave.  "Will  you 
carry  his  last  message  to  the  President  ?"  I  answered, 
"  Yes." 

Some  days  passed  before  I  again  met  the  President. 
When  I  saw  him  I  asked  if  he  remembered  William 
Scott « 

"  Of  Company  K,  Third  Yermont  Volunteers  P  he 
answered.  "Certainly  I  do.  He  was  the  boy  that 
Baldy  Smith  wanted  to  shoot  at  the  Chain  Bridge. 
What  about  William  Scott  ?" 

"  He  is  dead.  He  was  killed  on  the  Peninsula,"  I  an 
swered.  "  I  have  a  message  from  him  for  you,  which  I 
have  promised  one  of  his  comrades  to  deliver." 

A  look  of  tenderness  swept  over  his  face  as  he  ex 
claimed,  "  Poor  boy  !  Poor  boy  !  And  so  he  is  dead.  And 
he  sent  me  a  message !  Well,  I  think  I  will  not  have  it 
now.  I  will  come  and  see  you." 

He  kept  his  promise.  Before  many  days  he  made  one 
of  his  welcome  visits  to  my  office.  He  said  he  had  come 
to  hear  Scott's  message.  I  gave  it  as  nearly  as  possible  in 
Scott's  own  words.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  perfect  control  of 
his  own  countenance :  when  he  chose,  he  could  make  it  a 
blank ;  when  he  did  not  care  to  control  it,  his  was  the  most 
readable  of  speaking  human  faces.  He  drew  out  from 
me  all  I  knew  about  Scott  and  about  the  people  among 
whom  he  lived.  When  I  spoke  of  the  intensity  of  their 
sympathies,  especially  in  sorrow  and  trouble,  as  a  charac 
teristic  trait  of  mountaineers,  he  interrupted  me  and 
said,  "  It  is  equally  common  on  the  prairies.  It  is  the 


282  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

privilege  of  the  poor.  I  know  all  about  it  from  experi 
ence,  and  I  hope  I  have  my  full  share  of  it.  Yes,  I  can 
sympathize  with  sorrow." 

"  Mr.  President,"  I  said,  "  I  have  never  ceased  to  re 
proach  myself  for  thrusting  Scott's  case  so  unceremo 
niously  before  you — for  causing  you  to  take  so  much 
trouble  for  a  private  soldier.  But  I  gave  way  to  an  im 
pulse — I  could  not  endure  the  thought  that  Scott  should 
be  shot.  He  was  a  fellow- Yermonter — and.  I  knew  there 
was  no  other  way  to  save  his  life." 

"  I  advise  you  always  to  yield  to  such  impulses,"  he 
said.  "  You  did  me  as  great  a  favor  as  the  boy.  It  was 
a  new  experience  for  me — a  study  that  was  interest 
ing,  though  I  have  had  more  to  do  with  people  of  his 
class  than  any  other.  Did  you  know  that  Scott  and  I 
had  a  long  visit  ?  I  was  much  interested  in  the  boy.  I 
am  truly  sorry  that  he  is  dead,  for  he  was  a  good  boy— 
too  good  a  boy  to  be  shot  for  obeying  nature.  I  am  glad 
I  interfered." 

"Mr.  Lincoln,  I  wish  your  treatment  of  this  matter 
could  be  written  into  history." 

"  Tut !  Tut !"  he  broke  in ;  "  none  of  that.  By  the 
way,  do  you  remember  what  Jeanie  Deans  said  to  Queen 
Caroline  when  the  Duke  of  Argyle  procured  her  an  op 
portunity  to  beg  for  her  sister's  life  ?" 

"  I  remember  the  incident  well,  but  not  the  language." 

"  I  remember  both.  This  is  the  paragraph  in  point : 
'  It  is  not  when  we  sleep  soft  and  wake  merrily  ourselves 
that  we  think  on  other  people's  sufferings.  Our  hearts 
are  waxed  light  within  us  then,  and  we  are  for  righting 
our  ain  wrangs  and  fighting  our  ain  battles.  But  when 
the  hour  of  trouble  comes  to  the  mind  or  to  the  body— 
and  when  the  hour  of  death  comes,  that  comes  to  high 
and  low  —  oh,  then  it  isna  what  we  hae  dune  for  our- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  283 

sells,  but  what  we  hae  dune  for  others,  that  we  think  on 
maist  pleasantly.  And  the  thoughts  that  ye  hae  inter 
vened  to  spare  the  puir  thing's  life  will  be  sweeter  in  that 
hour,  come  when  it  may,  than  if  a  word  of  your  mouth 
could  hang  the  whole  Porteous  mob  at  the  tail  of  ae 
tow." 


284  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXXIII. 

TREASURY  NOTES  AND  NOTES  ON  THE  TREASURY. 

No  nation  has  a  better  Treasury  system  than  the  United 
States.  When  its  regulations  are  enforced,  it  practically 
guarantees  the  government  against  loss  by  error  or  fraud. 
It  involves  the  division  of  the  department  into  bureaus, 
each  directly  responsible  to  the  secretary,  having  little 
connection  with  each  other,  and  at  least  three  of  which 
must  approve  a  claim  before  it  can  be  paid,  each  thus 
acting  as  a  check  upon  the  other.  It  recognizes  the  fact 
that  the  subordinates  in  a  bureau,  subject  to  removal  by 
its  chief )  will  obey  the  orders  of  that  chief,  although  they 
may  involve  a  violation  of  law,  so  that  checks  within  a 
bureau  are  unreliable.  But  if  the  payment  of  a  claim 
requires  an  examination  by  three  persons  in  as  many 
bureaus,  and  the  approval  of  the  heads  of  each,  a  con 
spiracy  to  defraud  becomes  difficult  and  practically  im 
possible.  Frauds  upon  the  Treasury  proper  have  been 
extremely  rare.  The  Assistant  Treasuries  are  abnormal 
growths,  not  subject  to  these  checks,  and  frauds  upon 
them,  involving  large  losses,  have  consequently  been  per 
petrated.  The  manufacture  and  issue  of  the  postal  and 
fractional  currency  was  another  excrescence  permitted 
to  attach  itself  to  the  system,  and  the  account  of  that 
issue  cannot  be  verified.  It  was  the  only  issue  of  the  war 
about  which  there  existed  any  doubt.  The  account  may 
be  correct,  but  it  is  possible  that  some  millions  of  dol 
lars  of  that  currency  more  than  the  amount  shown  by  the 
books  of  the  Treasurer  were  put  in  circulation.  It  might 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  285 

have  been  done  without  detection,  for  the  white  paper 
was  turned  into  money,  ready  for  issue  by  a  single  de 
partment,  under  a  single  head,  without  supervision  or  the 
co-operation  of  any  other  department  or  person. 

Originally  adapted  to  an  expenditure  of  $25,000,000 
per  annum,  the  Treasury  system  had  the  capacity  of  in 
definite  expansion  without  impairing  its  security.  In 
March,  1861,  it  regulated  an  expenditure  averaging 
about  $8,000,000  per  month.  Within  sixty  days  it  in 
creased  to  more  than  $2,000,000  per  day,  and  ultimately 
to  more  than  $1,000,000,000  per  annum.  Yet  the  sys 
tem,  required  no  change  except  an  increase  of  clerical 
force.  Thus  it  happened  that  during  four  years  of  war 
more  than  $3,000,000,000  was  received  and  covered  into 
the  Treasury,  and  an  equal  value  of  securities  issued  and 
delivered  to  those  who  were  entitled  to  receive  them, 
without  the  loss  of  one  dollar  by  error  or  fraud.  This 
statement  rests  upon  absolute  demonstration,  and  not 
upon  evidence  alone.  The  amount  is  as  far  as  infinity 
beyond  ordinary  human  comprehension.  The  statement 
and  the  system  which  verifies  it  are  wonders  of  finance 
in  a  country  convulsed  by  civil  war. 

The  Treasury  was  the  creation  of  Alexander  Hamil 
ton.  It  will  live  as  long  as  the  nation  exists,  and  every 
one  who  comprehends  it  will  accept  it  as  a  monument  of 
the  financial  ability  of  its  author.  It  may  be  criticised 
by  those  who  do  not  understand  it  as  an  institution  of 
red  tape,  but  no  experienced  Treasury  ofiicer  ever  ad 
vised  the  removal  of  one  of  its  checks,  or  the  relaxation 
of  one  of  its  stringent  provisions. 

There  were  three  frauds  attempted  during  the  secre 
taryship  of  Mr.  Chase.  Two  of  them  came  as  near 
success  as  the  Treasury  system  would  permit,  and  per 
haps  their  frustration  must  in  some  degree  be  attrib- 


286  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

uted  to  the  merits  of  the  system,  united  with  good 
fortune. 

Among  the  inheritances  from  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  was  an  application  for  the  reissue  of  a  lot 
( of  coupon  bonds  alleged  to  have  been  destroyed.  The 
claimants  proved  the  facts  as  clearly  as  human  testimony 
could — that  these  bonds,  each  with  six  coupons  attached, 
were  deposited  in  a  locked  mail-bag  in  Frankfort,  trans 
ported  to  Liverpool,  and  there  delivered  into  the  hands 
of  an  agent  of  the  post-office  on  board  a  steamship  which 
was  wrecked  by  collision,  and  went,  with  all  its  mails, 
and  all  but  two  or  three  of  those  on  board,  to  the  bot 
tom  of  the  sea.  The  completeness  of  the  evidence  was 
itself  a  source  of  suspicion,  and,  much  to  the  chagrin  of 
the  claimants,  Secretary  Chase  affirmed  the  decision  of  a 
bureau  officer,  that  the  duplicates  should  not  be  issued 
except  by  the  direction  of  Congress.  On  the  application 
of  the  claimants  at  the  next  session,  Congress  passed  an 
act  directing  the  issue  of  the  duplicates.  The  claim  was 
again  presented  with  the  act,  and  the  duplicates  were 
demanded.  The  same  bureau  officer  again  represented 
his  suspicions  to  the  secretary,  and,  with  the  sanction  of 
the  latter,  the  present  regulation  was  adopted,  interpos 
ing  a  delay  of  twelve  months  after  proof  of  the  claim 
before  the  actual  issue.  This  rule  was  vehemently  as 
sailed  by  the  claimants  through  the  press ;  they  even 
charged  the  officer  with  intentionally  nullifying  the  au 
thority  of  Congress. 

At  this  time  the  coupons  of  bonds  redeemed  were  in 
packages  in  the  Register's  file-room.  There  was  little 
need  of  their  examination,  and  no  attempt  had  been 
made  to  arrange  them  in  consecutive  order.  Books  were 
now  made  with  one  page  appropriated  to  each  bond,  and 
a  space  for  each  coupon,  while  a  force  of  clerks  was  de- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  287 

tailed  to  place  each  redeemed  coupon  in  its  appropriate 
space. 

At  the  expiration  of  the  year  the  claimants  came  for 
their  duplicates.  They  were  assured  that  they  would 
now  be  issued  unless  some  satisfactory  reason  could  be 
shown  for  further  delay.  The  books  were  sent  for,  and 
in  their  proper  spaces  were  found  all  the  coupons  which 
had  "been  proved  to  have  sunk  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea  ! 
A  few  months  later  the  bonds  themselves  were  presented 
for  redemption,  and,  no  adverse  claims  being  made,  they 
were  paid. 

What  was  the  explanation  of  this  mystery  ?  I  do  not 
know.  The  pressure  of  official  duties,  and  the  anxieties 
of  war  which  occupied  us  so  incessantly,  prevented  any 
further  investigation,  and  the  inquiry  will  probably  never 
be  answered. 

The  next  fraud  which  I  recall  was  a  success  as  far  as 
the  department  was  concerned.  The  loss  of  the  money 
was  prevented  by  an  accident. 

The  course  of  proceeding  for  the  collection  of  a  claim 
for  army  supplies  was  usually  this :  The  contractor  made 
his  collections  through  his  banker.  His  monthly  account 
was  made  up  in  conformity  with  all  the  rules  of  the  "War 
Office,  and  transmitted  to  that  office  with  a  letter  of  di 
rections  where  the  draft  should  be  sent.  The  War  Office 
approved  the  claim  if  correct,  and  transmitted  the  ac 
count,  the  letter,  and  the  action  of  the  War  Department 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  whom  it  was  sent  to 
the  proper  auditor,  whose  duty  it  was  to  audit  the  claim. 
If  he  decided  that  the  claim  was  a  proper  one,  it  was  sent 
to  the  comptroller,  who  revised  the  action  of  the  auditor, 
and,  if  correct,  approved  it,  sending  the  account  with  the 
accompanying  documents  to  the  secretary,  who  issued 
the  warrant  for  its  payment.  This  warrant  was  counter- 


288  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

signed  by  the  comptroller,  and  entered  on  the  books  of 
the  Register;  the  treasurer  then  drew  his  draft  upon 
one  of  the  depositories  for  its  payment,  and  the  draft 
was  sent  by  mail,  according  to  the  original  letter  of  in 
struction,  which  constituted  one  of  the  file  papers.  The 
file  was  then  sent  to  the  Eegister's  file-room,  and  there 
remained.  It  comprised  all  the  papers,  showing  a  com 
plete  history  of  the  transaction. 

On  the  occasion  in  question  the  cashier  of  one  of  the 
Washington  banks  came  to  the  office  of  the  Register 
with  a  draft  just  issued  for  more  than  $80,000,  payable 
to  a  well-known  Massachusetts  contractor,  and  regularly 
endorsed.  It  had  been  presented  by  the  head  porter  of 
Willard's  Hotel,  a  reliable  man,  who  said  that  the  payee 
was  ill  and  unable  to  leave  his  room.  He  had  therefore 
requested  him  to  collect  the  draft  in  notes,  if  possible,  of 
$1000  each.  Without  any  apparent  reason  the  cashier 
said  his  suspicions  were  excited,  and  he  went  with  the 
porter  to  the  hotel  to  see  the  payee,  and  be  sure  that  the 
transaction  was  all  right.  But  the  sick  gentleman  had 
disappeared.  He  had  probably  watched  the  porter,  and, 
finding  that  there  was  delay  in  the  payment,  had  vanished. 

The  file  was  sent  for,  and  the  letter  found,  directing 
that  the  draft  be  sent  to  the  contractor  at  Willard's 
Hotel.  He  was  communicated  with  by  telegraph,  and 
said  that  the  letter  was  a  forgery.  He  had  given  the 
same  directions  in  this  case  as  in  his  former  collections. 

This  fraud  was  consummated  by  an  outsider  with  the 
assistance  of  a  clerk  in  the  Treasury.  ~No  outsider  could 
have  obtained  access  to  the  files  in  order  to  remove  the 
true  letter  and  substitute  the  forgery.  Such  a  fraud 
could  not  be  prevented  by  any  system.  Fortunately  the 
suspicions  or  the  prudence  of  the  cashier  prevented  any 
loss. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  289 

In  another  instance  the  fraud  was  successful,  but  its 
fruits  were  wholly  recovered  and  returned  to  the  Treas 
ury.  It  had  some  interesting  features.  One  of  the  most 
difficult  subjects  which  engaged  our  attention  was  the 
complete  destruction  of  the  Treasury  notes  withdrawn 
from  circulation,  or  so  worn  or  mutilated  that  they  were 
unfit  to  be  reissued.  The  bulk  of  these  issues  was  very 
great.  The  first  so  withdrawn  were  called  the  "  demand 
notes."  They  were  issued  under  a  special  act,  and,  being 
receivable  for  duties,  bore  a  premium  nearly  equal  to 
gold.  There  were  sixty  million  dollars  of  them  in  small 
denominations,  and  their  issue  involved  the  use  of  many 
cords  of  paper.  After  the  financial  system  authorized 
by  the  act  of  February  25, 1862,  had  been  instituted,  this 
issue  was  redeemed,  and  the  notes  corded  up  in  the  treas 
urer's  vaults.  The  problem  was  to  count  these  notes,  de 
stroy  them  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  reissue,  and  give 
the  treasurer  credit  for  them  without  any  opportunity  for 
reissue  or  fraud. 

After  much  deliberation  the  following  plan  was  de 
vised:  The  notes  were  separated  into  denominations, 
and  made  into  packages  uniform  in  amount,  and  each 
package  wras  cut  into  halves,  lengthwise.  The  upper 
halves  were  delivered  to  the  superintendent  of  a  force  of 
counters  in  the  office  of  the  treasurer ;  the  lower  halves 
to  the  head  of  a  like  force  in  the  office  of  the  register. 
These  two  forces  had  no  communication  with  each  other. 
Each  counted  their  respective  packages,  and  made  a  rec 
ord  of  each  one.  The  records  were  compared  in  another 
office,  and,  if  they  agreed,  the  count  was  supposed  to  be 
correct.  The  counted  packages  were  then  delivered  to  a 
committee  of  citizens,  and  by  them  placed  in  a  furnace 
in  the  basement  of  the  Treasury,  which  had  been  heated 
to  a  white  heat ;  the  door  was  locked,  and  the  combus- 
19 


290  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

tion  watched  by  the  committee  through  openings,  until 
they  were  entirely  consumed.  The  committee  then  veri 
fied  the  facts  by  affidavit,  upon  which  a  warrant  was  is 
sued  to  the  treasurer  to  credit  his  account  with  the  notes 
so  destroyed.  Receipts  were  given  whenever  the  pack 
ages  changed  hands.  The  process  was  expensive,  com 
plex,  and  supposed  to  be  reliable. 

The  burning  of  a  cord  or  less  of  notes  daily  was  a  sub 
ject  of  general  curiosity.  Applications  to  witness  it  be 
came  so  frequent  that  an  iron  railing  was  built  around 
the  furnace,  within  which  no  one  was  admitted  except 
the  committee  of  citizens.  A  colored  messenger  one  day 
applied  for  a  permit  for  his  boy  of  ten  years  to  see  the 
process.  On  the  following  day  the  messenger  told  me  that 
his  boy  had  asked  him  a  singular  question :  "  Whether  it 
was  right  for  Mr.  Cornwall,  when  throwing  the  packages 
into  the  furnace,  to  drop  one  of  them  in  the  side  pocket 
of  his  overcoat  ?" 

Corn  well  was  a  clerk  in  the  bureau  of  General  Spin 
ner,  the  treasurer,  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  the  pack 
ages  cut  in  halves  by  the  machine,  and  deliver  them  to 
the  chiefs  of  the  two  divisions  of  counters.  He  had  no 
right  to  touch  them  afterwards.  His  assisting  in  the 
work  of  the  citizens'  committee  was  an  impertinent  inter 
ference  with  their  duties  which  destroyed  the  value  of  the 
system,  and  was  probably  tolerated  because  of  his  official 
connection  with  the  work  of  the  treasurer's  bureau,  where 
he  was  a  trusted  clerk,  I  believe  of  the  third  class. 

The  messenger  was  directed  to  go  to  his  home  and 
bring  his  son  to  the  register's  office.  He  proved  to  be  a 
modest,  intelligent  lad,  and  greatly  alarmed  at  the  con 
sequences  of  his  question.  "  He  was  not  certain,"  he 
said, "  that  he  saw  anything.  But  Mr.  Corn  well  worked 
very  hard,  and  threw  more  packages  into  the  furnace 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  291 

than  all  the  other  gentlemen.  He  wore  an  overcoat  with 
a  side  pocket  having  a  large  opening,  and  once,  as  he 
was  quickly  passing  his  hand  with  the  package  from  the 
basket  toward  the  furnace  door,  he  thought  he  saw  one 
package  drop  into  the  large  open  pocket.  He  wras  not 
certain  of  this,  however,  and  might  be  mistaken." 

The  boy  was  sent  home  in  charge  of  his  father,  who 
was  told  to  keep  him  indoors,  and  not  permit  him  to 
communicate  with  or  see  any  other  person.  Without 
attempting  to  ascertain  how  any  use  could  be  made  of 
these  packages  of  half-notes,  I  directed  the  heads  of  the 
counting  divisions  not  to  permit  any  of  their  counters  to 
leave  the  room,  but  to  send  for  me  when  their  day's  work 
was  finished.  About  four  o'clock  the  accounts  of  the 
day  were  made  up,  and  the  aggregates  appeared  to  agree. 
I  then  directed  the  counters  in  the  two  divisions  to  bring 
their  packages  together  into  one  room,  and  place  each 
package  of  upper  with  the  corresponding  package  of 
lower  halves.  If  there  was  no  irregularity,  as  the  day's 
wrork  commenced  with  packages  of  entire  bills,  a  package 
of  lower  should  be  found  for  every  package  of  upper 
halves.  But  when  the  last  two  packages  were  reached, 
to  the  amazement  and  alarm  of  every  counter,  they 
would  not  match  at  all.  Every  counter  knew  that  some 
thing  was  wrong,  and  each  was  in  terror  lest  he  or  she 
should  be  the  one  suspected.  Some  of  the  young  women 
were  in  tears,  and  one  or  two  gave  indications  of  hyster 
ics.  They  were  dismissed  with  the  assurance  that  no 
suspicion  rested  upon  them,  and  that  they  would  have 
no  trouble  if  they  kept  the  facts  to  themselves  for  the 
next  twenty-four  hours. 

The  next  morning  Cornwell  was  called  into  the  private 
room  of  the  register  and  shown  to  a  chair  directly  in 
front  of  that  officer,  who,  without  noticing  him,  went  on 


292  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

with  his  regular  work.  Cornwell  soon  became  nervous, 
and  in  an  excited  manner  asked  what  was  wanted  of  him. 
I  replied  that  I  had  an  impression  that  there  was  some 
thing  which  he  ought  to  disclose  to  me,  and  that  I  wanted 
him  to  consider  thoroughly,  without  interruption.  He  in 
sisted  that  he  must  return  to  his  duties.  I  said  that  I  had 
had  him  excused  for  the  day,  in  order  that  he  might  as 
sist  me  in  the  investigation  of  an  irregularity.  He  soon 
became  excited,  and  as  he  appeared  to  be  summoning 
his  fortitude  to  meet  an  emergency,  I  suddenly  said  to 
him, 

"Cornwell,  you  have  been  stealing,  and  your  thefts 
have  been  detected !" 

I  should  fail  if  I  attempted  to  describe  the  effect  of 
these  few  words.  His  emotion  was  pitiable.  A  deathly 
pallor  covered  his  face,  and  he  seemed  to  be  trying  to 
swallow  something  which  he  could  not.  As  commonly 
happens,  Satan  deserted  his  victim,  and  his  first  words 
were  a  fatal  confession.  After  a  supreme  effort  at  self- 
control  he  said : 

"  How  did  you  find  it  out  F 

"That  is  of  no  importance,"  I  said.  "What  I  want 
of  you  is  to  tell  me  how  much  you  have  taken,  and  where 
it  is." 

He  made  no  effort  or  struggle,  but  gave  up  at  once. 
He  took  from  his  pocket  a  small  blank-book,  in  which 
he  had  entered,  from  day  to  day,  in  regular  order,  the 
amount  of  his  stealings.  The  following  had  been  his 
method  of  procedure :  He  received  from  the  treasurer 
daily,  for  example,  $100,000,  in  ten  packages  of  $10,000 
each,  and  became  accountable  for  them.  After  seeing 
the  whole  bills  divided  in  the  machine,  it  was  his  duty 
to  deliver  and  take  a  receipt  for  an  equal  number  of  pack 
ages  of  upper  halves  from  one  division  and  of  lower 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  293 

halves  from  the  other  division  of  the  counters,  so  that 
the  same  number  of  packages  of  divided  bills  should  be 
sent  to  the  counting  divisions  which  he  had  received  in 
entire  bills  from  the  treasurer.  Having  abstracted  a 
package  of  upper  halves  at  one  time  and  of  lower  halves 
at  another  while  the  bills,  after  having  been  counted, 
were  being  thrown  into  the  furnace,  he  could  then  take 
a  package  of  whole  bills  from  those  he  received  from  the 
treasurer,  and  by  substituting  the  packages  of  stolen 
halves  for  them  in  the  delivery  to  the  counters,  his  ac 
count  would  appear  to  be  correct.  He  would  deliver  to 
the  counters  just  as  many  divided  packages  as  he  had  re 
ceived  whole  ones.  But  the  two  stolen  packages  would 
not  fit  or  match  together,  as  had  been  shown  in  the  in 
vestigation  of  the  preceding  day. 

I  called  a  carriage;  he  entered  it  with  me,  and  we 
drove  to  his  house  in  Georgetown.  On  one  of  the  upper 
floors  he  unlocked  a  small  room,  in  which  there  was  a 
new  safe  with  a  combination  lock.  This  he  also  opened, 
took  from  it  and  delivered  to  me  one  package  of  $100,000 
in  coupon  5-20  bonds,  into  which  he  had  converted  a  por 
tion  of  his  booty  through  a  firm  of  brokers  in  New  York ; 
$50,000  in  whole  demand  notes ;  and  packages  of  halves 
representing  $20,000  more,  making  in  the  aggregate 
$170,000.  Except  a  difference  of  a  few  dollars,  caused 
by  converting  the  demand  notes  at  a  premium  into 
'bonds,  this  aggregate  agreed  with  the  account  of  his 
abstractions,  entered  from  day  to  day  as  they  were  made, 
upon  his  account-book.  He  strenuously  insisted  that  this 
amount  comprised  every  dollar  of  his  thefts,  and  we  never 
had  the  slightest  reason  to  doubt  his  statement. 

lie  was  indicted,  and,  upon  his  own  confession,  sen 
tenced  to  ten  years  in  the  penitentiary,  where  I  lost 
sight  of  him,  and  have  no  knowledge  of  his  subsequent 


294:  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

career.  He  maintained  to  the  last  that  he  never  intended 
to  wrong  the  United  States.  These  notes,  he  said,  had 
been  issued  at  par,  the  government  having  received  100 
cents  for  each  dollar  of  them.  If  they  were  redeemed 
at  the  same  rate,  the  government  was  no  loser.  They 
happened  to  be  worth  a  premium  of  sixty  per  cent. ;  he 
thought  he  had  as  good  a  right  to  make  that  premium 
as  the  government.  He  had  always  intended  to  restore 
the  par  of  these  notes  to  the  Treasury.  To  that  end  he 
had  converted  enough  of  them  to  purchase  $100,000  in 
coupon  bonds,  wrhich  he  intended  to  place  to  the  credit i 
of  the  Treasury  conscience  fund.  His  appropriation  of 
the  sixty  per  cent,  premium,  he  insisted,  was  no  crime, 
and  he  thought  it  was  not  even  prohibited  by  the  Treas 
ury  regulations.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  this 
reasoning  neither  satisfied  the  Treasury  officers  nor  did 
it  save  him  from  the  penitentiary. 

~No  loss  to  the  Treasury  could  possibly  have  occurred 
in  two  of  the  instances  above  mentioned. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  there  were  many  members  of 
Congress  and  others  who  did  not  believe  it  possible  that 
so  large  an  amount  of  money  as  $3,000,000,000  could 
possibly  have  been  received  into  the  Treasury,  securities 
issued  for  it,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  large  num 
ber  of  persons  entitled  to  them,  without  error  or  fraud, 
or  any  loss  to  the  government.  It  was  even  suspected 
that  the  officers  connected  with  the  issue  of  these  securi 
ties  must  in  some  manner  have  profited  thereby.  Accord 
ingly  one  of  the  first  acts  of  each  of  the  two  or  three 
succeeding  Congresses  was  to  raise  a  special  committee 
to  investigate  the  Treasury.  The  Treasury  officers  well 
knew  that  no  fraud  or  irregularity  could  have  occurred 
without  immediate  detection  in  the  Treasury.  They 
therefore  regarded  the  proceedings  of  the  committees 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  295 

with  quiet  unconcern.  In  the  early  days  of  the  investi 
gation  cases  were  found  which  were  supposed  to  involve 
the  integrity  of  some  of  these  officers,  and  they  were 
notified  that  their  immediate  appearance  before  the  com 
mittee  was  necessary  to  their  reputations.  They  did  not 
appear,  however,  and  in  every  case  the  committee  found 
the  explanation.  These  investigations  were,  as  they 
should  have  been,  thorough  and  exhaustive.  But  neither 
committee  discovered  any  error,  fraud,  or  loss  to  the  gov 
ernment  in  the  department  of  the  Treasury  proper.  Xo 
credit  belongs  to  or  was  ever  claimed  by  the  officers  of 
the  Treasury  for  this  result ;  but  it  should  at  least  be  re 
garded  as  most  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  perfection  of 
the  Treasury  system. 


296  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXXIV. 

NEW  MONEYS  OF  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION.— DEMAND  NOTES. 
—SEVEN-THIRTIES.— POSTAGE  CURRENCY.— FRACTIONAL  CUR- 
RENCY.— LEGAL-TENDER  NOTES,  OR  "  GREENBACKS."— THEIR 
ORIGIN,  GROWTH,  AND  VALUE. 

THE  generation  which  elected  President  Lincoln  had 
known  only  two  kinds  of  money — the  notes  of  the  state 
banks  and  the  coins  authorized  by  Congress.  There 
were  many  varieties  of  the  state  bank-notes,  variable  in 
appearance  as  in  value.  The  policy  of  Secretary  Chase 
destroyed  the  circulation  of  the  state  bank-notes,  and 
substituted  for  them  the  notes  of  the  national  banks, 
under  which  the  holder  was  absolutely  secured  against 
loss.  The  necessities  of  war  created  several  new  kinds  of 
paper  money,  and  in  some  cases  invented  new  names  for 
them,  such  as  "  demand  notes,"  "  seven-thirties,"  "  post 
age  currency,"  "  fractional  currency,"  and  finally  "  legal 
tenders,"  popularly  known  as  "  greenbacks." 

The  "  Treasury  notes,"  authorized  by  statutes  in  force 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  did  not  circulate  as  money. 
They  bore  interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent.,  were  pay 
able  one  year  after  date,  and  issued  in  denominations  of 
not  less  than  tifty  dollars.  Before  the  extra  session  of 
Congress  on  July  4,  1861,  the  secretary  had  contrived 
to  sell  six  and  a  half  million  dollars  in  these  notes  at  par 
by  offering  with  them  a  like  amount  in  bonds  on  twenty 
years'  time  at  six  per  cent,  interest,  at  rates  varying  from 
85  to  92  per  cent,  of  their  par  value.  These  amounts 
relieved  the  wants  of  the  Treasury  in  a  very  slight  de- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  297 

gree,  and  made  no  impression  upon  the  circulation  of 
the  country. 

As  the  4th  of  July  approached  it  became  apparent 
that  some  provision  for  the  pay  of  the  army  and  navy 
and  other  pressing  demands  must  be  made  without  wait 
ing  for  the  negotiation  of  a  loan.  The  secretary  accord 
ingly  recommended  in  his  first  report,  and  Congress  by 
the  act  of  July  17th  authorized,  the  immediate  issue  of 
Treasury  notes  to  the  amount  of  fifty,  afterwards  in 
creased  to  sixty  million  dollars,  in  denominations  of  not 
less  than  ten  dollars,  payable  on  demand  without  inter 
est.  On  the  5th  of  August  a  supplemental  act  was  passed, 
authorizing  the  issue  in  denominations  as  low  as  five  dol 
lars,  and  making  these  notes  receivable  for  public  dues. 
They  were  required  to  be  signed  by  the  treasurer  and 
the  register,  or  by  some  persons  authorized  by  the  sec 
retary  to  sign  for  each  of  said  officers. 

As  soon  as  the  plates  could  be  engraved  and  the  notes 
printed,  a  force  of  clerks  was  detailed  to  sign  them,  and 
their  issue  commenced.  They  were  receivable  for  du 
ties,  and  therefore  almost  equivalent  in  value  to  gold ; 
they  were  used  in  payment  of  the  army  and  the  navy, 
and  of  other  pressing  obligations;  they  relieved  the 
wants  of  the  secretary  for  October  and  November  as 
fully  as  the  same  amount  in  coin ;  and  they  added  so 
much  to  the  circulating  money  of  the  country.  They 
were  of  the  same  size,  and  in  appearance  closely  resem 
bled  bank-notes. 

The  passage  of  the  legal-tender  act  of  February  25, 
1862,  which  required  the  payment  of  duties  in  coin,  in 
order  to  provide  the  gold  for  the  payment  of  the  inter 
est  upon  the  funded  debt,  made  it  necessary  to  redeem 
and  cancel  the  notes  so  issued,  because  as  long  as  they 
were  outstanding  they  would  take  the  place  of  an  equal 


298  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

amount  in  gold.  This  act  provided  for  their  immediate 
redemption  and  cancellation.  The  issue  began  in  Oc 
tober;  their  redemption  commenced  in  the  following 
March ;  after  which  they  were  not  reissued,  but  can 
celled  and  destroyed  as  fast  as  they  flowed  into  the 
Treasury.  The  whole  amount  authorized,  $60,000,000, 
was  issued,  and  after  twenty  -  eight  years,  on  the 
31st  of  May,  1890,  there  were  still  outstanding,  unre 
deemed,  of  these  notes,  $56,445.00,  or  about  one  tenth 
of  one  per  cent,  of  the  issue.  These  notes  acquired  the 
name  of,  and  have  always  been  known  as,  the  "  demand 
notes." 

An  incident  occurred  during  the  brief  period  of  their 
circulation  which,  for  a  few  hours,  occasioned  no  little 
anxiety  in  the  offices  of  the  treasurer  and  the  register. 
A  small  package  of  these  notes,  less  than  $100  in  value, 
which  were  apparently  unsigned,  was  presented  for  re 
demption.  They  were  not  of  consecutive  numbers,  but 
from  several  different  sheets.  If  any  were  issued  un 
signed,  it  indicated  an  irregularity,  and  possibly  a  loss, 
the  amount  of  which  could  not  be  ascertained.  I  was 
not  willing  to  concede  the  fact  without  further  investi 
gation.  The  two  names  of  the  clerks  who  were  deputed 
to  sign  for  the  treasurer  and  register  were  the  only 
words  written  on  the  face  of  the  notes.  Upon  examin 
ing  them  with  a  powerful  glass,  I  could  trace  on  the  sur 
face  the  whole  signatures,  although  every  particle  of  the 
ink  had  disappeared.  Fortunately,  the  person  who  pre 
sented  them  for  payment  was  known.  He  was  sent  for, 
and  proved  to  be  a  soldier  who  had  received  the  notes 
from  the  paymaster.  I  asked  him  whether  he  had  sub 
mitted  them  to  any  manipulation.  He  replied  that  he 
had  carried  them  in  a  money-belt  upon  his  person  through 
a  campaign  through  the  swamps  of  Carolina.  They  had 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  299 

been  saturated  with  perspiration,  with  rain,  fogs,  and 
other  moisture  many  times,  and  this  usage  had  obliter 
ated  the  signatures.  This  discovery  did  more  than  re 
lieve  our  anxiety.  It  effectually  disposed  of  the  claim 
that  the  written  signature  was  any  check  against  fraud 
or  forgery,  so  that  when  the  legal-tender  notes  were  un 
der  consideration  it  was  decided  that  all  the  signatures 
should  be  engraved. 

The  same  act  of  July,  18G1,  authorized  the  issue  of 
Treasury  notes  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  seven  and 
three  tenths  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  three  years 
from  their  date.  The  rate  of  interest,  equal  to  one  cent 
on  $50  for  every  day,  would,  it  was  hoped,  from  its  con 
venience  of  computation,  give  these  notes  some  circula 
tion  as  currency.  This  hope  was  not  realized,  and  these 
notes  belong  to  the  investment  rather  than  the  currency 
issues  of  the  Treasury.  They  were  known  by  the  name 
of  "  seven-thirties  "  from  their  rate  of  interest. 

The  suspension  of  specie  payment  by  the  banks  in 
December,  1861,  caused  a  disappearance  of  the  gold  and 
silver  coins  from  circulation  with  marvellous  celerity. 
They  seemed  to  vanish  in  a  day ;  probably  into  the  pri 
vate  hoards  of  the  people,  since  the  specie  of  the  banks 
failed  to  show  any  considerable  increase.  War  existed, 
no  one  could  predict  the  future,  the  thrift  and  caution 
of  the  people  led  them  to  lay  something  aside  which 
could  not  lose  its  purchasing  power.  They  hastened  to 
lay  hold  of  these  coins,  and  secrete  them  where  they 
could  be  found  when  other  means  of  subsistence  failed. 

The  scarcity  of  these  coins  produced  great  inconven 
ience  in  business.  It  became  almost  impossible  to  make 
change  in  the  ordinary  purchases  from  dealers  and  mer 
chants.  Shinplasters  began  to  make  their  appearance 
to  supply  the  deficiency.  In  the  rebellious  states  these 


300  KECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

were  not  only  issued  by  individuals  and  private  corpora 
tions,  but  by  states,  counties,  cities,  towns,  and  all  other 
municipal  corporations.  A  collection  of  these  rebel  shin- 
plasters,  upon  all  kinds  of  paper,  from  white  writing  to 
brown  wrapping,  would  now  be  an  interesting  memento 
of  the  war,  but  in  a  pecuniary  sense  absolutely  worth 
less. 

The  credit  of  devising  a  lawful  and  adequate  remedy 
for  this  inconvenience  belongs  to  General  Francis  E.  Spin 
ner,  Treasurer  of  the  United  States.  He  found  it  impos 
sible  to  facilitate,  as  he  desired  to  do,  the  payment  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors,  and  to  conduct  the  business  of  the 
Treasury  with  the  small  coins  at  his  command.  He 
therefore  arranged  with  the  Post-office  Department  to 
redeem  in  Tinused  stamps  such  postage-stamps  as  might 
be  used  for  currency.  In  a  short  time  his  department 
manufactured  and  introduced  a  new  issue.  All  the  de 
nominations  were  of  uniform  size.  A  piece  of  paper, 
with  one  stamp  pasted  on  it,  was  five  cents ;  one  with 
two  stamps,  ten  cents ;  five  stamps,  twenty -five  cents ; 
and  ten  stamps,  fifty  cents.  In  this  way,  at  the  cost  of 
a  little  labor,  a  considerable  amount  of  small  change  was 
manufactured.  This  currency  became  so  popular  that, 
instead  of  using  stamps,  plates  were  engraved  for  each 
denomination,  in  imitation  of  the  manufactured  notes, 
the  impressions  from  which  had  the  same  legal  qualities 
and  were  used  for  the  same  purposes.  These  impressions 
were  called  the  "postage  currency."  They  were  after 
wards  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17,  1862,  which  di 
rected  the  secretary  to  furnish  to  the  assistant  treasu 
rers  "  the  postage  and  other  stamps  of  the  United  States, 
to  be  exchanged  by  them  on  application  for  United  States 
notes."  These  stamps  were  receivable  in  payment  of  all 
dues  to  the  United  States  of  less  than  five  dollars,  and 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  301 

could  be  exchanged  for  United  States  notes  when  pre 
sented  in  sums  of  not  less  than  five  dollars.  The  same 
act  put  an  end  to  the  further  issue  of  shinplasters,  by 
making  the  issue  or  circulation,  by  private  persons  or 
corporations,  of  notes  or  tokens  for  less  than  one  dollar, 
punishable  by  fine  and  imprisonment. 

Although  it  did  not  come  under  my  notice  at  the  time, 
it  appears  from  articles  by  Mr.  C.  Gregory,  in  the  Phi 
latelic  Journal,  in  the  year  1888,  that  there  was  prepared, 
and  there  have  been  recently  submitted  to  me,  specimens 
of  an  ingenious  device  for  utilizing  postage  stamps  as 
currency.  It  was  invented  by  Mr.  J.  Gault,  of  New  York 
city,  and  was  patented  in  August,  1862.  It  consisted  in 
encasing  the  stamp,  with  a  thin  sheet  of  mica  covering  its 
face,  in  a  sheet  of  copper,  neatly  turned  over  its  edges,  and 
the  mica  cover,  in  the  form  of  a  circular  plaque,  having 
the  dimensions  of  the  ordinary  twenty-five-cent  piece.  To 
hold  the  stamp  more  firmly  in  place,  side-pieces  of  cop 
per  were  added,  which  were  turned  over  a  small  portion 
of  the  face  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  interfere  with  its 
legibility,  the  denomination  being  plainly  visible.  The 
stamp  thus  encased  could  be  carried  in  the  pocket,  and 
had  all  the  conveniences,  and  almost  the  durability,  of 
a  copper  coin.  Trading  and  business  firms  were  quick 
to  appreciate  its  advantages.  By  stamping  their  busi 
ness  card,  or  any  other  legend  of  the  firm,  in  the  copper 
which  covered  the  reverse  of  the  stamp,  it  was  made  to 
serve  as  an  advertisement.  Its  value  as  an  advertise 
ment  was  sufficient  to  pay  the  considerable  expense  of 
encasing  the  stamp. 

But  for  the  act  of  March  3,  1863,  which  prohibited 
the  use  of  these  and  all  similar  devices,  the  encased  stamp 
must  have  had  a  considerable  circulation.  According 
to  Mr.  Gregory,  Mr.  Gault  received  so  many  orders  for 


302  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

them  that  he  could  not  supply  the  demand,  although  his 
shop  was  in  operation  night  and  day.  He  encased  the 
eight  denominations,  from  one  cent  to  ninety  cents  each. 
It  is  of  some  interest,  as  showing  the  actual  demands  of 
commerce  for  fractional  coins,  to  know  that  more  of  the 
one-cent  value  were  ordered  than  of  all  the  others ;  the 
three  cent  came  next ;  those  of  five  cents  and  ten  cents 
taking  third  and  fourth  places.  Thirty  cents  was  the 
highest  denomination  ordered,  and  these  only  by  one 
firm.  A  very  small  number  of  the  denomination  of 
ninety  cents  were  made,  and  sold  as  specimens,  which 
are  now  extremely  rare. 

These  stamps  were  ordered  by  firms  in  the  retail  dry- 
goods,  grocery,  jewellery,  and  other  trades,  insurance 
companies,  owners  of  hotels,  wine-stores,  restaurants,  and 
proprietary  articles,  more  in  number  being  required  for 
the  latter  than  for  all  the  other  trades  combined.  They 
were  ordered  by  one  firm  of  private  bankers  located  in 
Montreal.  They  appear  to  have  been  circulated  in  New 
York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Detroit,  Chicago,  Cincinnati, 
and  several  smaller  Northern  cities. 

It  is  also  of  interest  that  the  limited  use  of  this  device 
should  be  known  and  preserved.  I  therefore  describe 
the  specimen  now  before  me,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to 
Mr.  Charles  Gregory.  It  is  the  form  in  which,  I  think, 
stamps  will  be  used  as  currency,  if  the  restrictive  act 
should  be  repealed  and  the  necessity  hereafter  arise. 
The  stamp  is  the  blue  one-cent  stamp  of  the  time,  with 
the  engraved  head  of  Franklin,  over  which  are  the  words 
"  U.  S.  Postage,"  under  it  the  words  "  One  Cent."  Over 
the  face  is  a  thin  sheet  of  colorless  mica,  so  transparent 
that  its  presence  is  not  apparent  to  the  eye.  The  cop 
per  covering,  or  frame,  covers  the  reverse,  the  circular 
periphery,  a  space  a  sixty-fourth  of  an  inch  wide,  around 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  303 

the  face,  with  two  oval  side-pieces  extending  a  fourth  of 
an  inch  towards  the  centre.  Stamped  in  the  reverse  of 
the  copper  frame  is  the  advertisement  of  a  proprietary 
article,  and  under  that  the  words  "Pat.  Aug.  12,  1862. 
J.  Gault." 

The  convenience  of  the  postage  currency  was  great, 
and  the  amount  called  for  increased  to  an  extent  which 
became  troublesome  to  the  Post-office  Department,  and 
the  secretary  decided  to  take  it  into  the  Treasury,  where 
it  legitimately  belonged.  Accordingly  an  act  was  passed 
which  suspended  its  further  issue,  and  substituted  in  its 
place  currency  of  another  description. 

The  act  of  March  3,  1863,  authorized  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  issue  "  fractional  notes,"  in  such  form  as 
he  deemed  expedient,  in  lieu  of  postage  and  revenue 
stamps  and  of  the  fractional  notes  commonly  called 
postage  currency,  and  to  provide  for  the  engraving, 
preparation,  and  issue  thereof  in  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  building.  Such  notes  were  exchangeable  for  Treas 
ury  notes  in  sums  of  not  less  than  three  dollars,  were  re 
ceivable  for  postage  and  revenue  stamps  and  in  payment 
of  any  dues  to  the  United  States  less  than  five  dollars, 
and  were  redeemable  at  the  Treasury  under  regulations  to 
be  established  by  the  secretary.  The  amount  of  the  issue, 
including  postage  and  revenue  stamps  issued  as  currency, 
was  limited  to  $50,000,000. 

No  currency  issue  of  the  government  has  ever  accom 
plished  so  much  public  convenience  in  proportion  to  its 
amount  as  the  fractional  currency.  Its  use  was  uninter 
rupted  until  May  16, 1866,  when  the  coining  of  five-cent 
pieces  of  copper  and  nickel  was  authorized,  the  further 
issue  of  fractional  notes  of  a  less  denomination  than  ten 
cents  was  prohibited,  and  the  five-cent  notes  outstanding 
were  directed  to  be  redeemed  and  cancelled.  The  act  of 


304  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  14th  of  January,  1875,  authorized  the  coinage  of  sil 
ver  coins  of  the  value  of  ten,  twenty-five,  and  fifty  cents, 
to  be  issued  in  redemption  of  the  fractional  currency 
until  the  whole  of  it  was  redeemed.  The  whole  amount 
issued,  including  the  reissues  in  the  place  of  worn  and 
mutilated  notes,  has  reached  the  enormous  aggregate  of 
§368,724,079.45.  In  other  words,  the  amount  author 
ized  of  §50,000,000  has  been  reissued  more  than  seven 
times.  The  act  of  June  21,  1879,  provided  for  the  re 
demption  of  the  fractional  currency  then  outstanding 
with  any  money  in  the  Treasury,  and  for  its  destruc 
tion.  Under  this  act  there  was  carried  into  the  state 
ment  of  the  public  debt,  as  fractional  currency  lost  or 
destroyed,  §8,375,934.  This  amount  has  proved  far  be 
low  the  actual  loss  or  destruction.  On  the  31st  of  May, 
1890,  after  making  this  deduction,  the  amount  still  out 
standing  was  $6,912,010.97.  Of  this  amount  it  is  safe 
to  assume  that  seventy  per  cent.,  or  $4,838,407,  has  been 
so  far  lost  that  it  will  not  be  presented  for  redemption. 
There  is  thus  shown  a  clear  profit  to  the  United  States 
on  the  issue  of  the  fractional  currency  of  more  than 
$13,000,000,  or  more  than  twenty-six  per  cent,  of  the 
$50,000,000  to  which  the  issue  at  any  one  time  was  lim 
ited. 

Why  has  this  large  proportion  failed  to  be  returned 
for  redemption  ?  The  answer  is  necessarily  speculative. 
Collectors  of  stamps  and  other  memorabilia  of  the  epoch 
have  absorbed  some  of  it.  But  it  has  happened,  in  the 
experience  of  many,  that  each  has  become  possessed  of 
a  fractional  note  so  worn  or  mutilated  that  it  was  de 
clined  by  the  person  to  whom  he  offered  it.  The  name 
of  the  person  from  whom  he  received  it  was  forgotten, 
the  amount  was  too  small  to  pay  for  the  trouble  of 
sending  it  to  Washington  for  redemption;  he  laid  it 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  305 

aside  in  some  corner  of  his  pocket-book,  where  it  re 
mained  to  be  further  worn,  until,  tired  of  seeing  it,  he 
at  length  threw  it  away.  Such  has  been  my  own  expe 
rience.  It  has  been  multiplied  by  that  of  others,  possi 
bly  in  instances  numerous  enough  to  account  for  the 
loss. 

If  the  public  convenience  were  alone  in  question,  there 
would  be  a  reissue  of  the  fractional  currency.  It  was, 
and  would  still  be,  universally  preferred  to  small  silver 
coins.  So  long  as  it  could  be  had  in  a  cleanly  condition, 
institutions  were  willing  to  incur  expense  to  obtain  it, 
especially  for  their  lady  customers.  If  the  silver,  instead 
of  being  coined,  could  be  deposited  in  some  out-of-the-wTay 
place  in  bars  too  heavy  for  asportation,  and  the  cost  of 
coinage  applied  to  the  cost  of  issuing  fractional  currency, 
the  public  would  be  better  accommodated,  and  the  silver 
bars  could  rest  undisturbed  until  some  convulsion  should 
subvert  all  existing  financial  conditions. 

There  was  much  complaint  at  the  time,  and  the  repu 
tation  of  the  secretary  suffered,  from  his  persistence  in 
allowing  the  engraving,  printing,  and  complete  manu 
facture  of  the  white  paper  into  the  money  of  the  frac 
tional  currency,  ready  for  issue,  to  be  done  in  the  Bureau 
of  Engraving  and  Printing  without  any  oversight  or  su 
pervision.  The  bureau  itself  had  grown  from  nothing 
to  very  large  proportions,  as  an  annex  or  convenience  to 
the  office  of  the  secretary.  It  wTas  subject  to  none  of  the 
checks  which  the  Treasury  system  imposed  upon  other 
bureaus,  and  an  unauthorized  issue  of  currency  w^as  quite 
possible,  which  might  never  be  detected  if  it  were  not 
greater  than  the  percentage  of  notes  not  returned  for 
redemption.  There  was  so  much  criticism  of  the  secre 
tary's  action  that  he  appointed  a  commission,  which  re 
ported  the  danger,  and  earnestly  recommended  that  the 
20 


306  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

bureau  should  be  brought  under  the  general  Treasury 
regulations.  But  no  change  was  made  by  Secretary 
Chase.  His  view  of  the  matter  was,  that  naked  steal 
ing  could  not  be  prevented  by  checks ;  that  confidence 
must  be  reposed  in  somebody;  and  it  was  safer  to 
trust  one  man  than  a  great  number.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  his  successor,  Mr.  Fessenden,  was  to  comply  with 
the  recommendations  of  the  commission.  Since  that 
time  checks  have  been  added  which  now  make  the  bu 
reau  safe,  and  render  any  fraud  as  nearly  impossible  as 
it  can  be  under  human  management. 

Justice  to  all  at  any  time  concerned  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing  requires 
the  statement  that  neither  investigation,  lapse  of  time, 
nor  the  subsequent  redemption  of  its  issues  has  produced 
any  evidence  whatever  of  fraud  or  wrong  in  that  bureau 
down  to  the  close  of  the  war.  On  the  contrary,  the  very 
large  amount  now  outstanding  indicates  that  there  has 
been  no  unauthorized  issue.  Such,  I  am  glad  to  know, 
is  the  opinion  of  experienced  officers  still  remaining  in 
the  department. 

There  is  an  act  of  Congress  which  prohibits  the  en 
graving  upon  any  of  the  Treasury  issues  of  any  portrait 
the  original. of  which  is  living.  It  originated  in  the  fact 
that  the  head  of  the  Bureau  of  Engraving,  in  1864,  placed 
his  own  portrait  upon  the  plate  of  the  five-cent  note. 
It  was  a  .presumptuous  act,  so  fiercely  denounced  by  the 
press  that  only  a  single  issue  from  the  plate  wras  made. 
To  prevent  its  repetition,  the  act  was  afterwards  passed. 
This  five-cent  note  is  much  sought  after  by  collectors, 
and  is  much  the  scarcest  of  the  Treasury  issues  during 
the  war. 

The  fight  of  legal  tender  had  been  wron,  and  won  on 
the  ground  stated  by  Thaddeus  Stevens  in  the  opening 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  307 

sentence  of  his  speech :  "  This  bill  is  a  measure  of  neces 
sity,  not  of  choice."  The  act  had  been  passed  and  ap 
proved.  We  could  issue  $150,000,000  in  currency  at 
once,  $60,000,000  would  pay  the  demand  notes,  leaving 
$90,000,000  to  pay  our  soldiers  and  carry  on  the  war 
for  some  months  to  come. 

We  had  also  gained  our  first  military  success.  Grant 
had  captured  forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  and  was  push 
ing  for  Nashville.  The  clouds  seemed  to  be  breaking 
away,  and  the  future  to  look  more  hopeful. 

I  was  therefore  surprised  when  one  afternoon,  late  in 
February,  1862,  President  Lincoln  entered  the  register's 
room  with  as  sad  a  look  as  I  ever  saw  upon  his  careworn 
face.  He  dropped  wearily  into  a  seat  he  had  previously 
chosen,  and  after  a  short  silence  exclaimed  : 

"  What  have  you  to  say  about  this  legal-tender  act  ? 
Here  is  a  committee  of  great  financiers  from  the  great 
cities  who  say  that,  by  approving  this  act,  I  have  wrecked 
the  country.  They  know  all  about  it — or  they  are  mis 
taken." 

"You  have  done  nothing  of  the  kind,"  I  said.  " The 
time  for  argument  has  passed.  Legal  tender  is  inevita 
ble.  The  gentlemen  you  mention  have  made  it  a  neces 
sity.  The  people  would  take  our  notes  without  the 
legal -tender  clause.  The  banks  and  the  copperheads 
will  not.  We  cannot  risk  the  country  in  their  hands. 
You  have  followed  your  own  good  judgment  in  signing 
the  act.  The  people  will  sustain  you  and  Secretary  Chase 
and  Congress." 

"  I  do  not  see  that  I  am  exclusively  responsible,"  he 
continued.  "  I  say  to  these  gentlemen, '  Go  to  Secretary 
Chase ;  he  is  managing  the  finances.'  They  persist, 
and  have  argued  me  almost  blind.  I  am  worse  off  than 
Saint  Paul.  lie  was  in  a  strait  betwixt  two.  I  am  in 


308  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

a  strait  betwixt  twenty,  and  they  are  bankers  and 
financiers." 

"You  are  right  in  signing  the  act."  I  said;  "that 
point  has  passed  debate." 

"!N"6w  that  is  just  where  my  mind  is  troubled,"  he 
continued.  "  We  owe  a  lot  of  money  which  we  cannot 
pay ;  we  have  got  to  run  in  debt  still  deeper.  Our  cred 
itors  think  we  are  honest,  and  will  pay  in  the  future. 
They  will  take  our  notes,  but  they  want  small  notes 
which  they  can  use  among  themselves.  So  far  I  see  no 
objection,  but  I  do  not  like  to  say  to  a  creditor  you 
shall  accept  in  payment  of  your  debt  something  that 
was  not  money  when  it  was  contracted.  That  doesn't 
seem  honest,  and  I  do  not  believe  the  Constitution  sanc 
tions  dishonesty." 

"No  more  do  I,"  I  replied.  "I  do  not  claim  that 
legal  tender  can  be  upheld  as  an  abstract  right  under 
the  Constitution.  But  self-preservation  is  a  right  higher 
than  the  Constitution.  We  are  warranted  in  making 
any  sacrifice  of  property  or  political  right  to  save  the 
Union.  Gold  and  silver  are  beyond  our  reach  ;  our  sol 
diers  must  be  paid  and  fed  and  clothed.  We  can  issue 
Treasury  notes,  and  circulate  them  as  currency.  It  is 
right  and  honest  that  we  should  give  them  the  quality 
of  legal  tender,  provided  we  return  to  specie  as  soon  as 
the  necessity  has  passed.  I  have  watched  the  debates 
in  Congress.  I  have  read  the  opinion  of  your  attorney- 
general.  There  are  those  who  hint  and  suggest  that 
legal  tender  is  provided  for  in  the  Constitution.  I  have 
read  no  speech  in  which  that  right  is  broadly  asserted. 
I  believe  it  safer  to  defend  our  position  on  the  ground 
of  necessity." 

"  I  understand  that  is  Chase's  ground,  though  he 
does  not  put  it  so  strongly.  We  shall  see.  We  will 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  309 

wait  to  hear  from  the  country  districts,  from  the  peo 
ple." 

He  again  relapsed  into  silence,  which  I  did  not  inter 
rupt.  Then  he  said,  "  When  the  old  monks  had  tired 
themselves  out  in  fighting  the  devil,  did  they  not  have 
places  to  which  they  retired  for  rest,  which  were  called 
retreats  ?" 

"  They  did,"  I  answered ;  "  though  I  understand  they 
were  for  spiritual  rather  than  bodily  recuperation." 

•  " I  think  of  making  this  office  one  of  my  retreats"  he 
said.  "It  is  so  quiet  and  restful  here.  Do  you  never 
get  discouraged  ?" 

"  I  shall  be  delighted  to  have  you,"  I  said,  ignoring 
his  question.  "  I  only  wish  I  could  say  of  it,  as  Father 
Prout  sang  of  the  Groves  of  Blarney, 

u  '  There's  gravel-walks  there  for  speculation, 
And  conversation  in  sweet  solitude.'  " 

"  Tell  me  more  of  that  ballad,"  he  exclaimed,  cheer 
ily.  "  I  like  its  jingle.  What  an  Irish  conceit  that  is— 
'  conversation  in  sweet  solitude?  r 

"  I  fear  I  cannot.  I  must  send  you  the  book.  I  only 
remember, 

"  '  There's  statues  gracing  this  noble  place  in, 

All  heathen  goddesses  so  fair, 
Bold  Neptune,  Plutarch,  and  Nicodaymus, 
A-standing  naked  in  the  open  air.'  " 

"  I  must  have  that  book  to-night,"  he  said.  "  A  good 
Irish  bull  is  medicine  for  the  blues." 

He  left  the  office  actually  to  the  sound  of  his  own 
musical  laugh.  He  sent  for  the  book — a  copy  of  Crof- 
ton  Croker's  "  Popular  Songs  of  Ireland."  It  is  before 
me  now ;  priceless  almost,  when  I  remember  that  it  once 
gave  Abraham  Lincoln  some  pleasure,  some  respite  from 
his  cares. 


310  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

I  have  several  reasons  for  this  prelude  to  a  sketch  of 
the  greenback.  It  suggests  what  every  American  ought 
to  know — that  it  was  resorted  to  in  a  very  dark  period 
of  the  war;  that  it  was  accepted  by  the  President  on 
his  faith  in  the  financial  policy  of  Secretary  Chase,  who 
advocated  it  not  as  a  constitutional  right  per  se,  but  as  a 
right,  like  the  proclamation  of  freedom  to  the  slaves, 
founded  upon  military  necessity.  The  story  may  possi 
bly  be  regarded  as  trivial,  but  it  tends  to  show  with 
what  intense  earnestness  the  President  bore  his  grave 
responsibilities,  and  that  he  seized  upon  an  amusing 
story  or  volume  because  it  diverted  him  for  the  mo 
ment,  and  strengthened  rather  than  weakened  his  ca 
pacity  for  his  graver  duties.  I  think  it  tends  also  to 
illustrate  the  simple  honesty  of  his  mind.  Had  Mr. 
Lincoln  been  preserved  to  the  republic,  I  do  not  believe 
that  the  question  of  legal  tender  would  have  been  car 
ried  into  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  The 
weight  of  his  influence,  never  so  powerful  as  on  the  day 
of  his  death,  would  have  been  thrown  in  favor  of  com 
mencing  the  retirement  of  the  legal-tender  notes  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  and  the  return  to  a  specie  basis  at  the 
earliest  date  consistent  with  prudence  and  discretion. 

A  "greenback"  is  a  statement  engraved  and  printed 
in  the  similitude  of  a  bank-note  that  "  the  United  States 
will  pay  to  the  bearer  -  -  dollars."  It  bears  on  its  face 
the  engraved  signatures  of  the  register  and  treasurer 
of  the  United  States ;  a  memorandum  that  it  is  issued 
under  the  act  of  March  3,  1863 ;  and  that  it  is  a  legal 
tender  for  -  -  dollars.  A  fac-simile  of  the  Treasury 
seal  is  printed  upon  it  in  red  ink  and  by  a  separate  im 
pression.  In  an  open  space  on  the  back  is  a  statement 
that  "  this  note  is  a  legal  tender  at  its  face  value  for  all 
debts,  public  or  private,  except  duties  on  imports  and 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  3H 

interest  on  the  public  debt,"  with  a  note  of  the  punish 
ment  denounced  against  its  counterfeiting  or  alteration. 
Originally  it  bore  a  certificate  of  its  right  to  be  convert 
ed  into  bonds  of  the  United  States,  bearing  interest  at 
the  rate  of  six  per  cent,  per  annum.  This  right  was 
withdrawn  by  the  act  of  March  3,  1863,  as  to  all  notes 
not  presented  for  exchange  before  the  1st  day  of  July  in 
that  year. 

The  greenback,  then,  is  the  naked  promise  of  the 
United  States  to  pay  the  bearer  a  certain  number  of 
dollars,  unsecured  except  by  the  national  credit,  without 
date  or  time  of  payment,  which,  for  all  ordinary  purposes, 
is  money,  equal  to  the  gold  and  silver  coins  authorized  by 
law. 

The  alteration  and  counterfeiting  of  bank-notes,  crimes 
almost  unknown  to  the  present  generation,  were  common 
when  the  state-bank  issues  existed.  The  bank-note  com 
panies  owned  a  patented  green  ink,  which  they  claimed 
was  a  protection  against  photography,  that  it  was  diffi 
cult  to  erase,  the  composition  of  which  was  a  secret  un 
known  to  the  criminal  classes.  Secretary  Chase  decided 
that  the  backs  of  the  legal-tender  notes  should  be  print 
ed  with  this  patented  green  ink,  giving  to  such  notes 
literally  green  backs.  The  soldiers,  quick  to  seize  upon 
an  appropriate  name,  on  the  first  visit  of  the  paymaster 
with  these  notes,  gave  them  the  name  of  "  greenbacks." 
This  name  was  universally  adopted,  and  became  as  per 
manent  as  the  notes  themselves. 

The  authority  for  the  issue  of  greenbacks  was  con 
ferred  by  three  acts  of  Congress,  passed  respectively 
on  February  25  and  July  11,  1862,  and  March  3,  1863. 
The  first  act  authorized  the  issue  of  §150,000,000 ;  but 
$60,000,000  of  these  were  to  be  in  lieu  of  the  860,000,000 
of  demand  notes  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17,  1861. 


312  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Each  of  the  other  acts  authorized  the  issue  of  $150,000,- 
000,  making  the  whole  amount  authorized  $450,000,000. 

The  largest  amount  of  greenbacks  outstanding  at  one 
time  was  on  the  3d  of  February,  1864,  less  than  one  year 
after  the  passage  of  the  last  act.  The  aggregate  then 
reached  Avas  $449,479,222,  or  within  a  little  more  than 
half  a  million  dollars  of  the  full  amount  authorized. 

The  act  of  June  30,  1865,  restricted  the  amounts  of 
greenbacks  issued  and  to  be  issued  to  $400,000,000,  and 
"  such  additional  sum,  not  exceeding  $50,000,000,  as  may 
be  temporarily  required  for  the  redemption  of  temporary 
loan"  (sic).  The  aggregate  in  circulation  on  the  31st  of 
August,  1865,  which  may  be  taken  as  the  close  of  the 
war,  was  $432,553,912,  and  on  the  1st  day  of  January, 
1866,  $425,839,313. 

This  large  amount,  however,  was  not  an  addition  of  so 
much  money  to  the  circulation  of  the  country.  Had  it 
been,  the  inflation  of  prices  and  the  activity  of  specula 
tion  would  have  been  greater.  The  net  increase  of  the 
circulating  money  at  any  time  during  the  war  would  re 
quire  a  computation  more  complicated  than  is  suited  to 
this  sketch.  It  may  be  mentioned,  however,  that  the 
circulation  of  the  state  banks,  estimated  in  the  loyal 
states  at  $150,000,000,  had  been  withdrawn,  and  that 
issued  to  national  banks  was  not  large  enough  to  take 
its  place.  The  difference  between  these  two  amounts, 
with  the  whole  amount  of  coin,  had  disappeared.  The 
outstanding  fractional  currency  must  be  added  to  the 
greenbacks,  and  the  loss  of  state  bank  circulation  and 
coin  deducted,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  net  increase.  It 
affected  values,  no  doubt,  but  probably  not  so  much,  as 
the  value  of  greenbacks  was  diminished  by  depriving 
them  of  the  right  of  exchange  into  interest  -  bearing 
bonds  under  the  act  of  March,  1863. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  313 

At  the  close  of  the  war  there  was  a  worthy  successor 
of  Secretary  Chase  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury.  Ke- 
publics  are  fortunate  which  in  periods  of  financial  diffi 
culty  are  able  to  secure  the  services  of  such  men  as  Sal 
mon  P.  Chase  and  Hugh  McCulloch.  We  had,  by  the 
bullet  of  the  assassin,  lost  the  potential  personality  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  His  secretary,  McCulloch,  in  the 
true  spirit  of  the  legal-tender  legislation,  as  soon  as  the 
necessity  had  passed,  turned  his  energies  towards  a  re 
turn  to  a  sound  specie  basis,  and  to  the  retirement  of  the 
greenbacks  as  the  first  and  proper  step  towards  that  de 
sirable  goal.  The  national  debt  had  then  reached  the 
gigantic  amount  of  more  than  §2,800,000,000.  To  form 
an  accurate  judgment  of  the  progress  of  which  the  re 
public  was  capable  when  it  was  relieved  of  the  incubus 
of  slavery  and  permitted  to  expand  under  the  influences 
of  peace ;  to  preserve  the  national  credit ;  to  provide  for 
and  pay  the  debt  due  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  who  had 
crushed  the  rebellion ;  and  promptly,  without  delay,  to 
lay  out  and  enter  upon  the  shortest  safe  road  to  specie 
payment,  required  not  only  a  man  able  to  comprehend 
the  financial  situation,  but  who  had  the  boldness  and 
courage  to  act  upon  his  convictions.  They  have  an  ex 
pression  on  the  Pacific  coast  which  conveys  a  world  of 
meaning.  They  say  of  a  man  who  has  shown  great  abili 
ties  wherever  he  has  been  placed  that  he  is  a  "scopy" 
man.  Secretary  McCulloch  was  evidently  a  " scopy" 
man.  In  his  first  report  to  Congress  after  the  close  of 
the  war,  on  the  4th  of  December,  1865,  he  declared  in 
plain  terms  that  the  legal-tender  acts  were  war  measures 
passed  in  a  great  emergency,  that  they  should  be  regard 
ed  only  as  temporary,  that  they  ought  not  to  remain  in 
force  a  day  longer  than  would  be  necessary  to  enable  the 
people  to  prepare  for  a  return  to  the  gold  standard,  and 


314  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

that  the  work  of  retiring  the  greenbacks  which  had  been 
issued  should  be  commenced  without  delay,  and  carefully 
and  persistently  continued  until  all  were  retired.  Such 
words  were  powerful  because  of  their  sense  and  justice. 
By  the  act  of  April  12,  1866,  Congress  authorized  the 
secretary  to  commence  the  withdrawal  of  the  green 
backs  from  circulation,  to  retire  $10,000,000  within  six 
months  from  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  thereafter  to 
continue  the  process  at  the  rate  of  $4,000,000  per  month. 
The  unanimity  with  which  the  secretary's  policy  was 
supported  was  shown  by  the  vote  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  on  the  passage  of  this  act.  There  were  144 
votes  in  the  affirmative,  and  only  6  in  the  opposition. 

Secretary  McCulloch  immediately  instituted  the  proc 
ess  of  retirement,  and  conducted  it  with  quiet  and  em 
inent  discretion.  By  the  end  of  the  year  1866  he  had 
reduced  the  greenbacks  outstanding  from  $425,000,000 
to  $380,000,000,  and  was  proceeding  quietly  to  continue 
the  process  at  the  rate  of  $4,000,000  per  month. 

But  suddenly  there  was  a  change  in  the  political  at 
mosphere.  A  multitude  of  impecunious  patriots,  scat 
tered  over  the  North  and  "West,  discovered  that  they 
were  being  oppressed  and  afflicted  beyond  endurance  by 
the  contraction  of  the  currency.  They  made  the  coun 
try  resound  with  their  moanings  of  distress.  The  specu 
lators  of  the  "bull"  party  joined  in  the  cry.  Together 
they  organized  a  political  party  called  the  Greenback 
Party.  It  attracted  the  same  class  of  recruits  that  went 
down  to  David  in  the  cave  of  Adullam.  Every  one  that 
was  in  distress  and  every  one  that  was  in  debt  and  every 
one  that  was  discontented  joined  the  party,  and' began 
to  cry  out  with  a  loud  voice  against  contraction,  against 
the  dreadful  tyranny  of  Secretary  McCulloch.  Then  it 
was  that  the  republic  wanted  Abraham  Lincoln.  Had 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  315 

he  been  alive  to  support  his  secretary,  there  would  have 
been  no  such  weak  yielding  to  noisy  clamor  as  then  oc 
curred.  That  tower  and  stronghold  no  longer  existed. 
The  secretary  continued  his  work  until  he  had  reduced 
the  volume  of  the  greenbacks  to  §356,000,000,  when,  on 
the  4th  of  February,  1868,  Congress  suspended  further 
reduction.  The  amount  in  circulation  has  since  been 
subjected  to  some  variation,  in  1875  rising  as  high  as 
§382,000,000,  and  in  1879  being  reduced  below  §347,000,- 
000.  But  it  is  accurate  enough  for  all  practical  purposes 
to  say  that  since  the  suspension  in  1868,  a  term  of  more 
than  twenty-two  years  of  profound  peace,  the  amount  of 
legal-tender  notes  in  circulation  has  been  §356,000,000. 

If  the  republic  shall  again  be  involved  in  war  there 
are  many  facts  in  the  history  of  the  currency  issues  here 
briefly  described  which  will  be  useful  to  its  financial 
minister.  Secretary  Chase  had  no  experience  of  the 
past  for  his  guide.  The  Continental  currency  of  the 
Eevolution  was  made  a  legal  tender  by  state  laAvs  only. 
His  judgment  devised,  Congress  authorized,  and  the  peo 
ple  loyally  accepted  the  novelties  in  currency  to  which 
this  chapter  refers.  In  his  financial  policy  he  had  the 
confidence  and  the  support  of  President  Lincoln.  His 
policy  was  criticised ;  in  one  or  two  respects  it  may  have 
been  erroneous.  But  he  was  a  statesman  and  a  great 
financier.  He  was  stationed  at  the  weakest  point  in  the 
national  defences,  where  defeat  or  retreat  w^ould  have 
been  ruin.  He  preserved  the  credit  of  the  republic ;  he 
was  supported  by  a  patriotic  people  ;  and  by  his  admin 
istration  of  the  Treasury  he  fairly  earned  the  gratitude 
of  posterity. 


316  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XXXY. 

GRANT  AND  McCLELLAN. 

ONE  morning,  in  the  summer  of  1862,  there  was  a  pro 
cession  in  the  streets  of  Washington.  It  passed  along 
Fifteenth  Street  in  front  of  the  Treasury,  clown  the 
avenue,  turned  to  the  right,  and,  moving  over  the  long 
bridge  across  the  Potomac,  disappeared  among  the  hills 
of  Virginia.  It  was  led  by  four  b&y  horses  ;  they  were 
fine  animals,  matched  and  spirited.  Their  harnesses  and 
trappings  were  new  and  glossy,  but  plain,  and  furnished 
with  dark  trimmings.  They  were  driven  by  a  colored 
man  in  blue  livery.  On  the  seat  with  him  was  another 
man  of  color,  wearing  a  similar  livery.  The  horses  were 
harnessed  to  a  four-wheeled  vehicle  called  a  box- wagon ; 
i.  e.,  a  wagon  the  body  of  which  was  an  oblong  box 
about  six  feet  wide  and  high,  and  eight  or  nine  feet  in 
length.  The  running-gear  and  box  were  painted  a  dark- 
brown  color,  and  varnished  so  that  they  shone  in  the  rays 
of  the  morning  sun.  Twenty-four  other  wagons  fol 
lowed,  each  a  duplicate  of  the  first.  Each  had  its  col 
ored  driver  and  attendant  in  uniform,  and  each  was 
drawn  by  four  matched,  spirited  bay  horses.  On  the 
sides  of  each  box,  in  large  gold  letters,  was  the  inscription 
in  three  lines : 

"  Baggage. 

Headquarters 

Army  of  the  Potomac." 

These  one  hundred  matched  horses,  fifty  attendants, 
and  twenty-five  wagons  constituted  the  train  provided 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION. 

to  transport  the  baggage  of  General  George  B.  McClel- 
lan,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  his  staff.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  this  army 
was  perfect  in  its  organization.  This  train  for  use  at 
headquarters  was  the  only  part  of  it  I,  personally,  saw. 
If  the  army  was  as  well  provided  for  as  its  general,  this 
statement  was  incontrovertible. 

I  remember  another  morning  in  Washington.  It  was 
in  the  early  days  of  spring,  and  I  was  living  at  Willard's. 
The  outlook  was  discouraging,  and  occurrences  in  the 
Treasury  had  been  very  depressing  to  friends  of  the 
Union.  I  had  risen  early,  had  left  my  room  before 
dawn,  and,  seated  by  a  window  which  overlooked  the 
avenue,  in  the  main  office,  I  began  to  read  the  morning 
paper.  The  passengers  from  the  Western  trains  had  not 
yet  arrived.  The  gas-lights  were  turned  down,  and  that 
potentate,  the  hotel-clerk,  who  had  not  yet  put  on  his 
daily  air  of  omnipotence,  was  peacefully  sleeping  in  his 
cushioned  arm-chair.  Two  omnibuses  were  driven  to 
the  entrance  on  Fourteenth  Street,  with  the  railroad 
passengers  from  the  West.  The  crowd  made  the  usual 
rush  for  the  register;  the  clerk  condescended  to  open 
his  eyes  and  assign  them  rooms  on  the  upper  floor  (there 
was  no  elevator),  as  though  he  felt  an  acute  pleasure  in 
compelling  them  to  make  the  ascent,  and  for  a  few  mo 
ments  there  was  bustle  and  confusion.  It  was  soon 
over ;  the  clerk  resumed  his  arm-chair,  closed  his  eyes, 
and  his  weary  soul  appeared  to  be  at  rest. 

There  were  two  passengers  who  did  not  appear  to  be 
in  such  frantic  haste.  One  was  a  sunburned  man  of 
middle  age,  who  wore  an  army  hat  and  a  linen  duster, 
below  which,  where  a  small  section  of  his  trousers  were 
visible,  I  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  narrow  stripe  of  the 
army  uniform.  He  held  the  younger  traveller,  a  lad 


318  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

of  ten  years,  by  the  hand,  and  carried  a  small  leather 
bag. 

As  they  modestly  approached  the  counter,  the  tem 
porary  lord  of  that  part  of  creation,  without  deigning  to 
rise  from  his  chair,  gave  the  register  a  practised  whirl, 
so  that  the  open  page  was  presented  to  the  elder  travel 
ler,  observing  as  he  did  so,  "  I  suppose  you  will  want  a 
room  together." 

He  named  a  room  with  a  high  number,  gave  the  usual 
call  "Front!"  while  the  guest  proceeded  to  write  his 
name  without  making  ai^y  observation.  The  clerk  re 
moved  the  pen  from  behind  his  ear ;  gave  another  whirl 
to  the  register,  and  was  about  to  enter  the  number  of 
the  room,  when — he  was  suddenly  transfixed  as  with  a 
bolt  of  lightning !  His  imperial  majesty  became  a  ser 
vile  menial,  thoroughly  awake,  and  ready  to  grovel  be 
fore  the  stranger.  He  bowed,  scraped,  twisted,  wriggled. 
"  He  begged  a  thousand  pardons ;  the  traveller's  arrival 
had  been  expected — parlor  A,  on  the  shady  side  of  the 
house,  the  very  best  apartment  in  the  hotel,  had  been 
prepared  for  his  reception — it  was  on  the  first  floor,  only 
one  flight  of  stairs !  Might  he  be  allowed  to  relieve  him 
of  his  travelling  convenience'!*"  and  the  lordly  creature 
actually  disappeared  up  the  stairway,  like  Judas,  carry 
ing  the  bag. 

My  curiosity  was  excited  to  ascertain  who  it  was  that 
had  wrought  such  a  sudden  transformation.  I  walked 
to  the  counter,  and  there  read  the  last  entry  on  the  reg 
ister.  It  was  "  IT.  S.  Grant  and  son,  Galena,  111." 

It  was  the  name  of  the  General  of  the  Western  Army, 
who,  after  the  capture  of  Yicksburg  and  the  other  mighty 
victories  in  the  division  of  the  Mississippi,  had  been  called 
to  the  capital,  to  receive  his  commission  of  lieutenant- 
general,  and  to  become  commander -in -chief  of  all  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  319 

armies  of  the  republic.  He  was  on  his  first  visit  to 
Washington,  for  what  purpose  I  did  not  then  know ;  but 
I  have  ever  since  been  glad  that  I  witnessed  the  simple 
and  unostentatious  manner  in  which  the  commander  of 
two  hundred  thousand  men  indicated  his  arrival  at  the 
capital. 

I  depart  from  my  purpose  of  writing  only  conversa 
tions  with  the  President  when  I  was  present,  to  mention 
an  interview  between  General  Grant  and  the  President, 
which  preceded  the  advance  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
in  the  spring  of  IS 64.  The  account  was  given  to  me  on 
the  day,  or  day  but  one,  after  the  conversation  took  place, 
by  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  who  was  present  at 
the  interview,  and  whose  veracity  is  beyond  question. 

The  senator  was  with  the  President  when  General 
Grant  was  announced.  After  a  few  observations  upon 
genera]  subjects,  he  said  that  as  that  was  his  last  day  in 
Washington  for  the  time,  he  was  unwilling  to  leave  the 
city  until  he  had  thanked  the  President  for  his  compli 
ance  with  every  wish  he  had  expressed.  He  said  the 
President  had  given  him  all  that  he  had  asked  for,  and 
consequently  if  the  campaign  should  not  prove  a  suc 
cessful  one,  its  failure  could  not  be  charged  to  any  neg 
lect  or  omission  of  President  Lincoln's.  He  added  that 
he  was  satisfied  with  the  army,  its  discipline,  and  its 
officers,  and  that  he  did  not  believe  a  better  army  was 
ever  organized. 

The  President  was  pleased  by  the  general's  remarks, 
and  cordially  thanked  him  for  his  thoughtfulness  in 
making  his  parting  call. 

"  I  have  thought  much,"  he  said,  u  about  this  army. 
I  always  do  think  much  about  every  army,  particularly 
when  it  is  about  to  open  a  campaign.  I  look  upon  this 
campaign  as  of  great  importance,  and  hope  it  may  prove 


320  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

decisive.  I  have,  therefore,  tried  to  think  of  all  the 
wants  of  this  army,  and,  as  far  as  it  is  in  my  power,  to 
cause  them  to  be  provided  for.  I  can  only  act  through 
others,  with  some  of  whom,  it  is  charged,  I  have  not 
much  influence.  It  pleases  me  to  know  that  in  this  in 
stance  my  directions  appear  to  have  been  carried  out." 

"  Now,  there  is  one  subject,"  continued  the  President, 
"  which  I  ought  to  mention  to  you.  Heretofore  we  have 
always  had  to  provide  a  large  amount  of  transportation 
on  the  river,  in  connection  with  the  advance  of  this 
army — enough  in  the  event  of  defeat  to  transfer  the 
whole  army  to  the  north  bank  of  the  Potomac.  This 
time  I  have  heard  nothing  said  about  transportation. 
Have  you  provided  it  ?  and  have  you  a  sufficient  num 
ber  of  vessels  ?" 

"I  think  so,"  answered  the  general.  "We  have  a 
good  many  vessels — more,  I  think,  than  will  be  needed 
if  the  army  is  compelled  to  cross  the  river.  I  do  not 
intend  any  reflection  upon  the  past/'  he  continued, 
"  either  upon  the  army  or  its  generals,  but  I  have  an 
impression  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  has  never 
been  fought  up  to  its  capacity — until  its  military  effect 
iveness  was  exhausted.  This  time  it  will  be ;  and  if  it 
is  defeated,  its  numbers  will  be  so  reduced  that  it  will 
not  need  a  large  amount  of  transportation." 

The  senator  declared  that  it  was  quite  impossible  to 
describe  the  quiet  firmness  and  resolute  determination 
with  which  these  sentences  were  uttered.  The  President 
congratulated  the  general  upon  his  firmness  of  purpose, 
and  said  that  it  promised  as  great  victories  in  the  East 
as  had  been  gained  in  the  West. 

"The  country  should  be  cautioned,"  said  General 
Grant,  "  against  hoping  for  great  successes.  The  loyal 
and  the  rebel  armies,  East  and  West,  are  made  up  of 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  321 

men  of  the  same  races.  They  have  had  about  the  same 
experience  in  war.  Neither  can  justly  claim  any  great 
superiority  over  the  other  in  endurance,  courage,  or  dis 
cipline.  One  may  be  more  skilfully  handled  than  the 
other;  accidents  have  sometimes  Avon  victories  and 
caused  defeats.  But  where  two  such  armies  meet  on 
common  ground,  about  equal  in  numbers,  and  equally 
well  handled,  I  do  not  know  why  any  better  result 
should  be  expected  from  one  than  from  the  other.  In 
the  coming  campaign,  in  one  respect,  the  rebels  have  the 
advantage.  We  shall  be  in  their  territory,  with  which 
they  are  perfectly  familiar,  and  we  shall  be  upon  strange 
ground.  Their  arms  are  equal  to  ours,  they  claim  su 
perior  discipline  and  greater  endurance.  "While  I  hope 
and  expect  to  defeat  them,  I  do  not  know  why  this  war 
should  not  end  as  wars  generally  do,  by  the  exhaustion 
of  the  strength  and  resources  Of  the  weaker  party." 

I  cannot  tell  how  this  conversation  may  impress 
others.  At  the  time,  it  gave  me  entirely  new  views  of 
the  character  of  General  Grant,  and  greater  confidence 
in  his  ability  .as  a  military  leader.  Its  influence  was  the 
same  upon  the  limited  circle  to  which  it  was  communi 
cated  after  its  occurrence.  Had  he  not  touched  the  very 
point  and  centre  of  the  subject  ?  Was  it  not  true  that 
Lee  and  the  rebels  would  fight,  as  Montcalm  and  the 
French  did,  until  the  resources  of  the  country  were  com 
pletely  exhausted  \  If  so,  it  was  almost  idle  to  hope  for 
a  great  and  conclusive  victory.  The  chances  of  such  a 
result  were  not  as  good  as  they  were  at  Gettysburg  and 
Antietam,  where  the  rebel  army  was  in  peril  of  destruc 
tion  until  it  had  reached  the  south  bank  of  the  Potomac. 
In  this  campaign  General  Lee's  army  would  not  be  ex 
posed  to  any  such  risk  or  danger.  When,  a  few  days 
later,  battle  was  joined  in  the  Wilderness,  and  so  many 
21 


322  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

of  the  vessels  on  the  river  began  to  be  employed  in 
transporting  the  wounded  to  Washington ;  when  for  a 
week  there  were  no  despatches  from  General  Grant ; 
when  only  one  fact  seemed  assured — that  instead  of  re 
tiring,  as  it  always  had  before,  the  army  was  all  the 
time  advancing,  it  was  a  great  comfort  to  loyal  men 
to  recall  this  conversation,  and  to  feel  that  General 
Grant  had  measured  the  work  in  advance,  and  was  en 
gaged  in  its  performance  with  the  resolute  purpose  in 
dicated  by  the  interview.  His  despatch  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  of  the  llth  of  May,  in  the  light  of  that  conver 
sation,  seemed  to  be  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy — "We 
have  now  ended  the  sixth  day  of  very  heavy  fighting. 
The  result  to  this  time  is  much  in  our  favor.  Our  losses 
have  been  heavy  as  well  as  those  of  the  enemy.  I  think 
the  loss  of  the  enemy  must  be  greater.  ...  I  propose 
to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer." 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  323 


XXXYI. 

THE   CONFEDERATES  EXCHANGE   A   PARTY  OF   THEIR   PRISON 
ERS  OF  WAR. 

• 

I  AM  about  to  describe  a  visit  to  a  hospital,  which 
many  will  say  might  better  have  been  omitted.  All  who 
make  any  public  reference  to  such  scenes  are  charged 
with  intensifying  and  perpetuating  sectional  differences 
which  ought  to  have  ended  with  the  war,  and  which 
must  be  buried  out  of  memory  if  we  are  to  have  a  coun 
try  thoroughly  reunited.  But  does  not  the  truth  of  his 
tory  require  that  some  account  be  preserved  of  those 
melancholy  events  which  are  facts  as  essential  to  a  cor 
rect  record  of  the  war  as  its  less  repulsive  features  ? 

On  the  evening  of  the  3d  of  May,  1864,  the  President 
said  to  me,  "  Can  you  leave  your  office  for  to-morrow,  and 
go  over  to  Annapolis?" 

"  Certainly,"  I  replied,  "  with  the  permission  of  Secre 
tary  Chase." 

"  I  will  obtain  that  permission,"  said  the  President, 
"  or,  if  there  is  any  difficulty,  I  will  inform  you  so  that 
you  may  return  immediately.  A  party  of  about  four 
hundred  officers  and  men  out  of  rebel  prisons  arrived 
there  yesterday.  Their  condition  will  be  investigated 
by  Congress ;  but  that  will  take  time.  An  intelligent 
lady,  whom  you  know,  has  given  me  such  an  account  of 
their  sad  state  that  I  should  like  to  know  the  truth  at 
once  from  one  who  will  neither  exaggerate  nor  suppress 
any  of  the  facts.  Will  you  go  and  see  them  and  bring 
me  back  your  report  ?" 


324:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

I  promised  to  do  so.  He  seemed  unwilling  to  state 
what  had  been  the  report  of  the  lady  he  had  mentioned, 
for  he  appeared  to  think  that  her  sympathies  might 
have  influenced  her  judgment.  Still,  he  seemed  much 
disturbed,  and  some  expressions  fell  from  him  which  in 
dicated  that  his  own  sympathies  had  been  thoroughly 
aroused.  I  remarked  that  this  lady  had  a  clear  head, 
sound  judgment,  and  mucl*  experience  in  the  hospitals, 
and  that  it  was  very  improbable  that  she  should  be  de 
ceived  or  overcome  by  any  sentiment.  "  I  know  it,"  he 
said.  "  I  know  of  few  men  who  are  more  reliable.  Yet  she 
was  so  completely  overwhelmed  that  she  had  great  diffi 
culty  in  telling  her  story.  There  must  be  some  mistake 
about  it !  It  is  too  horrible !  too  horrible !  Yet  Stanton 
had  the  same  story,  and  believes  every  word  of  it." 

I  went  to  Annapolis  that  evening,  and  saw  in  the  hos 
pitals  a  memorable  spectacle  of  all  that  remained  of  a  party 
of  over  three  hundred  enlisted  men.  They  were  men  no 
longer — they  were  skeletons !  With  f e\v  exceptions  they 
were  Americans,  representing  almost  every  one  of  the 
loyal  states.  Their  minds  had  gone  with  their  strength. 
It  was  almost  impossible  to  get  an  intelligent  answer  to 
a  question  from  one  of  them.  I  asked  one  his  name. 
With  a  vacant,  wandering  expression  in  his  eyes  he  an 
swered,  "  I  guess  it  is  Mason !"  The  rags  in  which 
they  had  arrived  three  days  before  had  been  taken  from 
their  bodies  and  burned.  The  hair  had  been  shaved 
from  their  heads,  and  kind  hands  were  washing  the 
grime  from  the  spaces  between  their  festering  sores. 
Many  had  only  stumps  wrhere  their  fingers  and  toes  had 
been  frozen  off.  All  that  could  converse  told  the  same 
story.  They  had  been  robbed  of  their  blankets,  clothes, 
and  money,  and  then  left  on  Belle  Isle  in  the  winter 
storms  to  starve  and  die.  Their  destruction  was  well- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  325 

nigh  completed.  Eight  died  on  the  voyage.  The  sur 
geons  were  of  opinion  that  at  least  thirty-three  per  cent, 
of  them  had  no  chance  of  life,  and  that  the  recovery  of 
others  would  be  slow  and  painful. 

I  will  not  distress  myself  nor  the  reader  by  a  further 
description.  Those  who  doubt  the  facts  may  consult  Ke- 
port  67  of  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress. 
It  is  the  report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War,  written  by  Mr.  Gooch,  of  Massachusetts, 
a  clear-headed,  conservative  man.  Portraits  of  the  pa 
tients,  the  testimony  given  by  them,  and  scores  of  other 
reliable  witnesses,  seem  to  point  to  the  correctness  of 
the  conclusion  drawn  by  that  committee,  that  exposure 
and  starvation,  and  the  inhuman  practices  so  indicated, 
"  were  the  result  of  a  determination  by  the  rebel  author 
ities  to  reduce  our  soldiers  in  their  power  to  such  a 
condition  that  those  who  survive  shall  never  recover 
so  as  to  be  able  to  render  any  effectual  service  in  the 
field." 

The  horrors  of  Andersonville  and  Salisbury  came 
later.  They  were  farther  away,  and  the  proof  is  not  so 
overwhelming.  The  proportion  chargeable  to  Wirz  and 
Winder,  and  that  for  which  the  Confederate  authorities 
were  responsible,  may  not  in  this  world  be  known.  The 
conduct  of  these  wretches,  repeatedly  denounced  to  their 
superiors  by  the  more  humane  officers  of  the  Confeder 
acy,  upon  official  examination,  is  probably  not  to  be 
charged  to  any  direct  orders  from  the  rebel  authorities. 
In  the  case  of  the  poor  victims  at  Annapolis,  there  is 
less  excuse.  They  were  robbed  and  frozen  and  starved 
in  the  city  of  Richmond,  in  the  capital  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  under  the  very  windows  of  the  Executive  Man 
sion,  under  the  eye  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  rebel 
congress.  Scarcity  of  food,  fuel,  and  clothing  never  ex- 


326  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

isted  in  Richmond ;  they  were  abundant  at  the  collapse 
of  the  Confederacy  almost  a  year  later.  It  is  difficult  to 
find  excuse  or  apology  for  the  treatment  of  the  prison 
ers  at  Belle  Isle,  and  I  doubt  if  such  will  ever  be  at 
tempted. 

The  evidence  need  not  be  strained  in  order  to  extend 
the  responsibility  for  these  atrocities  to  others  than  the 
notoriously  guilty.  His  admirers  claim  that  no  part  of 
it  rests  upon  General  Lee,  and  as  we  have  no  record  that 
any  word  or  remonstrance  or  objection  ever  came  from 
him,  it  is  to  be  fervently  hoped  that  he  was  ignorant  of 
the  whole  damning  story. 

It  was  a  Boston  woman  of  wealth  and  culture  who 
went  with  me  from  cot  to  cot  during  the  visit  of  that 
evening.  In  the  preceding  forty-eight  hours  every  com 
fort  which  her  wealth  and  energy  could  procure  had  been 
provided  for  these  poor  sufferers  with  a  bountiful  hand. 
Even  their  dull  minds  seemed  to  recognize  in  her  the 
instrument  of  a  kind  Providence,  and  I  could  not  de 
termine  wrhether  their  tears  of  gratitude  or  hers  of  pity 
were  the  more  abundant.  I  did  not  see  them  at  their 
worst,  but  even  at  the  time  of  my  visit  the  scene  trans 
cended  description.  It  sickened  me;  and  the  recollec 
tion  of  its  sad  and  tragic  features  served  to  keep  sleep 
from  my  eyes  during  the-  greater  part  of  the  ensuing 
night. 

At  early  dawn  I  hurried  back  to  the  hospital  to  con 
vince  myself  that  my  imagination  had  exaggerated  the 
horrors  of  my  previous  visit.  But  no  such  result  ensued. 
Attendants  were  removing  those  who  during  the  night 
watches  had  forgotten  their  pains  and  should  remember 
their  miseries  no  more.  Death  had  harvested  seventeen 
victims. 

I  returned  to  Washington  by  the  earliest  train.     It 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  327 

was  scarcely  seven  o'clock  when  I  reached  the  Executive 
Mansion.  I  was  not  kept  waiting. 

"  Well  ?"  said  the  President,  as  he  entered  the  well- 
known  room,  with  a  world  of  interrogation  in  his  face. 

"Mr.  President,"  I  responded,  "all  the  way  from 
Annapolis  I  have  been  studying  the  formula  for  an  an 
swer  to  your  question.  It  is  useless !  You  would  like  to 
know  what  I  have  seen  ?  I  cannot  tell  you.  Imagine, 
if  you  can,  a  body  of  stalwart,  strong  men,  such  as  you 
may  see  in  any  of  our  camps,  robbed  of  their  money, 
blankets,  overcoats,  boots  and  clothing,  covered  with 
rags,  driven  like  foxes  into  holes  on  an  island,  exposed 
there  to  frost  and  cold  until  their  frozen  extremities 
drop  from  their  bleeding  stumps ;  fed  upon  husks,  such 
as  the  swine  in  the  parable  would  have  rejected,  until, 
by  exhaustion,  their  manhood  is  crushed  out,  their 
minds  destroyed,  and  their  bodies,  foul  with  filth  and 
disease,  are  brought  to  the  very  borders  of  the  grave, 
which  will  close  upon  more  than  half  of  them,  and  you 
may  get  some  faint  conception  of  what  may  be  seen  at 
Annapolis.  But  it  will  be  very  faint.  The  picture  can 
not  be  comprehended  even  when  it  is  seen !" 

"  Can  such  things  be  possible  ?"  he  exclaimed,  "  and 
you  are  the  fourth  who  has  given  me  the  same  account ! 
I  cannot  believe  it !  There  must  be  some  explanation 
for  it.  The  Richmond  people  are  Americans — of  the 
same  race  as  ourselves.  It  is  incredible !" 

"  No,  no !"  I  exclaimed,  "  I  saw  these  poor  unfortu 
nates  last  evening.  I  went  again  this  morning  to  find 
something  which  would  relieve  the  horror  of  the  first 
impression.  I  did  not  find  it.  I  have  conversed  with 
men  who  know  that  they  are  dying,  and  that  they  have 
been  brought  to  the  very  edge  of  their  open  graves  by 
neglect.  They  all  tell  the  same  story,  and  but  one  con- 


323  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

elusion  is  possible.  A  frightful  weight  of  responsibility 
and  guilt  rests  upon  the  authorities  at  Richmond  for 
these  crimes  against  humanity !" 

"  I  feel  all  your  sympathy,"  he  said ;  "  nothing  has 
occurred  in  the  war  which  causes  me  to  suffer  like  this. 
I  know  it  seems  impossible  to  account  for  the  treatment  of 
these  poor  fellows,  except  on  the  theory  that  somebody 
is  guilty.  But  the  world  will  be  slow  to  believe  that  the 
Confederate  authorities  intend  to  destroy  their  prisoners 
by  starvation.  We  should  be  slow  to  believe  it  our 
selves.  It  must  be  that  they  have  some  claim  of  excuse ! 
"Why,  the  Indians  torture  their  prisoners,  but  I  never 
heard  that  they  froze  them  or  starved  them  !" 

"  It  seems  to  me,"  I  said,  "  that  a  parallel  to  these 
cruelties  would  be  hard  to  find  even  in  the  conduct  of 
the  Spaniards  towards  the  Indians  of  Central  and  South 
America,  which  Las  Casas  so  graphically  sets  before  us." 

"And  yet  we  may  not  know  all  the  facts,  the  whole 
inside  history.  They  may  have  excuses  of  which  we 
know  nothing,"  said  the  President. 

"Make  the  case  your  own,"  I  persisted.  " Washing 
ton  is  larger  than  Richmond ;  your  duties  are  quite  as 
absorbing  as  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis.  Could  Con 
federate  prisoners  of  war  be  dying  by  hundreds  of  ex 
posure  and  starvation  on  an  island  in  the  Potomac,  be 
tween  this  city  and  Alexandria,  and  you  not  know  it  ? 
Why,  the  newsboys  in  the  streets  would  publish  it,  and 
the  authorities  could  not  remain  ignorant  of  it  if  they 
were  deaf  and  dumb." 

"  Well,  well !"  he  said,  "  you  have  the  best  of  the  ar 
gument,  I  admit.  But  do  me  a  favor.  Retain  your  opin 
ions,  if  you  must,  but  say  nothing  about  them  at  present, 
until  we  are  compelled  to  make  the  charge,  until  there  is  no 
alternative,  and  the  world  is  forced  to  think  as  we  do." 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  329 

"  I  will  do  as  you  request,"  I  responded,  "  but  we  can 
not  control  our  judgments.  It  is  plain  where  the  re 
sponsibility  of  these  enormities  should  rest,  and  condem 
nation  of  those  who  permitted  them  must  follow  from 
any  right-minded  and  humane  person." 

The  President's  face  wore  that  sad  expression  which 
I  have  so  often  referred  to,  as  he  said,  "  Let  us  hope  for 
the  best !  We  shall  have  enough  to  answer  for  if  we 
survive  this  war.  Let  us  hope,  at  least,  that  the  crime 
of  murdering  prisoners  by  exposure  and  starvation  may 
not  be  fastened  on  any  of  our  people." 


330  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 


XXXVII. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  STORY  OF   DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

THE  story  of  Daniel  "Webster's  school-days,  as  related 
by  Mr.  Lincoln,  was  imperfectly  given  by  Mr.  B.  F. 
Carpenter,  the  artist,  in  his  anecdotes  and  reminiscences 
appended  to  Raymond's  "  Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,"  published  soon  after  his  assassina 
tion.  The  value  of  the  story  as  an  interesting  illustra 
tion  of  certain  qualities  in  the  President's  character 
depends,  in  a  great  degree,  upon  the  circumstances  under 
which  it  was  told.  These  are  in  part  omitted,  and  in 
part  misdescribed,  in  the  published  account.  The  fol 
lowing  is  a  correct  version,  as  I  can  affirm  from  personal 
knowledge : 

The  colored  people,  from  the  hour  of  his  inauguration, 
regarded  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  promised  saviour  of  their 
race.  Their  faith  in  his  wisdom  and  power  was  un 
bounded.  It  was  most  fully  expressed  -in  their  churches 
and  religious  services  by  a  singular  combination  of  rev 
erence  and  trust.  They  had  no  doubt  whatever  of  his 
ability  to  set  them  free,  and  that  he  would  do  so  when 
ever  i.t  was  to  their  advantage  that  the  blessing  of  free 
dom  should  be  bestowed.  They  were  content  to  wait 
until  that  time  arrived.  Their  duty,  as  impressed  by 
their  ministers,  was  to  prepare  themselves  for  the  great 
impending  change  in  their  condition,  by  learning  to  read 
and  write,  and  by  leading  good  and  honest  lives.  When 
ever  Mr.  Lincoln's  name  was  mentioned,  or  when  they 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  331 

saw  him.  or  heard  him  speak,  they  exhibited  much  the 
same  reverence  as  we  may  imagine  was  shown  by  sin 
cere  believers  at  the  sight  of  the  Saviour  of  men. 

In  May,  1862,  there  was  a  Sunday-school  celebration 
of  the  colored  children  of  Washington.  The  bright 
contrasts  of  striking  colors  of  which  the  race  is  so  fond, 
with  their  genius  for  display,  enabled  the  parents  to 
dress  and  arrange  their  children  in  a  procession  of  a 
memorable  character  at  a  small  expense.  The  young, 
black,  merry  faces,  the  simple  dresses  of  wrhite  with  a 
red  shawl  or  sash  worn  over  them  with  native  grace,  the 
girls  carrying  bouquets  of  crimson  roses,  and  the  boys 
waving  colored  banners,  arranged  in  a  procession,  with 
their  teachers  and  parents  walking  solemnly  by  their  side, 
all  occupied  in  a  vain  effort  to  suppress  their  enthusiasm, 
was  a  pleasant  picture  to  behold.  The  procession  was 
a  long  one,  and  must  have  comprised  most  of  the  colored 
children  in  the  city.  It  was  the  season  of  flowers,  and 
the  large  bunches  carried  by  the  girls  lent  an  added 
brightness  to  the  scene. 

The  route  of  the  procession  brought  it  in  front  of  the 
Executive  Mansion  about  ten  o'clock  on  a  bright  May 
morning.  President  Lincoln  stood  at  one  of  the  win 
dows  on  the  second  floor,  and  the  procession  passed 
within  a  few  yards,  so  that  every  child  in  it  had  a  full 
view  of  his  person.  At  the  head  of  the  column  were 
forty  or  fifty  colored  ministers  and  teachers,  who  set  an 
excellent  example  of  sober  dignity  to  their  young  fol 
lowers.  Their  injunctions  of  silence  to  the  children 
were  emphatic  and  often  repeated. 

But  it  would  have  been  no  more  difficult  to  suppress 
so  many  explosions  of  powder  with  the  match  applied 
than  to  quell  the  involuntary  outburst  of  enthusiasm 
which  came  from  every  child  in  that  long  procession  as 


332  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

he  or  she  recognized  the  well-known  face  and  figure  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  It  would  be  useless  to  attempt  to 
repeat  their  exclamations.  From  the  boys  there  were 
shouts  of  enthusiastic  delight ;  from  the  girls  a  more 
suppressed  form  of  reverential  wonder.  Boys  and  girls 
alike  wanted  the  fact  to  be  known  that  they  had  seen 
the  President.  "  I  seen  him !"  "  I  seen  him  my  own 
self!"  "  Dat's  Massa  Linkum  !"  "Look  at  him!  Look 
at  him !"  "  Oh,  don't  he  look  just  the  same  as  the  Lord !" 
Every  boy  would  swing  his  flag,  and  shout  his  hurrahs 
as  he  came  near  the  President,  and  each  was  frantic  with 
joy  when,  as  often  happened,  he  appeared  to  notice  him. 
The  girls,  not  so  demonstrative,  clasped  their  hands  and 
blessed  "Massa  Linkum"  in  every  imaginable  form  of 
expression.  Scores  of  them  tossed  their  bunches  of  roses 
into  the  Mansion,  so  that  the  floor  was  carpeted  with 
them. 

For  a  full  hour  the  President  stood  at  the  window, 
giving  the  last  child  as  good  an  opportunity  to  see  him 
as  the  first.  There  is  not  much  of  the  pathetic  in  the 
account,  but  there  was  something  very  touching  in  this 
universal  reverence  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  did  not 
fail  to  affect  every  spectator,  the  President,  apparently, 
most  of  all.  His  sad,  melancholy  face  could  not  have 
been  more  expressive  if  he  had  felt  a  sense  of  personal 
responsibility  for  every  human  being  in  that  numerous 
crowd.  The  scene  was  so  touching  that  there  were  some 
eyes  which  were  not  entirely  dry,  and  I  thought,  at  the 
time,  that  the  President's  were  among  the  number. 

When  the  procession  had  passed,  and  the  last  of  the 
innumerable  "  God  bless  him's"  had  died  away,  without 
breaking  the  silence  which  he  had  maintained  for  an 
hour,  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  from  the  window  and  walked 
slowly  back  towards  the  well-known  little  room  in  which 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  333 

he  bad  received  so  many  visitors,  followed  by  those  who 
had  with  him  witnessed  the  exhibition.  When  the 
President  entered  the  room,  his  face  wore  that  look  of 
melancholy  so  habitual  to  it ;  so  different  from  that  of 
any  other  human  being. 

Suddenly  he  stopped  and  turned  about.  In  an  instant 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  man  had  changed ;  the  melan 
choly  look  had  disappeared,  and  his  sad  eyes  sparkled 
with  humor.  Without  addressing  any  one  in  particular, 
he  exclaimed : 

"  Did  you  ever  hear  the  story  of  Daniel  Webster  and 
the  school-master  ?" 

No  one  answered.  "  Well,"  he  said,  "  this  is  the 
story :  Daniel  was  a  very  careless,  some  called  him  a 
dirty  boy.  His  teacher  had  many  times  reproved  him 
for  not  washing  his  hands.  He  had  coaxed  and  scolded 
him,  but  it  was  useless ;  Daniel  would  come  to  school 
with  dirty  hands.  Out  of  all  patience  with  him,  one 
day  he  called  Daniel  to  his  desk,  made  him  hold  up  his 
hands  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  school,  and  solemnly 
warned  him  that  if  he  ever  came  to  school  again  with 
his  hands  in  that  condition  he  would  give  him  a  fer- 
ruling  wl}ich  he  would  long  remember. 

"  Daniel  promised  better  behavior,  and  for  two  or  three 
days  there  was  great  improvement  in  his  appearance. 
His  hands  looked  as  if  they  were  washed  daily.  But 
the  reformation  was  not  permanent.  In  a  few  days  his 
hands  were  as  dirty  as  ever.  The  teacher's  sharp  eyes 
detected  them,  and,  as  soon  as  school  had  opened  for 
the  day,  with  a  stern  voice  he  said,  '  Daniel,  come 
here  !'  the  guilty  culprit  knew  what  was  coming.  His 
palms  began  to  tingle  in  anticipation.  He  stealthily 
brought  the  palm  of  his  right  hand  into  contact  with 
his  tongue,  and,  as  he  walked  slowly  towards  the  mas- 


334  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

ter's  desk,  rubbed  the  same  upon  his  pantaloons,  in  the 
effort  to  remove  some  of  the  dirt.  £  Hold  out  your  hand, 
sir !'  •  said  the  master.  Daniel  extended  his  right  hand 
palm  upward.  '  Do  you  call  that  a  clean  hand  ?'  de 
manded  the  teacher.  '  Not  very,  sir,'  modestly  replied 
the  offender.  '  I  should  think  not  very  /'  said  the 
master.  '  I  promised  you  a  ferruling ;  but  if  you  will 
show  a  dirtier  hand  in  this  school-room,  I  will  let  you 
off  for  this  time.'  '  There  it  is,  sir  !'  exclaimed  Daniel, 
quickly  extending  his  left  hand,  which  had  not  under 
gone  the  summary  cleansing  of  the  right." 

Mr.  Lincoln  seldom  laughed  at  his  own  stories,  but 
usually  left  his  auditors,  for  whose  benefit  they  were 
told,  to  enjoy  them.  But  the  quickness  with  which  the 
school-boy  had  seized  upon  the  weak  point  in  the  mas 
ter's  offer  seemed  to  touch  his  keen  sense  of  humor,  and 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  story  he  laughed  as  heartily  as 
any  one  present.  The  story  was  a  good  one,  but  what 
there  had  been  in  the  procession  just  witnessed  to  bring 
it  to  the  President's  mind  was  difficult  to  discover. 


AND  HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  335 


XXXVIII. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  THE  UNAPPRECIATED  FRIEND  OF  THE 
SOUTH.— HIS  OFFER  OF  COMPENSATED  EMANCIPATION.— HE 
MEETS  A  VERMONT  CONTRACTOR,—  THEIR  IMPRESSIONS  OF 
EACH  OTHER. 

To  those  who  were  in  almost  daily  intercourse  with 
President  Lincoln,  who  knew  his  inmost  thoughts,  it  was 
surprising  that  the  slaveholders  could  not  see  that  he 
wanted  to  be  their  friend.  "When  the  war  was  fairly  be 
gun,  I  believe  he  gave  up  all  thought  that  slavery  could  be 
saved.  I  know  that  he  began  to  formulate  plans  to  se 
cure  to  the  slaveholders  payment  for  their  slaves,  and  if 
the  Border  states  had  come  to  his  assistance  there  was  a 
time  when  they  could  have  secured  it.  As  early  as  Sep 
tember,  1861, 1  heard  him  discuss  the  subject  frequently. 
He  spoke  of  the  poverty  and  distress  which  emancipation 
would  bring  upon  the  slaveholders.  He  hoped  that  Con 
gress  would  propose  some  plan  of  co-operation  with  the 
Border  states  in  abolishing  slavery.  Immediately  after 
our  first  military  successes  in  the  winter  of  1862,  and 
early  in  March,  he  sent  a  special  message  to  Congress, 
proposing  a  joint  resolution  offering  such  co-operation, 
and  that  Congress  should  offer  at  least  partial  payment. 
In  July  he  transmitted  a  bill  to  Congress,  which  provided 
that  bonds  of  the  United  States  at  a  fixed  rate  per  head, 
according  to  the  census  of  1860,  should  be  issued  to  any 
state  that  abolished  slavery. 

This  liberal  proposal  received  considerable  support  at 
the  North.  Mr.  Greely  advocated  it  in  the  Tribune,  and 


336  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  leading  Republican  papers  followed  his  lead.  Mr. 
Lincoln  personally  invited  his  friends  to  interest  them 
selves  in  the  subject. 

But  the  proposition  met  with  no  support  in  the  Border 
states,  where  it  ought  to  have  been  received  with  enthu 
siasm,  and  in  the  seceded  states  it  was  ridiculed.  The 
London  Times  scoffed  at  it,  and  in  all  England  only  the 
Daily  News  gave  it  a  cold  support.  Mr.  Lincoln  quite 
took  its  failure  to  heart,  and  declared  that  it  still  re 
mained  true  that,  whom  the  gods  wished  to  destroy  they 
first  made  mad.  He  became  discouraged  almost  to  the 
point  of  abandoning  the  project,  when  a  suggestion  was 
made  which  attracted  some  attention,  and  promised  to 
acquire  some  strength  in  the  Border  states.  The  propo 
sition  was  not  only  to  pay  for  the  slaves,  but  to  remove 
them  bodily  to  some  territory  which  should  be  wholly 
given  up  to  them,  and  where  they  should  try  the  experi 
ment  of  self-government. 

Unfortunately  the  source  of  this  suggestion  gave  it  little 
political  strength.  The  fact  that  Mr.  Lincoln  consented 
to  entertain  and  consider  it  at  all  showed  how  far  he 
was  willing  to  go  for  the  protection  of  the  slave  owners, 
and  how  unwilling  he  was  to  give  up  all  hope  of  success. 
The  proposition  seemed  to  his  friends  absurd  and  impos 
sible.  If  it  were  not,  it  wras  hopeless ;  for  no  Northern 
state  would  consent  to  pay  for  the  slave  property,  incur 
the  expense  of  removing  it,  and  also  become  responsible 
for  its  future  management.  The  author  of  the  scheme 
was  ex-Senator  Pomeroy,  and  its  promoters  were  specu: 
lators  rather  than  statesmen. 

It  was  very  close  to  the  new  year  of  1863  that  the 
suggestion  was  tentatively  given  to  the  newspapers,  in 
the  form  of  a  rumor  that  parties  were  ready  to  under 
take  the  removal  of  the  slaves  to  "Western  Texas.  It  at- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  337 

tracted  but  little  attention,  and  it  became  evident  that 
some  other  impulse  must  be  given  to  it  if  it  was  to  suc 
ceed. 

During  one  of  his  welcome  visits  to  my  office,  the 
President  appeared  to  be  buried  in  thought  over  some 
subject  of  great  interest.  After  long  reflection  he  ab 
ruptly  exclaimed  that  he  wanted  to  ask  me  a  ques 
tion. 

"  Do  you  know  any  energetic  contractor  ?"  he  inquired. 
"One  who  would  be  willing  to  take  a  large  contract, 
attended  with  some  risk  '?" 

"  I  know  New  England  contractors,"  I  replied,  "  who 
would  not  be  frightened  by  the  magnitude  or  risk  of  any 
contract.  The  element  of  prospective  profit  is  the  only 
one  which  would  interest  them.  If  there  was  a  fair 
prospect  of  profit,  they  would  not  hesitate  to  contract 
to  suppress  the  rebellion  within  ninety  days !" 

"  There  will  be  profit  and  reputation  in  the  contract  I 
may  propose,"  he  said.  "  It  is  to  remove  the  whole  col 
ored  race  of  the  slave  states  into  Texas.  If  you  have 
any  acquaintance  who  would  take  that  contract,  I  would 
like  to  see  him." 

"I* know  a  man  who  would  take  that  contract  and 
perform  it.  I  would  be  willing  to  put  him  into  commu 
nication  with  you,  so  that  you  might  form  your  own 
opinion  about  him.  He  is  so  connected  with  my  family 
that  I  would  not  endorse  him  further  than  to  say  that 
he  has  energy  enough  to  remove  a  nation." 

By  the  President's  direction  I  requested  John  Brad 
ley,  a  well-known  Vermonter,  then  temporarily  in  New 
York,  to  come  to  Washington.  He  was  at  my  office 
when  the  Treasury  opened,  the  morning  after  I  sent  the 
telegram.  I  declined  to  give  him  any  hint  of  the  pur 
pose  of  his  invitation,  but  took  him  directly  to  the  Pres- 
22 


338  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ident.  When  I  presented  him,  I  said :  "  Here,  Mr.  Pres 
ident,  is  the  contractor  whom  I  named  to  you  yester 
day.  Please  understand  that  if  I  endorse  him  it  must 
be  'without  recourse.'  You  must  take  him  upon  your 
own  judgment,  if  at  all.  His  plans  are  too  comprehen 
sive  for  me  to  make  good  if  he  should  fail." 

I  left  them  together.  Two  hours  later  Mr.  Bradley 
returned  to  the  Register's  Office,  overflowing  with  admi 
ration  for  the  President  and  enthusiasm  for  his  proposed 
work.  "The  proposition  is,"  he  said,  "to  remove  the  whole 
colored  race  into  Texas,  there  to  establish  a  republic  of 
their  own.  The  subject  has  political  bearings,  of  which 
I  am  no  judge,  and  upon  which  the  President  has  not 
yet  made  up  his  mind.  But  I  have  shown  him  that  it  is 
practicable.  I  will  undertake  to  remove  them  all  within 
a  year." 

"  What  do  you  think  of  the  President  ?"  I  asked. 

"  I  think  he  is  the  greatest  man  of  the  century !"  he 
answered.  "  He  has  the  intellect  of  Webster  and  the 
hard  common-sense  of  Silas  Wright.  I  can  understand 
now  his  power  over  other  men.  He  is  thoroughly  honest 
and  unselfish.  He  has  sound  judgment ;  he  can  com 
mand  all  my  resources  for  anything  he  wishes  to  do.  He 
is  greater  than  Washington,  and  the  world  will  eventu 
ally  so  decide." 

"  But  is  not  this  project  for  the  deportation  of  the  ne 
groes  rather  impracticable  ?  Is  it  not  an  act  of  rashness 
to  favor  it  ?" 

"  He  has  not  decided  to  f^vor  it.  It  is  the  project  of 
Senator  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  and  a  few  others.  The 
President  has  it  under  examination.  I  do  not  under 
stand  the  political  questions  involved  in  it,  and  I  think  it 
is  very  doubtful  whether  President  Lincoln  approves  it. 
But  if  he  does,  it  will  be  a  success,  and  I  shall  do  all  in 


AND    HIS    ADMINISTRATION.  339 

my  power  to  favor  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  great,  because  he 
is  honest.  The  people  must  follow  such  a  leader  !  They 
cannot  do  otherwise.  I  cannot  do  otherwise.  If  he  de 
cides  upon  this  wholesale  transfer  of  the  colored  race, 
they  will  be  in  Texas  within  a  year.  I  would  like  to  take 
the  contract  for  their  removal.  All  the  assistance  I  want 
is  the  approval  of  President  Lincoln." 

"What  is  your  opinion  of  Mr.  Bradley?"  I  asked  the 
President  at  my  next  opportunity. 

"  He  is  equal  to  any  enterprise,  even  the  removal  of  a 
race  from  one  continent  to  another,"  the  President  an 
swered.  "  He  poured  a  flood  of  information  over  the 
entire  subject.  He  had  built  a  railroad  through  the  state 
of  Texas ;  he  knew  all  about  the  soil,  the  climate,  all  the 
conditions  which  control  the  problem.  He  was  a  verita 
ble  mine  of  information.  He  was  even  ready  to  take  the 
contract  for  the  deportation  of  the  negroes  at  so  much  a 
head.  But  he  also  had  powerful  reasons  against  the 
project.  If  it  is  undertaken,  he  will  have  a  hand  in  it. 
Have  you  many  such  men  in  Yermont?  Why  would 
they  not  make  great  soldiers?  A  dozen  such  men  com 
bined  ought  to  control  the  resources  of  the  state." 

"There  is  one  defect  in  Mr.  Bradley's  character,"  I 
said.  "  He  will  carry  any  enterprise  through  its  diffi 
culties,  but  when  these  are  overcome,  the  project  ceases 
to  have  any  attraction  for  him." 

"  I  think  I  understand  you.  As  they  say  in  the  hay- 
field,  he  requires  a  good  man  to  'rake  after  him.'  I 
asked  him  if  he  had  had  any  military  experience.  He 
said  that  he  had  not,  but  that  he  could  learn  military 
science  in  two  months.  On  my  word,  I  believe  he  could." 

"If  such  men  were  in  command,  there  would  be  a 
movement  at  the  front,"  he  continued.  "  I  can  find  men 
enough  who  can  rake  after ;  but  the  men  with  long  arms 


340  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

and  broad  shoulders,  who  swing  a  scythe  in  long  sweeps, 
cutting  a  smooth  swath  ten  feet  wide,  are  much  more 
difficult  to  find." 

The  project  for  the  removal  of  the  colored  race  was 
soon  after  abandoned.  I  doubt  whether  it  was  ever 
seriously  entertained  by  the  President.  The  plan  was 
favorably  considered  by  others,  and  his  rejection  of  it 
serves  to  illustrate  the  practical  judgment  by  which  the 
President  decided  every  question  presented  for  his  con 
sideration. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  341 


XXXIX. 

THE    PROFESSIONAL    DETECTIVE.— HIS    EMPLOYMENT    BY    THE 
UNITED    STATES   AND    ITS   INFLUENCE   UPON   THE   PEOPLE. 

WAK  is  a  crime  against  humanity.  Criminals  who 
transgress  laws  made  by  man  sometimes  escape  the 
penalty;  those  who  break  the  laws  ordained  of  God, 
never.  Whether  nation  or  individual,  their  punishment 
is  inevitable. 

After  the  "War  of  the  Rebellion  was  over,  and  the  great 
wrong  of  slavery  had  been  expiated  in  blood,  there  were 
those  who  hoped  that  the  nation  might  be  restored  to 
the  soundness  of  ante-bellum  days,  and  escape  the  de 
moralizing  results  which  have  followed  all  wars  from 
that  one  waged  in  heaven  by  the  first  rebel  against  his 
omnipotent  Master.  It  was  a  thrice -vain  hope.  We 
who  lived  before  the  war  are  able  to  compare  the  tone 
of  legislation,  the  purity  of  the  judiciary,  the  integrity 
of  public  officers,  and  the  conscience  which  regulated 
the  intercourse  of  men  in  those  peaceful  days,  with  the 
insane  speculations,  the  monopolies,  the  thirst  for  office 
and  the  greed  of  riches  of  the  present  day,  and  require 
no  other  proofs  of  the  extent  of  the  national  demoraliza 
tion.  It  is  not  an  agreeable  picture.  More  closely  than 
anything  in  history,  it  tends  toward  the  condition  of 
the  empire  when  Rome,  by  her  conquests,  had  accumu 
lated,  in  the  Eternal  City,  the  corruptions  as  well  as  the 
riches  of  the  world. 

Much  of  this  degradation  of  the  public  morals  was 
the  inevitable  result  of  war.  It  arose  from  causes  prob- 


342  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ably  beyond  human  control,  under  the  wisest  of  govern 
ments.  Upon  these  causes  it  is  useless  to  enter.  But 
there  were  others  which  might  have  been  prevented  or 
suppressed.  Their  evils  were  anticipated  and  discussed ; 
there  was  opportunity  to  employ  or  reject  them.  I  will 
give  a  short  sketch  of  one  of  them,  and  some  of  the  in 
cidents  of  its  operation. 

Secretary  Chase  was  opposed  upon  principle  to  any 
system  of  direct  taxation  which  required  a  force  of 
revenue  officers  for  its  collection.  His  chief  objection 
was,  that  it  would  create  an  inquisition  into  the  private 
affairs  of  the  people  to  which  they  were  unused,  and 
which  could  not  fail  to  become  disagreeable  and  offen 
sive.  To  the  cases  cited  of  Great  Britain  and  other 
powders,  where  a  large  revenue  was  collected  under  such 
a  system,  he  replied  that  the  revenue  was  obtained  from 
but  few  articles  or  sources ;  that  this  kind  of  taxation 
had  been  so  long  in  use  that  its  evils  had  been  re 
formed  ;  the  people  had  become  accustomed  to  it  and 
its  burdens  were  light.  Whereas  here,  the  whole  sub 
ject  w^as  novel,  and  the  tax  would  necessarily  be  laid 
upon  a  much  larger  number  of  articles. 

But  Secretary  Chase  had  constantly  before  him  one 
controlling  fact,  to  which  the  general  public  gave  but 
little  attention.  The  Treasury  was  the  weakest  point 
in  the  national  defences  and  the  constant  source  of  im 
pending  peril.  The  national  credit  was  as  necessary  to 
a  restoration  of  the  Union  as  oxygen  to  life.  If  that 
became  bankrupt,  a  divided  union  and  a  confederacy 
founded  upon  negro  slavery  were  as  inevitable  as  death. 

The  battle  of  Bull  Run,  however,  settled  several  open 
questions.  One  of  them  was,  that  every  practicable 
means  of  supplying  the  Treasury  with  money  must  be 
employed  without  longer  delay.  Customs  duties  must 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  343 

be  increased  to  an  extent  which  made  illicit  importa 
tions  immensely  profitable,  and  all  manufactured  prod 
ucts,  the  professions,  and  the  incomes  of  the  people  must 
be  taxed  to  an  extent  before  uncontemplated.  An  in 
ternal  revenue  system,  reaching  into  every  village  and 
hamlet  of  the  loyal  states,  had  become  an  immediate 
necessity. 

The  secretary  invited  suggestions  from  a  number  of 
gentlemen  for  the  structure  of  the  Internal  Revenue 
Statutes.  These  suggestions  arranged  themselves  in  two 
classes.  One  class  proceeded  upon  the  assumption  that 
men  w^ere  naturally  dishonest,  and  that  they  would  re 
gard  a  fraud  upon  the  United  States  as  an  evidence  of 
shrewdness  rather  than  a  crime,  as  a  credit  rather  than 
a  stigma.  The  other  insisted  that  the  nation  was  now 
experiencing  a  grand  and  most  creditable  development 
of  patriotism,  which  led  it  to  regard  the  payment  of 
necessary  taxes  as  a  dftty,  and  which  would  no  more 
tolerate  frauds  upon  the  Treasury  than  it  would  any 
other  form  of  treason. 

The  first  of  these  classes  consequently  proposed  an  in 
ternal  revenue  system  which  should  enforce  the  collec 
tion  of  taxes  by  heavy  fines,  penalties,  and  forfeitures, 
which  should  be  divided  with  informers  and  spies.  As 
these  informers  would  require  instruction  in  their  labors, 
in  order  to  become  experts,  they  propbsed  a  bureau  of 
detectives  in  the  Treasury,  presided  over  by  a  chief,  with 
such  a  number  of  subordinates  as  should  be  found  neces 
sary,  all  to  be  salaried  officers  of  the  United  States. 

The  general  plan  of  the  second  class  proposed  con 
siderable  rewards  for  prompt  returns  and  payments,  in 
deductions  from  the  amount  of  the  tax.  Their  prin 
cipal  reliance,  however,  was  upon  the  honesty  of  a  pa 
triotic  people,  who,  if  properly  encouraged  by  the  Treas- 


344  RECOLLECTIONS   OF    PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

ury,  would  constitute  a  great  army  of  unpaid  agents  for 
the  collection  of  the  taxes,  besides  paying  their  own, 
since  no  man  who  bore  his  own  share  of  the  burdens  of 
war  would  permit  his  neighbor  to  escape  from  the  same 
burdens  by  fraud  or  dishonesty.  This  plan  wholly  dis 
pensed*  with  detectives  and  paid  informers. 

I  took  a  somewhat  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  the 
subject,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  secretary,  prepared  a 
written  argument,  in  which  it  was  claimed  that  the  em 
ployment  of  an  army  of  detectives  was  inconsistent  with 
the  dignity  of  the  government,  and  would  exert  a  cor 
rupting  influence  upon  the  people.  I  also  stated  that  in 
my  experience  as  a  lawyer  I  could  not  remember  that  I 
had  ever  met  with  a  professional  detective  who  could  be 
trusted ;  that  the  reason  was  probably  to  be  found  in 
the  fact  that  a  man  who  used  deception  and  falsehood 
as  the  tools  of  his  trade  became  incapable  of  distinguish 
ing  them  from  truth,  so  that  h£  would  use  either,  as  at 
the  moment  seemed  most  expedient.  Such  a  man's  mind 
was  not  likely  to  be  controlled  by  conscience,  nor  were 
perfect  candor  and  sincerity  towards  an  employer  to  be 
expected  from  one  whose  ordinary  line  of  action  in  the 
pursuit  of  a  criminal  must  necessarily  involve  a  constant 
exercise  of  the  opposite  qualities.  It  was  also  stated  that 
the  people,  knowing  that  such  agents  were  employed  by 
the  Treasury,  would  infer  that  honesty  and  integrity 
were  no  longer  appreciated,  and  would  lose  all  interest 
in  the  honest  execution  of  the  laws,  concluding  that,  as 
they  got  no  credit  for  fair  payment  of  their  taxes,  they 
might  just  as  well  evade  them  whenever  they  could. 
The  results  would  necessarily  be  a  general  demoraliza 
tion  of  the  public  service  and  a  thorough  corruption  of 
the  public  mind. 

The  advice  of  the  class  first  mentioned  finally  pre- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  345 

vailed.  After  long  hesitation  the  secretary  decided  upon 
the  employment  of  detectives,  and  the  first  internal  rev 
enue  act  of  1862  was  framed  upon  the  theory  that  the 
taxpayers  were  the  natural  enemies  of  the  government, 
who  would  avail  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to  de 
fraud  it,  and  evade  the  payment  of  their  taxes.  The 
laws  for  the  collection  of  duties  upon  imports  were 
amended  so  as  to  conform  to  the  same  theory.  Heavy 
penalties  were  imposed  by  the  internal  revenue  and  the 
tariff  laws,  which  were  to  be  enforced  by  the  official 
power  of  the  United  States,  but  the  penalties,  when  col 
lected,  were  to  be  divided  between  the  government  and 
the  informers.  Statutes  were  enacted  which  gave  to 
irresponsible  detectives  powers  of*  visitation  and  inquisi 
tion  into  the  business  of  the  citizen  which  were  intolera 
ble  enough  to  have  provoked  a  revolution  if  the  country 
had  not  been  already  involved  in  war. 

The  Detective  Bureau  was  established  as  one  of  the 
regular  bureaus,  not  under  the  control  of  the  commis 
sioner  of  internal  revenue,  or  the  commissioner  of  the 
customs,  as  it  should  have  been,  if  permitted  to  exist, 
but  as  an  annex  to  the  office  of  the  secretary.  One  L. 
C.  Baker,  who  had  acquired  some  notoriety  as  a  detec 
tive,  was  appointed  its  chief.  By  some  means,  never 
clearly  understood,  his  jurisdiction  was  extended  to  the 
army,  and  he  exercised  his  authority  in  all  the  depart 
ments  and  throughout  the  United  States. 

Baker  wore  the  uniform,  and  probably  had  authority 
to  assume  the  rank,  of  a  colonel  in  the  army.  lie  took 
into  his  service,  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  men  who 
claimed  to  have  any  aptitude  for  detective  work,  with 
out  recommendation,  investigation,  or  any  inquiry,  be 
yond  his  own  inspection,  which  he  claimed  immediately 
disclosed  to  him  the  character  and  abilities  of  the  ap- 


346  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

plicant.  How  large  his  regiment  ultimately  grew  is 
uncertain,  but  at  one  time  he  asserted  that  it  exceeded 
two  thousand  men. 

"With  this  force  at  his  command,  protected  against 
interference  from  the  judicial  authorities,  Baker  became 
a  law  unto  himself.  He  instituted  a  veritable  Reign  of 
Terror.  He  dealt  with  every  accused  person  in  the 
same  manner ;  with  a  reputable  citizen  as  with  a  de 
serter  or  petty  thief.  He  did  not  require  the  formality 
of  a  written  charge ;  it  was  quite  sufficient  for  any  per 
son  to  suggest  to  Baker  that  a  citizen  might  be  doing 
something  that  was  against  law.  He  was  immediately 
arrested,  handcuffed,  and  brought  to  Baker's  office,  at 
that  time  in  the  basement  of  the  Treasur\r.  There  he 
was  subjected  to  a  brow-beating  examination,  in  which 
Baker  was  said  to  rival  in  impudence  some  heads  of 
the  criminal  bar.  This  examination  was  repeated  as 
often  as  he  chose.  Men  were  kept  in  his  rooms  for 
weeks,  without  warrant,  affidavit,  or  other  semblance 
of  authority.  If  the  accused  took  any  measures  for  his 
own  protection,  he  was  hurried  into  the  Old  Capitol 
Prison,  where  he  was  beyond  the  reach  of  the  civil 
authorities.  Bakers  subordinates  in  other  cities  emu 
lated  and  often  surpassed  the  example  of  their  chief. 
Powers  such  as  they  exercised  were  never  similarly  con 
ferred  by  law  under  any  government  claiming  to  be 
enlightened. 

Corruption  spread  like  a  contagious  disease,  wherever 
the  operations  of  these  detectives  extended.  It  soon 
became  known  that  impunity  for  frauds  against  the 
government  could  be  procured  for  money.  Men  who, 
but  for  the  detective  system,  would  never  have  thought 
of  such  enterprises,  went  into  the  regular  business  of 
illicit  distilling,  bounty  -  jumping,  smuggling,  defraud- 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  347 

ing  the  customs,  and  other  similar  practices.  Honest 
manufacturers  and  dealers,  who  paid  their  taxes,  were 
pursued  without  mercy  for  the  most  technical  breaches 
of  the  law,  and  were  quickly  driven  out  of  business. 
The  dishonest  rapidly  accumulated  wealth,  which  they 
could  well  afford  to  share  with  their  protectors.  Good 
citizens  became  discouraged,  and  ceased  to  take  any  in 
terest  in  the  administration  of  justice,  or  the  suppression 
of  fraud.  The  worst  predictions  of  the  opponents  of 
the  detective  system  were  speedily  verified. 

The  methods  of  Chief  Baker  were  shown  by  actual  oc 
currences,  one  of  wThich  I  will  relate.  It  became  evident 
that  certain  contractors  were  receiving  preferences  in 
the  payment  of  their  claims,  in  violation  of  an  impera 
tive  rule  of  the  department.  Evidence  of  repeated  in 
fractions  of  this  rule  was  produced.  Brokers  in  New 
York  would,  for  a  commission,  not  only  undertake  to 
secure  payment  of  claims  by  certain  dates,  but  would 
inform  claimants,  in  advance,  of  the  date  on  which  they 
would  receive  their  money.  This  favoritism  could  only 
be  accomplished  in  one  of  two  ways  ;  either  by  changing 
the  order  of  issuing  the  warrants  for  the  payment  of 
settled  claims,  or  by  changing  the  warrants  on  their  way 
through  the  Treasury.  If  the  first  was  the  case,  the 
fraud  was  in  the  secretary's  office ;  if  the  second,  it  w^as 
probably  in  the  office  of  the  register.  I  was  satisfied 
that  the  warrant  clerk  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  was 
the  guilty  party,  but  he  had  the  secretary's  confidence, 
and  regarded  his  position  as  impregnable. 

Baker  undertook  the  investigation  of  this  fraud  with 
great  enthusiasm.  He  announced  that  he  should  report 
to  me  twice  every  day ;  that  my  suspicions  had  fallen 
upon  the  right  person,  but  that  he  was  operating  with 
another  clerk,  and  that  the  two  were  criminals  of  such 


348  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

experience  and  skill  that  nothing  short  of  the  machinery 
of  his  office  would  suffice  for  their  detection.  His  re 
ports  were  made  with  great  detail,  and  finally  announced 
that  the  guilty  parties  had  become  alarmed,  and  were 
on  the  point  of  taking  flight  with  their  plunder.  The 
secretary,  however,  would  not  authorize  their  arrest,  un 
less  I  would  certify  that  a  prima  facie  case  against  them 
was  made  out. 

I  declined  to  make  this  certificate.  Baker's  next  re 
port  was,  that  the  two  clerks  had  become  so  suspicious 
that  they  did  not  speak  to  each  other,  nor  correspond 
through  the  post-office ;  that  each  sent  his  letters  to  a 
hollow  tree  in  Georgetown,  where  they  were  deposited ; 
that  he  had  already  opened  and  read  two  of  their  let 
ters  and  replaced  them,  and  that,  very  soon,  he  expected 
to  have  proof  of  their  criminality  under  their  own  hands. 

One  day,  while  I  was  reading  one  of  his  rambling  re 
ports,  Baker,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  table,  was  print 
ing  words  with  a  pen  on  a  loose  sheet  of  paper,  and  had 
nearly  covered  a  half -sheet  with  his  own  name,  and  other 
words,  in  imitation  of  printed  capitals.  This  sheet  he 
left  on  the  table,  and  I,  without  any  purpose  in  my 
mind,  swept  it  into  a  drawer.  Shortly  afterwards,  he 
came  to  inform  me  that  the  suspected  persons  were 
about  to  attempt  a  flight  to  Havana,  and  that  one  of 
them  had  written  to  the  other,  fixing  upon  the  train 
by  which  they  were  to  abscond,  and  asking  for  an  an 
swer,  which  answer  he  expected  every  moment  to  re 
ceive  from  one  of  his  men  who  was  on  the  watch  at  the 
hollow  tree. 

While  he  was  giving  me  this  account,  he  was  called 
out  of  the  office  in  an  excited  manner  by  one  of  his  men. 
He  soon  returned,  and,  with  an  air  of  mystery,  threw  a 
letter  on  the  table,  observing  that,  "  If  we  could  see  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  349 

inside  of  that,  I  would  probably  be  willing  to  consent 
to  the  arrest,  for  we  should  have  the  scoundrels,  sure !" 

My  eye  had  caught  the  direction.  I  took  up  the  let 
ter  and  began  deliberately  to  open  it. 

"  Hold !  hold !"  he  exclaimed.  "  Don't  you  know 
that  it  is  a  felony  to  open  a  letter  addressed  to  another 
without  his  authority  ?" 

"  I  think  I  will  take  the  risk,"  I  said.  I  opened  and 
read  from  it  a  long  farrago  about  steamers  from  Cuba, 
the  register's  suspicions,  Baker's  unrelenting  pursuit  and 
watchfulness,  the  writer's  danger,  etc. 

"  Are  you  not  willing  to  give  the  order  for  their  ar 
rest  upon  that  evidence?"  he  asked. 

I  smoothed  the  letter  upon  the  table,  and  laid  by  its 
side  his  own  scribbled  sheet,  taken  from  my  drawer, 
and  asked  somewhat  sternly, 

"  Colonel  Baker,  do  you  not  think  both  these  docu 
ments  were  written  by  the  same  hand  ?" 

Perfectly  unabashed,  without  a  blush,  the  fellow 
smiled  as  he  looked  me  in  the  face  and  said, 

"  That  game  didn't  work,  did  it  ?  It  was  a  good  one, 
but  the  best  plans  will  sometimes  fail.  If  I  could  have 
got  your  consent  to  an  arrest,  I  would  have  had  their 
confessions  before  morning.  We  must  now  try  another 
plan." 

"  No,"  I  said.  "  I  suspected  you  were  a  fraud,  and 
now  I  know  it !  You  are  of  the  same  pattern  with  al 
most  every  detective  I  ever  knew.  You  were  willing 
to  involve  me  in  your  scheme  of  deceit,  in  order  to  get 
an  opportunity  of  frightening  these  men  into  confession. 
You  may  have  the  poor  excuse  of  having  practised  false 
hood  so  long  that  you  have  forgotten  how  to  be  honest. 
However  that  may  be,  I  shall  end  all  communication 
with  you  by  reporting  you  to  the  secretary. 


350  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

I  knew  he  was  armed,  but  I  was  very  sure  that  he 
was  a  coward,  and  would  not  resent  a  kick,  if  I  chose 
to  administer  it.  He  took  no  offence  whatever. 

"  I  always  did  like  a  frank  man,"  he  observed.  "  I 
think  we  now  understand  each  other,  and  shall  get  along 
admirably.  You  will  like  me  when  you  know  me  better." 

I  satisfied  him  that  the  conversation  could  not  be  pro 
tracted.  But  from  this  time  forward  he  always  insisted 
that  we  were  the  best  of  friends.  An  accident  soon  af 
terwards  led  to  the  exposure  of  the  guilty  clerk. 

I  never  did  understand  under  what  authority  Baker 
exercised  his  unendurable  tyranny.  He  never  hesitated 
to  arrest  men  of  good  position,  put  them  in  irons,  and 
keep  them  imprisoned  for  weeks.  He  seemed  to  control 
the  Old  Capitol  Prison,  and  one  of  his  deputies  was  its 
keeper.  He  always  lived  at  the  first  hotels,  had  an 
abundance  of  money,  and  I  am  sure  did  more  to  disgust 
good  citizens  and  bring  the  government  into  disrepute 
than  the  strongest  opponents  of  the  system  had  ever 
predicted.  He  opened  an  office  in  the  Astor  House  in 
New  York,  formed  a  partnership  with  a  notorious  per 
son  called  "  The.  Allen,"  who  enlisted  twelve  hundred 
vagrants  and  tramps,  promising  them  an  opportunity 
to  desert.  Instead  of  being  permitted  to  desert,  the  re 
cruits  were  hurried  to  the  front.  They  were  worth 
less  as  soldiers,  having  been  enlisted  by  deception,  and 
the  whole  scheme  was  a  detestable  fraud.  This  was 
Baker's  method  of  breaking  up  "  bounty-jumping,"  and 
may  be  taken  as  an  average  illustration  of  his  practices. 
He  managed  to  appropriate  the  credit  due  to  a  party  of 
cavalrymen  in  the  pursuit  and  capture  of  the  assassins 
of  the  President,  and  maintained  his  rank  and  office  to 
the  end  of  the  Avar. 

It  is  probably  too  late  now  to  dispense  with  the  de- 


AXD   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  351 

tective  system.  The  system  itself  created  a  class  of 
criminals  who  now  require  its  continuance.  Training 
and  attention  have  developed  a  better  class  of  officers 
for  the  secret  service  of  the  Treasury.  Here  and  there 
a  few  men  of  ability  have  taken  up  the  detection  of 
crime  as  a  science,  and  among  them  the  Pinkertons,  and 
Inspector  Byrnes,  of  New  York  city,  may  be  recognized 
as  useful  officers  of  great  ability.  But  they  are  con 
spicuous  exceptions  to  a  very  general  rule,  and  do  not 
affect  the  estimate  of  conservative  men  with  old  ideas 
of  integrity  and  principle  in  regard  to  the  system  as  a 
whole.  Such  men  will  not  approve  the  use  of  such 
means,  although  the  multitude  may  cry  out,  "  Let  us 
do  evil,  that  good  may  come  1" 

The  guilty  clerk  whom  Baker  was  pursuing  was  not 
long  in  exposing  his  methods.  His  New  York  asso 
ciates  now  openly  offered  their  facilities  for  securing 
prompt  payment  of  claims,  for  a  commission,  to  con 
tractors.  The  suspected  clerk  set  up  his  carriage,  be 
came  a  patron  of  coryphees  of  the  ballet,  and  indulged 
in  other  luxuries  quite  inconsistent  with  his  salary  of 
$1600  per  year.  I  carried  the  next  warrant,  marked 
"  special,7'  that  was  presented  for  signature  to  the  secre 
tary.  As  I  suspected,  he  knew  nothing  about  it.  In 
as  few  words  as  possible  I  pointed  out  the  circumstances, 
and  the  secretary  instantly  sent  for  the  "warrant  clerk. 
It  was  too  late.  He  must  have  seen  me  enter  the  secre 
tary's  office  with  the  warrant  in  my  hand — he  had  taken 
the  alarm  and  fled.  He  was  not  arrested.  For  such  a 
piece  of  work  as  the  arrest  of  a  real  criminal  Baker  was 
worthless.  The  practice,  however,  was  broken  up. 

Some  years  afterwards,  in  my  office  in  New  York,  I 
was  told  that  a  person  wished  to  see  me  who  bore  every 


352  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

appearance  of  a  "  tramp."  In  the  outer  office  I  found 
a  poor  palsied,  ragged  creature,  having  every  mark  of 
poverty  and  destitution.  He  extended  his  hand  in  a 
furtive  manner,  then  withdrew  it,  and  in  a  broken  voice 
said,  "  You  don't  remember  me.  I  am  Ii ,  once  war 
rant  clerk  in  the  Treasury.  I  was  discharged  from  the 
hospital  yesterday.  I  have  eaten  nothing  since.  I  am 
weak  and  hungry.  "Will  you  not  lend  me  two  shillings 
to  get  a  breakfast  ?"  It  was  the  man  who  once  kept  his 
carriage,  and  was  the  confidential  clerk  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  "  How  much  money  will  take  you  to 
your  home  and  your  friends  ?"  I  asked.  "  I  have  no 
home  and  no  friends,"  he  said,  despairingly.  I  relieved 
his  necessities ;  he  went  from  my  office  and  I  saw  him 
no  more. 


AND  HIS'  ADMINISTRATION.  353 


XL. 

PUBLIC  MISCONCEPTIONS   OF   THE   VALUE   OF   SALARIED   OF 
FICES.— GENERAL   STANNARD. 

IF  civil  offices  were  estimated  at  their  actual  instead 
of  their  imaginary  value,  those  who  dispense  them  would 
not  be  troubled  by  the  pertinacity  of  the  office-seeker. 
Civil  officers  of  the  United  States  of  all  grades,  with  few 
exceptions,  are  underpaid.  The  amount  and  character 
of  the  service  required,  given  to  almost  any  of  the  pur 
suits  of  private  life,  would  be  much  better  rewarded. 
Why,  then,  do  so  many  good  citizens  enter  this  mad  race 
for  office  at  every  opportunity  ?  It  is  a  race  in  whicli 
scores  are  beaten  and  endure  the  shame  and  mortifica 
tion  of  defeat  where  one  succeeds ;  in  which  the  winner 
is  in  the  end  the  loser,  and  deserves  commiseration  rather 
than  congratulations  for  his  success. 

There  is  a  certain  glamour  over  public  office  which  is 
extremely  deceptive.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with 
offices  which  have  to  do  with  the  receipt  and  disburse 
ment  of  money.  Many  times  I  have  pointed  out  to  ap 
plicants  for  these  offices  the  inadequacy  of  their  salaries, 
and  the  impossibility  of  increasing  their  income  in  any 
honest  way.  They  see,  but  will  not  be  convinced.  They 
are  certain  that  handling  so  much  money  must  be  profit 
able.  If  they  can  once  get  the  place,  they  are  sure  that 
they  can  find  a  way  to  make  it  lucrative. 

From  the  days  when  Hamilton  was  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  the  present  time,  the  ingenuity  of  finan 
cial  officers  and  members  of  Congress  has  been  taxed  to 
23 


354  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

render  impossible  the  very  results  for  which  the  office- 
seeker  is  hoping.  They  have  so  surrounded  official  life 
with  checks,  guards,  and  penalties  that  it  may  now  be 
stated  as  an  axiom  that,  except  by  stealing,  there  is  no 
way  known  among  men  of  making  an  office  profitable 
beyond  its  appointed  salary. 

Errors  in  judgment  in  this  respect  have  been  the  ruin 
of  many  worthy  men.  The  subject  is  important.  An 
actual  occurrence,  which  fell  under  my  own  observation, 
will  serve  as  an  illustration. 

The  War  of  the  Rebellion  created  or  developed  many 
brave  and  brilliant  soldiers.  None  of  them  had  a  better 
record  than  Major-General  George  J.  Stannard.  On  the 
loth  of  April,  1861,  he  was  the  superintendent  of  an  iron 
foundry  in  St.  Albans,  Vermont,  and  an  officer  of  a  com 
pany  of  uniformed  militia,  in  that  town.  He  entered  the 
service  as  a  colonel,  and  was  rapidly  promoted  through 
all  the  grades  to  the  rank  of  a  major-general.  He  never 
failed  in  his  duty,  and  seldom  omitted  to  distinguish 
himself  in  battle.  He  was  several  times  wounded,  and 
finally  lost  an  arm.  He  appeared  to  be  destitute  of 
fear,  and  was  at  once  the  pride  and  admiration  of  his 
men.  An  account  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  will  never 
be  read  which  does  not  contain  a  conspicuous  notice  of 
General  Stanriard.  It  was  his  brigade  which  held  the 
front  line  on  the  left  centre  of  the  Union  forces,  on 
which  General  Lee,  for  more  than  two  hours,  concen 
trated  the  fire  of  140  pieces  of  artillery,  and  against 
which  the  famous  charge  of  Pickett's  division  was  di 
rected.  It  was  his  inspiration  that  caught  the  instant 
when  that  mad  rush  of  a  charging  army  was  defeated 
to  order  out  upon  its  flank  two  regiments  which,  at  the 
distance  of  a  pistol-shot,  poured  their  deadly  volleys  into 
the  mass  of  Confederates,  which  so  demoralized  them  that 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  355 

they  never  halted  until  three  or  four  thousand  of  them 
passed  to  the  rear  as  prisoners  of  war.  It  was  conceded 
by  military  critics  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
military  acts  of  the  war — to  have  been  almost  without  a 
parallel  in  its  history.  In  the  final  campaign  he  com 
manded  a  division  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps,  which  capt 
ured  and  held  Fort  Harrison,  and  it  wras  in  defending 
it  against  an  attempt  made  by  ten  brigades  to  recapture 
it  that  he  lost  his  arm. 

When  General  Grant  was  elected  President,  General 
Stannard  became  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  collector 
of  the  district  of  Vermont.  He  asked  me  to  sign  his 
recommendations.  I  declined,  on  the  ground  that  I  es 
teemed  him  too  highly  to  promote  his  ruin.  I  argued 
with  him,  I  pointed  him  to  the  statute  which  limited  the 
annual  pay  of  the  office  to  §2500.  I  showed  him  that  it 
might  not  amount  to  half  that  sum,  and  that  none  but  a 
close  business  man,  who  would  rigidly  obey  the  law,  and 
touch  no  dollar  of  the  government  money,  could  take 
the  office  without  peril  to  himself  and  to  the  friends 
who  became  his  sureties.  I  failed  to  make  the  slightest 
impression  upon  him.  Somebody  had  told  him  that  a 
former  incumbent  had  cleared  annually  §10,000  from  the 
office ;  that  what  had  been  done  could  be  done.  He 
went  away  offended,  and  for  some  months  treated  me  as 
his  personal  enemy. 

He  obtained  the  appointment.  His  intimate  friends 
became  his  sureties,  and  for  something  like  a  year  he 
was  a  most  popular  collector.  To  the  rigid  rules  of  the 
Treasury  he  paid  not  much  attention.  As  the  receipts 
of  the  office  flowed  in,  they  were  deposited  in  the  Treas 
ury,  or  in  the  pocket  of  the  collector,  as  happened  at  the 
time  to  be  most  convenient.  Money  was  abundant  with 
him,  and,  with  the  open  hand  of  a  soldier,  when  he  had 


356  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

a  dollar  he  gave  half  of  it  to  any  friend  who  had  none. 
In  short,  he  administered  the  office  under  a  code  of  rules 
of  his  own  invention.  Everybody  was  delighted.  He 
was  the  friend  of  everybody,  and  he  naturally  had  a 
larger  circle  of  friends  than  any  of  his  predecessors  in 
the  office. 

Very  gentle  is  the  first  letter  of  the  first  auditor  to  a 
collector  when  his  quarterly  accounts  show  a  balance 
on  the  wrong  side.  The  error  is  attributed  to  accident, 
to  inadvertence,  of  course.  The  collector  is  referred  to 
certain  rules,  which  he  will  observe  in  future ;  one  of 
these  is  that  every  dollar  received  be  deposited  in  the 
Treasury.  But  under  its  most  courteous  concluding 
words  the  collector  will  discover,  upon  close  examina 
tion,  a  most  positive  direction  to  deposit  the  balance  im 
mediately  ! 

Woe  to  the  collector  if,  instead  of  acting  upon  the 
hint,  he  lays  the  letter  aside  to  be  attended  to  at  some 
more  convenient  season,  until  perhaps  some  friend  pays 
his  loan,  or  money  flows  in  from  some  other  quarter. 
He  may  have  a  short  grace  of  a  few  days  at  first,  but 
never  afterwards.  These  letters  require  attention.  'No 
doubt  there  is  a  "  First  Auditor's  Complete  Letter  Writ 
er,"  with  progressive  examples,  each  sharper  and  more 
pointed  than  the  last,  to  enforce  upon  the  delinquent  the 
conviction  that  he  is  the  servant  of  a  department  which 
has  rules  that  must  be  obeyed  and  enforced.  These  re 
minders  become  so  frequent  that  the  sight  of  an  official 
envelope  gives  him  a  chill.  Then  for  a  few  days  the 
correspondence  ceases.  The  officer  flatters  himself  that 
his  case  has  been  laid  aside,  and  lie  breathes  more  freely. 

Some  morning  (they  always  appear  early  in  the  day) 
a  stranger  enters  the  office  of  the  collector,  and  delivers 
to  him  another  official  envelope.  It  contains  his  sus- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  357 

pension  from  office,  and  an  order  to  turn  over  to  the 
bearer  the  entire  contents  of  the  office,  the  duties  of 
which  will  be  discharged  by  Special  Agent  Roe  or  Doe, 
pending  an  investigation.  From  that  day  the  growth 
of  the  delinquent's  troubles  begins,  and  proceeds  beyond 
anything  he  ever  imagined.  With  the  sharpness  of  an 
expert  the  agent  finds  every  dollar  of  the  money  of  the 
United  States,  and  follows  it  to  its  illegitimate  disposal. 
Higher  and  higher  mounts  the  balance,  until  it  reaches 
a  sum  which  the  officer  might  as  well  undertake  to  dis 
charge  the  national  debt  as  to  pay.  The  climax  of  mis 
ery  is  reached  when  the  agent  points  the  collector  to 
the  statute  which  declares  the  misappropriation  of  each 
of  these  dollars  a  felony,  punishable  by  imprisonment  at 
hard  labor.  All  this  happened  to  General  Stannard  in 
an  incredibly  short  space  of  time.  He  was  really  guilty 
of  no  crime  but  negligence.  He  had  not  squandered  the 
money  among  evil  companions,  nor  in  riotous  living,  nor 
in  the  payment  of  his  own  debts.  In  fact,  he  could  not 
tell  why  or  whither  the  money  had  gone.  But  it  had 
taken  to  itself  wings,  it  had  departed,  it  was  not  where 
it  should  have  been,  in  the  Treasury,  and  he  was  a  de 
faulter,  a  ruined  bankrupt,  a  disgraced  man.  It  was 
even  doubtful  whether  his  sureties  could  make  up  the 
loss.  Some  of  them  were  certainly  ruined.  His  reputa 
tion  as  a  citizen  was  gone  forever,  and  even  his  hard- 
earned  fame  as  a  soldier  was  stained  and  tarnished. 

Those  who  visited  the  Ladies'  Gallery  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Washington  during  the  Forty-first 
and  Forty-second  Congresses  may  have  noticed,  seated 
at  the  door,  a  silent,  sad-faced  man  who  had  lost  an  arm. 
He  was  attentive  to  his  duties,  very  courteous  to  every 
visitor.  But  he  did  not  often  speak  to  any  one,  and  a 
smile  seldom  dispelled  the  sadness  of  his  face.  There 


358  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

he  remained  until  he  died.  No  one  asked  for  his  place 
or  sought  his  removal.  Even  the  fiercest  of  the  appli 
cants  for  office  appeared  to  concede  his  right  to  retain 
this  one  until  he  surrendered  it  of  his  own  will. 

"When  I  first  recognized  him  there,  it  was  a  long  time 
before  I  could  break  through  his  reserve  and  engage  him 
in  conversation.  At  last  it  gave  way.  "  If  I  had  fol 
lowed  your  advice,"  he  said,  "I  might  have  remained 
poor,  but  I  should  at  least  have  preserved  my  own  self- 
respect,  and  the  respect  of  my  friends  and  bondsmen. 
I  must  have  been  insane  when  I  treated  you  as  my 
enemy !" 

There  is  no  reason  for  giving  further  details.  This 
poor,  discouraged,  ruined  man,  a  doorkeeper  in  one  of 
the  legislative  branches  of  the  republic,  was  all  that  re 
mained  of  a  gallant  general  of  division,  who  had  led 
armies  over  the  walls  of  forts,  against  thrice  their  num 
ber,  to  victory.  He  it  was  who  many  times  had  wrested 
triumph  out  of  the  iron  jaws  of  defeat.  It  was  his  flash 
ing  eye  which  had  faced  the  rush  of  an  army  as  it  hurled 
itself  upon  the  Union  forces  ;  and,  seizing  the  critical 
moment,  it  was  his  hand  that  delivered  the  decisive  blow 
in  the  greatest  battle  of  the  century,  his  genius  that  won 
the  victory  which  restored  a  divided  union  and  made  ours 
the  greatest  republic  of  the  world. 

I  hope,  and  I  believe  it  is  true,  that  under  the  opera 
tion  of  the  civil-service  system,  the  rush  after  clerical 
positions  under  the  government  has  been  checked,  if  not 
wholly  arrested.  Thousands,  who  might  have  been  ac 
tive  and  useful  citizens  in  private  life,  have  condemned 
themselves  to  lives  of  anxiety  and  misery  by  their  suc 
cess  in  securing  one  of  these  positions.  A  man  is  buried 
in  them.  His  duties  become  routine,  he  is  soon  inca 
pable  of  doing  anything  better ;  in  an  incredibly  short 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  359 

time  he  has  lost  all  connection  with  the  world,  he  is  in 
peril  of  removal  with  every  change  of  administration, 
and  as  he  has  forgotten  how  to  do  anything  else,  re 
moval  is  his  ruin.  No  men  better  deserve  the  atten 
tion  of  philanthropists  than  the  clerks  in  the  government 
service. 

In  the  few  salaried  offices  not  subject  to  the  civil-ser 
vice  system,  the  situation  is  no  better.  These  necessa 
rily  change  with  the  administration.  The  term  of  service 
is  so  brief,  the  demands  upon  the  incumbent  are  so  numer 
ous,  that  no  active  man  can  afford  to  accept  one  of  them, 
unless  for  a  brief  honor  he  is  willing  to  pay  a  large  price. 
It  will  be  a  fortunate  day  for  the  country  when  the  civil- 
service  system  is  extended  to  all  the  government  offices, 
except  the  Cabinet  and  those  immediately  connected  with 
Congress. 

While  a  few  have  managed  to  keep  their  heads  above 
water,  how  many  of  my  contemporaries  have  gone  down 
beneath  the  waves  of  government  service !  Some,  sent 
to  Washington  as  members  of  Congress,  have  degenerat 
ed  into  claim  agents,  and  thence  into  the  depths  of  politi 
cal  pauperism.  Some,  appointed  to  small  offices,  have 
bartered  their  independence  for  insignificant  salaries, 
and  have  become  the  hacks  of  either  party  which  will 
give  them  employment.  Others,  losing  their  offices,  have 
sunk  into  poverty,  a  few,  alas !  into  crime.  I  am  unable 
to  recall  an  instance  where  one  of  my  friends,  having  be 
come  dependent  on  a  small  office  for  a  livelihood,  proved 
afterwards  of  any  considerable  value  to  his  country  or 
mankind. 


360  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XLI. 

WAS  GENERAL  THOMAS  LOYAL? 

GENERAL  GEORGE  H.  THOMAS  is  dead.  Since  his  death, 
and  that  of  nearly  all  his  witnesses,  it  has  been  alleged 
that  he  was  disloyal.  Some  Southern  historical  society 
claims  to  have  discovered  proofs  that  he  at  first  decided 
to  cast  his  lot  with  his  own  people ;  in  other  words,  to 
follow  the  example  of  other  officers  of  Southern  origin. 

Colonel  Henry  Stone,  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
has  recently,  in  a  vigorous  article,  published  in  the  New 
York  Tribune  of  June  7th,  1890,  given  this  unfounded 
statement  its  quietus.  General  Thomas  was  slow  to  an 
ger,  but  if  anything  would  cause  him, "  in  complete  steel," 
to  revisit  "  the  glimpses  of  the  moon,"  and  blast  the 
slanderer  with  a  look,  it  would  be  such  a  charge  as  this 
against  his  memory. 

I  am  able  to  contribute  one  or  two  facts  on  this  sub 
ject.  Even  before  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Gen 
eral  Scott  was  very  anxious  about  the  safety  of  the  pub 
lic  property  of  large  value  in  Texas,  which  was  under 
the  control  of  General  Twiggs.  The  Second  U.  S. 
Cavalry,  of  which  Thomas  was  major,  was  stationed 
there,  and  it  was  upon  information  communicated  by 
him  that  General  Scott  insisted  upon  the  transfer  of 
General  Twiggs  to  another  post.  But  Twiggs  was  a 
favorite  of  President  Buchanan.  General  Scott's  wishes 
were  disregarded,  and  on  the  23d  of  February  Twiggs 
delivered  himself,  as  many  regular  soldiers  as  he  could 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  361 

control,  and  public  property  valued  at  one  million  two 
hundred  and  nine  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  to  the 
state  of  Texas.  After  the  horse  was  stolen  the  stable 
was  locked.  On  the  first  day  of  March,  Secretary  Holt 
issued  an  order  dismissing  Twiggs  from  the  army  "for 
his  treachery  to  the  flag  of  his  country." 

Early  in  April  the  men  who  declined  to  be  surrendered 
by  Twiggs  began  to  arrive  in  New  York.  Thomas, 
though  on  sick  leave,  received  and  disposed  of  them,  and 
from  that  time  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  reliable 
assistants  of  General  Scott.  April  21st  was  a  lively  day 
in  Washington.  Lee  sent  to  General  Scott  a  notice  of 
his  resignation.  The  Baltimore  committee  were  in  Wash 
ington,  protesting  that  no  more  Northern  regiments 
should  be  permitted  to  pass  through  Maryland.  They 
brought  information  that  the  authorities  of  Maryland 
had  ordered  the  railroad  bridges  to  be  burned  and  all 
the  railroads  broken  up.  General  Scott  undertook  to 
restore  and  maintain  railroad  communication  with  the 
North.  He  did  not  hesitate  for  a  moment.  He  ordered 
a  detachment,  which  he  could  scarcely  afford  to  spare 
from  the  few  regulars  in  the  city,  to  disperse  the  Plug- 
Uglies  who  were  threatening  the  destruction  of  the 
railroad  between  Baltimore  and  Harrisburg,  and  Major 
Thomas  was  the  officer  selected  by  him  to  command  the 
detachment. 

All  this  occurred  on  Sunday.  There  were  loyal  men 
from  Baltimore  in  active  communication  with  the  Presi 
dent,  and  it  was  at  their  suggestion  that  the  force  was 
ordered  to  protect  the  Northern  railroad.  They  objected 
to  intrusting  so  important  a  matter  to  Major  Thomas, 
and  insisted  upon  the  appointment  of  Colonel  Mansfield. 
The  President  referred  them  to  General  Scott. 

"  Why  do  you  object  to  Major  Thomas?  What  do  you 


362  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

know  to  the  prejudice  of  Major  Thomas  ?"  demanded  the 
old  chieftain. 

They  had  nothing  against  Major  Thomas,  except  that 
he  was  a  Yirginian.  All  the  Virginians  were  resigning ; 
even  Colonel  Lee  had  gone  over  to  the  rebels.  'They 
feared  that  Major  Thomas  would  follow  his  example. 

"  I  am  more  fortunate  than  you  are.  I  know  Major 
Thomas  ;  he  is  incapable  of  disloyalty.  I  would  intrust 
him  with  what  is  to  me  the  most  precious  thing  on  earth 
— my  country's  flag  !  I  know  that  some  Virginians  have 
deserted  it.  But  there  are  Virginians  whom  I  am  not 
afraid  to  trust,  for  I  also  am  a  Virginian !"  said  the  old 
hero,  proudly. 

I  never  heard  the  loyalty  of  General  Thomas  ques 
tioned  after  this  endorsement.  He  was  understood 
to  be  a  worker,  one  of  the  most  efficient  organizers  of 
his  time.  He  was  more  quiet  and  unassuming  than 
Colonel  Mansfield,  but  equally  reliable  and  true.  He  had 
a  peculiar  mental  organization.  He  wras  cautious  and 
deliberate ;  he  would  not  fight  until  he  was  prepared. 
His  military  career  was  an  unbroken  success.  From  Mill 
Springs,  before  the  capture  of  Fort  Henry,  to  the  crush 
ing  defeat  which  he  administered  to  Hood  before  Nash 
ville,  I  do  not  remember  that  he  lost  a  battle.  His 
tenacity  was  unyielding.  "  You  must  hold  Chattanoo 
ga  !"  General  Grant  had  telegraphed  to  him,  when  Long- 
street  held  him  at  bay.  "  We  will  hold  the  town  until 
we  starve !"  was  his  reply.  And  his  animals  did  starve, 
and  his  men  came  very  near  doing  likewise  before  his 
communications  could  be  opened.  But  he  gave  no  sign 
of  surrender.  In  all  his  campaigns  he  never  moved  fast 
enough  to  satisfy  Grant.  When  the  "  March  to  the  Sea  " 
was  decided  upon,  Grant  and  Sherman  were  both  of  the 
opinion  that  Hood  would  move  northward  to  recover 


AND    HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  363 

Tennessee  and  Kentucky.  They  left  him  to  the  care  of 
Thomas,  intending  to  reinforce  his  small  army,  so  as  to 
enable  him  to  cope  with  Hood  and  all  the  rebel  force 
north  of  Atlanta.  It  was  a  perilous  movement  on  the 
part  of  Sherman.  If  Hood  was  not  arrested  before  he 
took  Nashville,  the  result  might  be  fatal.  Sherman  must 
have  had  great  confidence  in  Thomas,  since  the  success 
of  the  whole  campaign  would  depend  upon  the  result  of 
a  single  battle,  which  Thomas  was  to  win  against  a  vet 
eran  army  larger  than  his  own. 

Sherman  left  Atlanta  on  the  15th  of  November. 
Thomas  abandoned  all  the  intervening  positions,  and 
Hood  apparently  forced  him  back,  step  by  step,  into  the 
defences  of  Nashville,  which  he  reached  on  the  3d  of 
December. 

Hood  attacked  Sco-field  at  Franklin,  but  was  compelled 
to  draw  off  after  an  indecisive  battle.  Thomas  sent  no 
reinforcements  to  Scofield,  rightly  judging  that  the  lat 
ter  would  be  able  to  hold  his  own,  and  also  because  he 
preferred  to  choose  his  own  ground  for  the  decisive 
struggle. 

General  Grant  misunderstood  the  deliberation  of  Gen 
eral  Thomas's  policy,  and,  from  the  day  Sherman  left 
Atlanta,  pressed  him  to  attack  the  enemy.  As  Thomas 
made  no  answer,  but  continued  to  retire,  Grant  became 
more  emphatic,  and  finally,  when  the  former  was  appar 
ently  forced  back  to  Nashville,  the  orders  to  attack  be 
came  peremptory.  As  Thomas  gave  no  sign  in  reply, 
Grant  became  anxious,  and,  being  satisfied  that  further 
delay  would  be  fatal,  directed  Logan  to  relieve  Thomas, 
and  take  the  command  of  his  army.  His  solicitude  in 
creasing,  he  left  his  camp  before  Richmond  and  started 
for  Nashville.  He  reached  Washington  on  the  day  when 
Logan  arrived  at  Cincinnati. 


364  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

I  give  these  facts  upon  the  authority  of  Captain  Fox, 
whose  relations  with  the  President  were  at  that  time  of 
the  most  intimate  character.  He  related  the  incident 
immediately  after  its  occurrence,  as  a  strong  proof  of 
the  accuracy  of  the  President's  judgment,  and  as  show 
ing  how  confidently  he  relied  upon  it  in  dealing  with 
men.  He  said  that  General  Grant  informed  the  Presi 
dent  of  his  anxiety  about  General  Thomas,  and  of  his 
purpose  to  relieve  him  and  place  General  Logan  in  his 
command.  The  President  suggested  that,  as  General 
Thomas  was  one  of  the  most  cautious  and  prudent  of 
the  generals,  whether  it  might  not  be  that  his  judgment 
on  the  ground  was  better  than  that  of  others  who*  were 
five  hundred  miles  away ;  and  that  it  might  be  better  to 
wait  for  more  evidence  that  it  was  erroneous  before  re 
moving  him.  General  Grant  observed  that  that  might 
be,  if  the  consequences  of  his  defeat  would  not  be  so  se 
rious—that  he  was  a  very  competent  oificer,  but  habit 
ually  slow,  and  this  time  he  had  been  slower  than  ever. 
"  But  has  he  not  always  'got  there'  in  time  ?"  said  the 
President.  "  Some  generals  have  been  in  such  haste  that 
they  have  had  to  move  in  the  wrong  direction."  How 
ever,  the  President  declined  to  interfere  or  to  influence 
the  judgment  of  General  Grant  any  further  than  to  say, 
that  "  General  Thomas  acquired  my  confidence  in  April, 
1861,  and  he  has  ever  since  retained  it." 

Fortunately,  General  Grant  remained  in  Washington 
until  the  evening  train  for  the  "West.  Before  he  left,  de 
spatches  were  received  from  General  Thomas,  stating 
that  he  was  ready,  and  proposed  to  attack  Hood  the  next 
morning.  General  Grant  decided  to  wait  for  results. 

Possibly  the  finest  trait  in  the  character  of  General 
Grant  was  the  freedom  with  which  he  admitted  his  own 
errors,  and  especially  his  misjudgment  of  others.  His 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  365 

despatches  to  Thomas  implied  censure,  and  had  culmi 
nated  in  an  order  relieving  him  from  his  command.  "We 
may  now  leave  General  Grant  himself  to  describe  the 
sequel. 

In  his  Memoirs,  Grant  says,  in  substance,  that  he  had 
directed  Logan  not  to  take  the  command  if  he  found 
Thomas  ready  to  fight — that  Thomas  did  fight  and  "was 
successful  from  the  start ;  and  that  he  assailed  the  ene 
my  in  their  intrenchments,  and,  after  a  desperate  resist 
ance,  they  fled  in  disorder,  abandoning  everything.  In 
order  to  use  his  entire  strength,  Thomas  had  dismounted 
his  cavalry,  and  fought  them  as  infantry.  This  fact  and 
some  accidents  prevented  his  effective  pursuit  of  Hood. 
But  the  morale  of  the  latter's  army  was  destroyed,  its 
fighting  strength  annihilated,  so  that  it  was  rendered  in 
capable  of  inflicting  further  injury  to  the  Union  cause." 

The  battle  of  Nashville  crushed  the  Confederacy  in 
the  West,  and  made  Sherman's  "  march  to  the  sea  "  mem 
orable  in  the  annals  of  military  science.  The  result  was 
foreseen  by  Thomas,  who  pursued  his  plans  with  a  de 
liberation  which  nothing  could  disturb,  from  the  time  he 
parted  company  with  Sherman  until,  having  collected 
and  marshalled  his  forces  for  the  final  act,  he  dealt  his 
annihilating  blow  to  the  rebellion  before  Nashville.  Such 
a  general  could  not  fail  to  gain  the  complete  confidence 
of  his  men.  Well  might  General  Grant  send  him  from 
Washington  his  congratulations  on  "the  splendid  success 
of  to-day."  We  who  watched  his  career  from  that  anx 
ious  Sunday  in  April,  1861,  to  its  culmination  before 
Nashville  in  December,  1864,  should  at  least  defend  his 
memory,  and  see  to  it  that,  while  we  live,  no  spot  or 
blemish  shall  stain  the  record  of  this  modest,  great 
soldier. 


366  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 


XLIL 

THE  IMPARTIAL  JUDGMENT  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN.— THE  RES 
IGNATION  OF  SECRETARY  CHASE.— ITS  CAUSES  AND  CONSE 
QUENCES. 

THE  endeavor  now  to  write  anything  novel  about 
President  Lincoln  is  like  gleaning  in  an  exhausted  field. 
While  he  has  been  gradually  rising  to  the  position  he 
now  holds  in  the  world's  esteem,  it  is  not  strange  that 
those  who  had  any  acquaintance  with  him  should  each 
wish  to  contribute  his  mite  to  the  aggregate  of  material 
concerning  a  man  of  such  distinguished  abilities.  No 
American,  possibly  no  public  man  anywhere,  has  had  so 
many  biographers ;  no  biographers  have  ever  written 
with  a  more  imperfect  knowledge  of  their  subject  than 
some  of  the  authors  of  the  so-called  lives  of  Lincoln. 
Some  of  these  writers  have  private  griefs  to  ventilate, 
and,  not  courageous  enough  to  oppose  the  general  opin 
ion  of  his  sterling  worth,  have  descended  in  a  shame 
faced  way  to  make  public  assumed  defects  in  his  char 
acter  ;  and  others,  claiming  to  be  his  old  associates  and 
friends,  have  hinted  at  scandals  connected  with  his  ori 
gin  and  early  life  which  had  no  foundation,  and  which 
would  never  have  been  heard  of  but  for  their  officious- 
ness.  Their  poor  excuse  is  a  desire  to  exhibit  Mr.  Lin 
coln  as  he  was,  and  not  as  the  world  would  have  him  to 
be.  There  have  been  in  the  lives  of  all  great  men  oc 
currences  upon  which  friendship  lays  the  seal  of  silence, 
and  it  would  have  been  more  to  the  credit  of  these 
writers  if  they  had  emulated  the  dignified  silence  with 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  treated  unfortunate  circumstances 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  367 

which  he  could  neither  prevent  nor  control.  Examples 
of  both  these  classes  will  be  found  in  any  collection  of 
the  lives  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  conspicuously  in  one  col 
lection  claimed  to  have  been  written  by  the  "  distin 
guished  men  of  his  time." 

One  consequence  of  the  cacwthes  scribendi  about  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  that  all  the  events  of  his  life,  the  incidents  of 
his  professional  career,  the  apt  stories  attributed  to  him, 
many  of  which  he  never  heard,  have  been  rewritten  so 
many  times,  with  such  variations  as  the  peculiar  views 
of  the  writer  at  the  moment  suggested,  that  the  points 
of  some  of  the  best  have  been  lost  and  others  so  muti 
lated  that  they  are  no  longer  recognizable.  The  resig 
nation  of  the  Treasury  by  Mr.  Chase  in  June,  1864,  has 
not  escaped  the  general  mutilation.  It  was  an  impor 
tant  event ;  its  incidents  throw  a  flood  of  light  over  the 
characters  of  both  the  principals.  As  it  has  been  some 
times  described,  it  is  a  quarrel  between  two  politicians, 
of  little  consequence  to  them,  of  none  to  anybody  else. 
Some  of  the  accounts  begin  with  the  nomination  of 
Governor  Tod,  and  omit  the  important  events  by  which 
it  was  preceded.  Except  that  of  Messrs.  ISTicolay  and  Hay, 
all  the  accounts  that  I  have  seen  attribute  the  resignation 
to  Mr.  Chase's  desire  for  the  Republican  nomination  for 
the  Presidency  in  1864,  when,  in  fact,  he  had  given  up 
all  hope  of  it  for  1864,  more  than  six  months  previously. 

This  aftermath  of  Lincoln  material  seems  to  increase 
as  the  living  witnesses  disappear.  Soon  its  inventors  will 
be  able  to  exclaim,  with  a  distinguished  fabricator  of  his 
tory,  "  Who  is  there  to  dispute  what  I  say  ?"  What,  then, 
is  the  earnest  student  to  do  ?  How  is  he  to  distinguish 
between  the  false  and  the  true — the  wheat  of  fact  and 
the  chaff  of  fiction  ?  There  can  be  but  one  answer  to  the 
inquiry.  He  will  do  it  just  as  the  works  of  great  mas- 


368  RECOLLECTIONS   OF    PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

ters  have  always  been  distinguished  from  their  counter 
feits.  There  is  a  flavor  about  a  genuine  Lincoln  sen 
tence  or  story  which  is  unmistakable — as  different  as 
possible  from  those  of  any  other  man.  As  the  connois 
seur  in  art  identifies  a  Rembrandt  or  a  Diirer  at  a  glance, 
as  the  teller  in  the  Federal  Treasury  casts  out  the  de 
fective  coin  by  a  touch,  so  will  the  earnest  student  be 
come  an  expert  in  Lincolniana,  in  the  sentences  he  has 
written,  in  all  the  events  of  his  life.  A  single  glance  at 
a  new  fact  or  story  will  decide  whether  it  has  the  ring 
of  the  true  metal  or  the  leaden  sound  of  the  counter 
feit.  By  such  experts  must  future  lives  and  anecdotes 
be  judged ;  to  their  judgment  I  submit  the  following 
version  of  one  of  the  most  important  and  striking  events 
of  his  public  career. 

One  of  these  old  friends  and  associates  declares  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  faith.  If  Paul  understood  the  sub 
ject,  and  faith  is  "  the  substance  of  things  hoped  for,  the 
evidence  of  things  not  seen,"  then  no  man  ever  had  a 
faith  more  perfect  and  sincere  than  Mr.  Lincoln.  Once, 
during  a  half-soliloquy  in  the  Register's  Office,  while 
the  register  and  his  messenger  were  engaged  in  their 
work,  and,  as  he  liked  them  to  be,  paying  no  attention 
to  him,  he  broke  into  a  magnificent  outburst — a  word- 
painting  of  what  the  South  would  be  when  the  war 
was  over,  slavery  destroyed,  and  she  had  had  an  oppor 
tunity  to  develop  her  resources  under  the  benignant  in 
fluence  of  peace.  Twenty  years  and  more  afterwards 
this  scene  flashed  upon  my  memory  writh  the  vividness 
of  an  electric  light  as  I  recognized  the  word-picture  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  following  words  of  welcome  by  an 
eloquent  Southerner  to  a  Northern  delegation :  "  You 
are  standing,"  he  said,  "  at  this  moment  in  the  gateway 
that  leads  to  the  South.  The  wealth  that  is  there,  no 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  369 

longer  hidden  from  human  eyes,  flashes  in  your  very 
faces.  You  can  smell  the  roses  of  a  new  hope  that  fill 
the  air.  You  can  hear  the  heart-beats  of  progress  that 
come  as  upon  the  wings  of  heaven.  You  can  reach  forth 
your  hands  and  almost  clutch  the  gold  that  the  sun  rains 
down  with  his  beams,  as  he  takes  his  daily  journey  be 
tween  the  coal-mine  and  the  cotton-field ;  the  highlands 
of  wood  and  iron,  of  marble  and  granite ;  the  lowlands 
of  tobacco,  of  sugar  and  rice,  of  corn  and  kine,  of  wine, 
milk,  and  honey."  Such  was  the  picture  of  the  South 
presented  to  the  eye  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  faith,  and  very 
similar  were  the  words  in  which  that  picture  was  repre 
sented. 

I  have  written  the  following  account  largely  from 
personal  knowledge,  from  what  I  myself  saw  and  heard. 
The  principal  incidents  were  written  in  my  journal 
about  the  time  they  occurred.  It  has  been  the  regret 
of  my  subsequent  life  that  I  did  not  at  the  time  know 
how  great  a  man  Mr.  Lincoln  was ;  that  I  did  not  at  the 
time  write  out  and  preserve  an  account  of  many  other 
things  said  and  done  by  him.  This  occurrence  was  an 
exception.  I  felt  at  the  time  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  re 
vealing  himself  to  me  in  a  new  and  elevated  character, 

and  I  undertook  to  record  the  words  in  which  that  rev- 

/ 

elation  was  made. 

The  resignation  by  Secretary  Chase  of  his  position  as 
the  chief  financial  officer  of  the  United  States  closed  his 
prospects  as  a  Presidental  candidate  with  the  Republi 
can,  and  did  not  improve  them  with  the  Democratic 
party.  It  was  an  act  which  was  calculated  to  embarrass 
the  President,  for  which  there  was  no  good  excuse.  He 
inferred  from  past  events  that  his  resignation  would  not 
be  accepted ;  he  hoped  that  it  would  demonstrate  to  the 
country  that  he  had  become  a  necessity  of  the  financial 
24 


370  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

situation,  and  thereby  secure  to  him  its  more  perfect 
control. 

»/  A  question  of  forgery  had  arisen  in  the  Assistant  Treas 

ury  in  New  York.  The  auditor  who  signed  checks  for 
the  payment  of  money  pronounced  two  checks  returned 
to  him  as  paid,  amounting  to  nearly  $10,000,  to  be  for 
geries.  The  responsibility  for  the  money  lay  between 
Mr.  Cisco  and  the  auditor.  If  the  checks  were  genuine, 
the  auditor — if  they  were  forged,  Mr.  Cisco,  must  bear 
the  loss. 

Mr.  Cisco  claimed  to  know  that  the  checks  bore  the 
genuine  signature  of  the  auditor.  He  so  testified  in  an 
examination  which  took  place  before  a  commissioner  of 
the  United  States.  He  declined  to  admit  a  possibility 
that  he  could  be  mistaken.  His  experience,  he  said,  en 
abled  him  to  identify  a  genuine,  or  detect  a  forged  sig 
nature  with  unerring  certainty.  ]STo  one  could  imitate 
his  signature  so  as  to  cause  him  to  hesitate.  He  was  as 
certain  that  the  disputed  signatures  were  genuine  as 
though  he  had  seen  them  written. 

Friends  of  the  auditor,  who  were  confident  of  his  in 
tegrity,  finding  that  the  mind  of  Mr.  Cisco  was  closed  to 
all  the  presumptions  arising  from  the  long  service  and 
the  unblemished  character  of  the  accused,  availed  them 
selves  of  the  assistance  of  experts  and  of  photography. 
An  expert  wrote  an  imitation  of  the  assistant  treas 
urer's  name,  which  that  officer  testified  was  his  own 
genuine  signature.  He  was  as  certain  of  it  as  he  was 
of  the  genuineness  of  the  disputed  checks!  The  evi 
dence  of  the  expert  who  wrote  the  imitation,  and  an 
enlarged  photograph  of  the  signatures  to  the  checks, 
made  their  traced,  painted,  false,  and  spurious  character 
so  apparent  that  the  auditor  was  at  once  exonerated, 
notwithstanding  the  positive  evidence  of  his  chief.  The 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  371 

result  so  intensely  mortified  him  that  he  promptly  re 
signed  his  office  of  assistant  treasurer,  declaring  that 
nothing  should  induce  him  to  withdraw  his  resigna 
tion. 

Secretary  Chase  was  fond  of  those  who  recognized  his 
eminence,  and  were  ready  to  serve  him  as  their  acknowl 
edged  superior.  Those  especially  who  were  watchful  of 
his  convenience  and  of  opportunities  to  contribute  to  his 
personal  comforts  secured  a  strong  position  in  his  es 
teem.  Maunsel  B.  Field,  an  attache  in  the  office  of  the 
assistant  treasurer  of  New  York,  was  conspicuously  a 
person  of  this  class.  From  the  first  visit  of  the  secre 
tary  to  New  York  after  he  took  office,  Mr.  Field  had  at 
tached  himself  to  his  personal  service.  His  devotion  to 
that  service  was  perfect ;  so  that  afterwards,  as  the  vis 
its  of  the  secretary  increased  in  frequency,  Mr.  Field  at 
tended  to  his  social  engagements,  and  became  the 
authorized  agent  for  communication  with  him.  Mr. 
Field  was  a  person  of  polished  manners,  who  had  the 
entree  into  society.  He  wras  also  a  writer  for  the  news 
papers  and  a  Democrat,  without  much  position  or  fol 
lowing  in  his  party.  His  service  was  so  attentive  that 
the  secretary  came  to  regard  him  as  a  kind  of  personal 
society  representative.  The  office  of  Third  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  created  for  him.  He  was 
appointed  to  it,  and  removed  to  Washington,  where  he 
was  afterwards  employed  in  a  confidential  relation  near 
the  secretary's  person.  There  were  facts,  of  which  it 
is  impossible  that  the  secretary  long  remained  ignorant, 
which,  though  not  reflecting  upon  his  personal  integrity, 
it  wras  represented  necessarily  disqualified  him  for  any 
position  of  trust  or  pecuniary  responsibilty.  From  time 
to  time  he  absented  himself  from  the  Treasury,  some 
times  for  weeks  together.  No  one  seemed  to  know 


372  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

whither  he  retired,  or  to  have  any  knowledge  of  the 
cause  of  his  absence. 

Mr.  Cisco  had  filled  his  important  office  of  assistant 
treasurer  with  great  fidelity  to  the  country  and  credit 
to  himself.  The  fact  that  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Democratic  party,  most  earnest  in  his  co-operation  with 
the  administration  in  all  its  measures  for  the  suppression 
of  the  rebellion,  had  enabled  him  to  contribute  to  the 
success  of  Mr.  Chase's  financial  measures  more  power 
fully,  probably,  than  any  Republican  could  have  done  in 
the  same  position,  while  his  personal  influence  upon 
members  of  his  own  party  had  been  strong,  and  always 
exerted  to  promote  the  cause  of  the  Union.  Yery  strong 
Kepublican  influences  were  therefore  brought  forward 
to  induce  Mr.  Cisco  to  reconsider  his  resignation,  but  he 
had  apparently  determined  to  return  to  private  life,  and 
peremptorily  insisted  upon  its  acceptance. 

Always  having  great  responsibility  from  the  amount 
of  public  treasure  intrusted  to  his  care,  the  assistant 
treasurer  at  New  York  was  at  that  time  the  most  im 
portant  civil  officer  in  the  republic,  next  after  the 
members  of  the  cabinet.  The  bank  presidents  of  New 
York  city,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia  then  represented 
the  money  of  the  nation,  and,  acting  together,  as  they 
usually  did,  they  could  promote  the  early  success  of  or 
delay  and  obstruct  the  financial  measures  of  the  govern 
ment.  That  they  had  always  hitherto  supported  the 
secretary,  and  co-operated  in  the  execution  of  his  plans, 
had  been  largely  due  to  the  influence  of  Mr.  Cisco. 
There  had  been  occasions  when  these  bank  officers  had 
attempted  to  defeat  some  of  these  plans,  or,  at  least,  to 
limit  their  success.  But  the  strength  of  the  secretary 
was  re-enforced  by  the  persistent  influence  of  Mr.  Cisco, 
always  discreetly  but  constantly  operating,  so  that  when 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  373 

Mr.  Chase  met  these  gentlemen  in  the  assistant  treas 
urer's  office,  as  he  so  frequently  did,  his  personal  mag 
netism  usually  brought  them  to  his  support.  It  was, 
therefore,  most  desirable  that  Mr.  Cisco's  succcessor 
should,  so  far  as  practicable,  possess  his  qualities,  sustain 
his  relations  to  the  banks,  and  continue  to  exercise  his 
good  judgment.  Such  a  man  was  not  readily  found. 
Ex-Governor  Morgan,  then  a  senator  from  New  York, 
a  financier  of  wide  experience,  and  intimately  acquaint 
ed  with  all  the  conditions  which  controlled  financial 
movements  in  that  city,  took  an  active  interest  in  the 
New  York  appointments.  He  was  one  of  the  most  in 
fluential  Republicans  in  Congress,  who  was  upon  every 
ground  entitled  to  be  consulted  in  regard  to  this  ap 
pointment.  He  suggested  Mr.  John  A.  Stewart,  the 
president  of  the  oldest  and  wealthiest  trust  company  in 
the  city,  an  able  financier  of  ripe  experience,  a  pure  and 
patriotic  man,  as  Mr.  Cisco's  successor.  Secretary  Chase 
approved  it,  and  the  suggestion  met  with  universal  favor. 
But  Mr.  Stewart  would  not  accept  the  appointment. 
He  was  unwilling  to  sacrifice  his  permanent  position  for 
one  the  tenure  of  which  was  uncertain,  and  this  consid 
eration  was  found  to  be  controlling  with  other  eminent 
financial  men  possessed  of  similar  qualifications. 

While  it  was  generally  understood  that  the  Republi 
can  congressmen  of  ISTew  York  wrere  looking  for  a  suit 
able  successor  to  Mr.  Cisco,  they  were  amazed  by  the 
discovery  that  Secretary  Chase  had  sent  the  name  of 
Maunsel  B.  Field  to  the  President  for  appointment  to 
that  responsible  office.  The  fact  became  public  through 
Mr.  Field  himself,  who  disclosed  it  to  Republicans  to 
whom  he  applied  for  recommendations.  It  produced 
something  like  an  explosion  of  indignant  opposition. 

It  seemed  impossible  to  account  for  this  nomination 


374  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

upon  the  ordinary  motives  which  control  human  action. 
It  was  one  which  Secretary  Chase  should  have  known 
was  unwise  to  be  made.  The  nominee  had  not  one  of  the 
qualities  which  had  made  Mr.  Cisco  strong,  or  which 
had  led  to  the  selection  of  Mr.  Stewart.  He  had  no 
financial  or  political  standing,  and  his  natural  abilities 
were  of  a  literary  rather  than  an  executive  character. 
It  was  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Senator  Morgan 
and  other  Republicans  hurried  to  the  President  and 
indignantly  protested  against  Mr.  Field's  nomination. 
They  did  not  measure  their  words.  They  claimed  that 
such  an  appointment  would  be  an  insult  to  the  Union 
men  of  Kew  York ;  that  it  would  injure  the  party  and 
disgrace  the  administration ;  and,  finally,  they  offered  to 
procure  a  written  protest  against  the  nomination,  to  be 
signed  by  every  Republican  senator  and  member  of  the 
House  in  the  present  Congress. 

From  the  time  the  opposition  to  him  was  made  public, 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Field  became  impossible.  The 
natural  course  obviously  was  for  the  President  to  as 
sume  that  Secretary  Chase  had  suggested  him  in  igno 
rance  of  the  objections  now  urged  against  him ;  to  re 
quest  the  secretary  to  withdraw  Mr.  Field  and  make  an 
other  nomination.  But  there  had  already  been  friction 
between  the  President  and  the  secretary  on  the  subject 
of  nominations ;  the  latter  insisting  that  as  he  was  held 
responsible  for  the  administration  of  the  Treasury,  he 
should  hold  the  unrestricted  power  of  appointment  and 
removal.  The  President  conceded  his  claim,  but  main 
tained  that  it  should  be  reasonably  exercised,  and  that 
he  should  not  be  requested  to  make  an  appointment  to 
an  office  in  a  state  the  whole  congressional  delegation 
of  which,  opposed  it,  which  would  prove  injurious  to  the 
party,  or  which  was  contrary  to  the  traditions  of  the 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  375 

administration.  In  other  instances  the  secretary  had 
shown  himself  unwilling  to  admit  even  these  restric 
tions,  and  in  the  case  of  one  appointment  made  against 
the  wishes  of  the  Republicans  of  a  state,  and  rejected 
by  the  Senate,  he  threatened  to  resign  his  office  unless 
the  President  renominated  the  rejected  candidate  a 
second  time.  Although  the  difficulty  in  the  case  re 
ferred  to  was  compromised,  the  President  anticipated 
that  Secretary  Chase  would  insist  upon  Mr.  Field's  ap 
pointment,  notwithstanding  all  the  objections — an  opin 
ion  in  which  he  was  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the 
secretary  neither  called  upon  nor  communicated  with 
him  after  some  of  the  New  York  Republicans  had  re 
monstrated  against  the  nomination  to  Mr.  Chase  in 
person. 

After  twenty-four  hours'  delay  the  President,  waiving 
all  ceremony,  sent  a  polite  note  to  the  Treasury  asking 
his  Secretary  to  oblige  him  by  sending  him  the  nomina 
tion  of  some  one  who  was  not  objectionable  to  the  sen 
ators  from  New  York.  Instead  of  withdrawing  Mr. 
Field's  name?  Secretary  Chase  replied  by  note,  asking  for 
an  interview.  When  two  parties  are  seated  actually  in 
sight  of,  and  begin  to  write  formal  notes  to  each  other, 
they  are  neither  very  likely  nor  very  desirous  to  agree. 
The  President  declined  the  interview,  on  the  ground 
that  the  difference  between  them  did  not  lie  within  the 
range  of  a  conversation.  In  the  meantime  the  inge 
nuity  of  Mr.  Field  himself  devised  a  way  out  of  the  diffi 
culty.  Finding  that  he  would  lose  the  appointment,  he 
brought  certain  Democratic  influences  to  bear  to  induce 
Mr.  Cisco  temporarily  to  withdraw  his  resignation,  so 
that  he  (Field)  might  take  a  place  in  the  New  York 
office,  nominally  under  Mr.  Cisco,  but  really  to  prepare 
the  way  for  his  own  appointment  after  the  adjournment 


376  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

of  Congress,  and  when  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Lincoln  should 
have  been  indicated  by  the  early  fall  elections.  Mr. 
Cisco  unexpectedly  complied,  and  the  subject  of  conten 
tion  was  for  the  moment  apparently  removed. 

Secretary  Chase  had  many  subordinates  wrho  regarded 
it  as  their  duty  to  magnify  his  office  and  exalt  his  name. 
He  was  firmly  of  opinion  that  no  one  but  himself  could 
maintain  the  national  credit ;  these  subordinates  assured 
him  that  such  was  the  prevailing  opinion,  and  it  had  be 
come  an  article  of  faith  in  the  department.  He  had  no 
doubt  whatever  that  the  President  had  embraced  it. 
He  believed  that  his  offer  of  resignation  would  create  a 
general  public  demand  that  he  should  continue  at  the 
head  of  the  Treasury,  and  upon  a  recent  occasion  the 
President  had  confirmed  his  belief  in  that  respect  by 
urgently  requesting  him  to  change  his  purpose  to  re 
sign.  Although  there  was  no  adequate  occasion  for  it, 
he  thought  the  present  an  excellent  opportunity  to  re 
peat  both  the  resignation  and  his  former  experience. 
He,  therefore,  again  tendered  his  resignation,  accompany 
ing  it  with  an  intimation  that  the  failure  to  nominate 
Mr.  Field  had  rendered  his  position  one  of  embarrass 
ment,  difficulty,  and  painful  responsibility. 

The  resignation  was  written  and  forwarded  on  the 
29th  of  June.  It  w^as  not  unexpected  to  President  Lin 
coln,  and  he  dealt  with  it  with  wise  deliberation.  Dur 
ing  the  day  he  requested  me  to  call  at  the  White  House 
at  the  close  of  business.  I  found  him  undisturbed,  and 
apparently  in  a  happy  frame  of  mind. 

"  I  have  sent  for  you,"  he  said,  "  to  ask  you  a  ques 
tion.  How  long  can  the  Treasury  be  'run'  under  an 
acting  appointment  ?  Whom  can  I  appoint  who  will  not 
take  the  opportunity  to  run  the  engine  off  the  track,  or 
do  any  other  damage  ?" 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  377 

I  was  too  much  troubled  and  surprised  to  answer  him 
directly.  "  Mr.  President,"  I  exclaimed,  "  you  will  not 
let  so  small  a  matter  as  this  New  York  appointment 
separate  yourself  and  Governor  Chase  1  Do  not,  I  beg 
of  you  !  Tell  me  where  the  trouble  lies,  and  let  me  see 
if  I  cannot  arrange  it." 

"No;  it  is  past  arrangement,"  he  said.  "I  feel  re 
lieved  since  I  have  settled  the  question.  I  would  not 
restore  what  they  call  the  status  quo  if  I  could." 

"But,"  I  continued,  "think  of  the  country,  of  the 
Treasury,  of  the  consequences !  I  do  not  for  a  moment 
excuse  the  secretary.  His  nomination  of  Field  was  most 
unaccountable  to  me.  But  Secretary  Chase,  with  all  his 
faults,  is  a  great  financier.  His  administration  of  the 
Treasury  has  been  a  financial  wonder.  Who  can  fill  his 
place  \  There  is  not  a  man  in  the  Union  who  can  do  it. 
If  the  national  credit  goes  under,  the  Union  goes  with 
it.  I  repeat  it — Secretary  Chase  is  to-day  a  national 
necessity." 

"  How  mistaken  you  are  !"  he  quietly  observed.  "  Yet 
it  is  not  strange ;  I  used  to  have  similar  notions.  No ! 
If  we  should  all  be  turned  out  to-morrow,  and  could 
come  back  here  in  a  week,  w^e  should  find  our  places 
filled  by  a  lot  of  fellows  doing  just  as  well  as  we  did, 
a.nd  in  many  instances  better.  As  the  Irishman  said, 
*  In  this  country  one  man  is  as  good  as  another ;  and,  for 
the  matter  of  that,  very  often  a  great  deal  better.'  No ; 
this  government  does  not  depend  upon  the  life  of  any  man" 
he  said,  impressively.  "  But  you  have  not  answered  my 
question.  There" — pointing  to  the  table — "is  Chase's 
resignation.  I  shall  write  its  acceptance  as  soon  as  you 
have  told  me  how  much  time  I  can  take  to  hunt  up  an 
other  secretary." 

"  The  Treasury  can  be  run  under  an  acting  appointment 


378  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

two  or  three  days,'''  I  answered.  "  It  ought  not  to  be 
run  for  a  day.  There  is  an  unwritten  law  of  the  depart 
ment  that  an  acting  secretary  should  do  nothing  but  cur 
rent  business.  'No  one  whom  you  would  be  likely  to 
appoint  would  consciously  violate  it." 

"Whom  shall  I  appoint  acting  secretary?"  he  asked. 
"  I  have  thought  it  would  be  scarcely  proper  to  name 
one  of  the  assistant  secretaries  after  their  chief  is  out." 

"  If  you  ask  my  opinion,"  I  replied,  "  I  should  advise 
the  appointment  of  the  first  assistant.  I  fear  the  effect 
of  this  resignation  upon  the  country,  and  it  would  be 
unwise  to  increase  its  evils  by  departing  from  the  usual 
course.  An  intimation  from  you  that  nothing  but  cur 
rent  business  should  be  transacted  will  certainly  be  re 
spected." 

11  That  seems  sensible ;  I  thank  you  for  the  sugges 
tion,"  he  said.  "  But  I  shall  have  to  put  on  my  think 
ing-cap  at  once,  and  find  a  successor  to  Chase." 

"  Where  is  the  man  ?"  I  exclaimed.  "  Mr.  President, 
this  is  worse  than  another  Bull  Run  defeat.  Pray,  let 
me  go  to  Secretary  Chase  and  see  if  I  cannot  induce 
him  to  withdraw  his  resignation.  Its  acceptance  now 
might  cause  a  financial  panic." 

I  shall  carry  the  memory  of  his  next  words  as  long  as 
I  live.  Every  time  I  think  of  them  Mr.  Lincoln  will 
seem  to  grow  greater  as  a  man — to  be  the  greatest  Amer 
ican  who  ever  lived.  Consider  the  circumstances.  The 
country  was  in  the  fiercest  throes  of  civil  war ;  the  Pres 
ident  was  weighted  with  the  heaviest  responsibilities; 
his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  tendering  his  resigna 
tion  when  there  was  no  good  excuse  for  the  act,  mani 
festly  to  embarrass  him  and  to  increase  his  difficulties. 
Then  weigh  these  words : 

"  I  will  tell  you,"  he  said,  leaning  back  in  his  chair, 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

and  carelessly  throwing  one  of  his  long  legs  over  the 
other,  "  how  it  is  with  Chase.  It  is  the  easiest  thing  in 
the  world  for  a  man  to  fall  into  a  bad  habit.  Chase  has 
fallen  into  two  bad  habits.  One  is  that  to  which  I  have 
often  referred.  He  thinks  he  has  become  indispensable 
to  the  country ;  that  his  intimate  friends  know  it,  and 
he  cannot  comprehend  why  the  country  does  not  under 
stand  it.  He  also  thinks  he  ought  to  be  President ;  he 
has  no  doubt  whatever  about  that.  It  is  inconceivable 
to  him  why  people  have  not  found  it  out;  why  they 
don't,  as  one  man,  rise  up  and  say  so.  He  is,  as 
you  say,  an  able  financier ;  as  you  think,  without  say 
ing  so,  he  is  a  great  statesman,  and,  at  the  bottom,  a 
patriot.  Ordinarily  he  discharges  a  public  trust,  the 
duties  of  a  public  office,  with  great  ability — with  greater 
ability  than  any  man  I  know.  Mind,  I  say  ordinarily, 
for  these  bad  habits  seem  to  have  spoiled  him.  They 
have  made  him  irritable,  uncomfortable,  so  that  he  is 
never  perfectly  happy  unless  he  is  thoroughly  miserable, 
and  able  to  make  everybody  else  just  as  uncomfortable 
as  he  is  himself.  He  knows  that  the  nomination  of 
Field  would  displease  the  Unionists  of  New  York,  would 
delight  our  enemies,  and  injure  our  friends.  He  knows 
that  I  could  not  make  it  without  seriously  offending  the 
strongest  supporters  of  the  government  in  New  York, 
and  that  the  nomination  would  not  strengthen  him  any 
where  or  with  anybody.  Yet  he  resigns  because  I  will 
not  make  it.  He  is  either  determined  to  annoy  me,  or 
that  I  shall  pat  him  on  the  shoulder  and  coax  him  to 
stay.  I  don't  think  I  ought  to  do  it.  I  will  not  do  it. 
I  will  take  him  at  his  word." 

Here  he  made  a  long  pause.  His  mobile  face  wore  a 
speaking  expression,  and  indicated  that  he  was  thinking 
earnestly ;  but,  with  perfect  coolness,  he  continued :  "  And 


380  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

yet  there  is  not  a  man  in  the  Union  who  would  make  as 
good  a  chief  justice  as  Chase/'  There  was  another  pause ; 
his  plain,  homely  face  was  illuminated  as  he  added,"  And, 
if  I  have  the  opportunity,  I  wrill  make  him  Chief  Justice 
of  the  United  States." 

I  thought  at  the  time,  and  I  have  never  since  changed 
the  opinion,  that  a  man  who  could  form  such  a  just  esti 
mate  and  avow  such  a  purpose  in  relation  to  another 
who  had  just  performed  a  gratuitous  act  of  personal  an 
noyance  intended  to  add  to  his  responsibilities — already 
the  greatest  which  any  American  had  ever  undertaken 
—who  seemed  wholly  incapable  of  any  thought  of  pun 
ishment  or  even  reproof,  must  move  upon  a  higher  plane 
and  be  influenced  by  loftier  motives  than  any  man  I  had 
before  met  with.  In  the  entire  interview  there  was  not 
an  indication  of  passion  or  prejudice ;  there  was  a  com 
plete  elimination  of  himself  from  the  situation.  There 
was  nothing  but  the  impartiality  of  a  just  judge,  the  dis 
interestedness  of  a  patriot,  the  stoicism  of  a  philosopher. 
I  was  silenced,  and  about  to  take  my  leave,  when  he  said : 

"Well,  then,  I  understand  I  can  take  three  days  of 
grace.  In  that  time  I  shall  find  somebody  who  will 
fit  the  notch  and  satisfy  the  nation.  Perhaps  I  shall  find 
him  to-night.  My  best  thoughts  always  come  in  the 
night.  As  soon  as  I  find  him,  you  shall  know.  I  must 
first  write  my  acceptance  of  Chase's  resignation." 
/On  the  following  day,  June  30th,  the  President  sent 
the  nomination  of  ex-Governor  Tod,  of  Ohio,  as  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  the  Senate  for  confirmation. 
There  is  no  occasion  now  to  inquire  after  his  motives. 
Undoubtedly,  his  first  thought  was  of  an  Ohio  man,  his 
opinion  being  settled  that  it  was  better  not  to  select  a 
secretary  from  any  of  the  Atlantic  states.  The  nomina 
tion  was  not  well  received,  and  it  was  a  relief  to  his 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  381 

friends  when,  during  the  evening,  Mr.  Tod,  by  telegraph, 
peremptorily  declined  it. 

Before  sunrise  the  next  day  I  was  again  sent  for.  I 
rode  to  the  White  House  in  the  dawning  light  of  an  early 
summer  morning,  and  found  the  President  in  his  waist 
coat,  trousers,  and  slippers.  lie  had  evidently  just  left 
his  bed,  and  had  not  taken  time  to  dress  himself.  As  I 
entered  the  familiar  room,  he  said,  in  a  cheerful,  satisfied 
voice : 

"  I  have  sent  for  you  to  let  you  know  that  we  have 
got  a  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  If  your  sleep  has  been 
disturbed,  you  have  time  for  a  morning  nap.  You  will 
like  to  meet  him  when  the  department  opens." 

"  I  am,  indeed,  glad  to  hear  it,"  I  said.  "  But  who 
is  he?" 

"  Oh,  you  will  like  the  appointment,  so  will  the  coun 
try,  so  will  everybody.  It  is  the  best  appointment  pos 
sible.  Strange  that  I  should  have  had  any  doubt  about 
it.  What  have  you  to  say  to  Mr.  Fessenden  ?" 

"  He  would  be  an  eminently  proper  appointment,"  I 
answered.  "  The  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on 
Finance ;  perfectly  familiar  with  all  our  financial  legis 
lation,  a  strong,  able  man,  and  a  true  friend  of  the  Union. 
He  is  also  next  in  the  direct  line  of  promotion.  But  he 
will  not  accept.  His  health  is  frail,  and  his  present  po 
sition  suits  him.  There  is  not  one  chance  in  a  thousand 
of  his  acceptance." 

"  He  will  accept ;  have  no  fear  on  that  account.  I 
have  just  notified  him  of  his  appointment,  and  I  expect 
him  every  moment." 

At  this  moment  the  door  suddenly  opened,  and  Mr. 
Fessenden  almost  burst  into  the  room,  without  being 
announced.  His  thin  face  was  colorless ;  there  was  in 
tense  excitement  in  his  voice  and  movements. 


382  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  I  cannot !  I  will  not !  I  should  be  a  dead  man  in  a 
week.  I  am  a  sick  man  now.  I  cannot  accept  this  ap 
pointment,  for  which  I  have  no  qualifications.  You, 
Mr.  President,  ought  not  to  ask  me  to  do  it.  Pray  re 
lieve  me  by  saying  that  you  will  withdraw  it.  I  repeat, 
I  cannot  and  will  not  accept  it." 

The  President  rose  from  his  chair,  approached  Mr. 
Fessenden,  and  threw  his  arm  around  his  neck.  It  may 
seem  ludicrous,  but,  as  I  saw  that  long  and  apparently 
unstiffened  limb  winding  like  a  cable  about  the  small 
neck  of  the  senator  from  Maine,  I  wondered  how  many 
times  the  arm  would  encircle  it.  His  voice  was  serious 
and  emphatic,  but  without  any  assumption  of  solemnity, 
as  he  said : 

"Fessenden,  since  I  have  occupied  this  place,  ev 
ery  appointment  I  have  made  upon  my  own  judgment 
has  proved  to  be  a  good  one.  I  do  not  say  the  best  that 
could  have  been  made,  but  good  enough  to  answer  the 
purpose.  All  the  mistakes  I  have  made  have  been  in 
cases  where  I  have  permitted  my  own  judgment  to  be 
overruled  by  that  of  others.  Last  night  I  saw  my  way 
clear  to  appoint  you  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  do 
not  think  you  have  any  right  to  tell  me  you  will  not 
accept  the  place.  I  believe  that  the  suppression  of  the 
rebellion  has  been  decreed  by  a  higher  power  than  any 
represented  by  us,  and  that  the  Almighty  is  using  his 
own  means  to  that  end.  You  are  one  of  them.  It  is  as 
much  your  duty  to  accept  as  it  is  mine  to  appoint.  Your 
nomination  is  now  on  the  way  from  the  State  Depart 
ment,  and  in  a  few  minutes  it  will  be  here.  It  will  be 
in  the  Senate  at  noon,  you  will  be  immediately  and  unan 
imously  confirmed,  and  by  one  o'clock  to-day  you  must 
be  signing  warrants  in  the  Treasury." 

Mr.  Fessenden  was  intellectually  a  strong  man,  one  of 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION".  383 

the  last  men  to  surrender  his  own  judgment  to  the  will 
of  another,  but  he  made  no  effort  to  resist  the  Presi 
dent's  appeal.  He  cast  his  eyes  upon  the  floor,  and  mur 
mured,  "  Well,  perhaps  I  ought  to  think  about  it,"  and 
turned  to  leave  the  room. 

"  No,"  said  the  President,  "  this  matter  is  settled  here 
and  now.  I  am  told  that  it  is  very  necessary  that  a  sec 
retary  should  act  to-day.  You  must  enter  upon  your 
duties  to-day.  I  will  assure  you  that,  if  a  change  be 
comes  desirable  hereafter,  I  will  be  ready  and  willing  to 
make  it.  But,  unless  I  misunderstand  the  temper  of  the 
public,  your  appointment  wrill  be  so  satisfactory  that  wre 
shall  have  no  occasion  to  deal  with  any  question  of 
change  for  some  time  to  come." 

At  this  point  the  conversation  terminated,  and  all  the 
persons  present  separated.  The  result  is  well  known. 
Mr.  Fessenden's  appointment  was  entirely  satisfactory, 
and  the  affairs  of  the  Treasury  went  on  so  smoothly  that 
no  change  in  the  financial  policy  of  Secretary  Chase  was 
attempted;  and  from  this  time  until  the  resignation  of 
Mr.  Fessenden  there  was  no  further  friction  between  the 
Treasury  Department  and  the  Executive. 

Chief  Justice  Taney  died  in  the  following  October. 
The  friends  of  Secretary  Chase  immediately  put  forth 
the  strongest  effort  possible  to  secure  for  him  an  appoint 
ment  to  the  vacancy.  They  were  assured  that  no  such 
effort  was  necessary  ;  that  he  would  receive  the  appoint 
ment  without  asking  for  it.  They  would  not,  and  could 
not,  accept  the  assurance.  They  said  that  Mr.  Chase 
had  made  some  very  harsh  observations  about  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  which  must  have  come  to  his  knowledge ;  that 
nothing  would  induce  him  to  overlook  those  remarks, 
unless  there  was  practically  a  united  demand  from  all 
the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  for  the  appointment. 


384:  RECOLLECTIONS   OF    PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

I  am  sincerely  grateful  that  I  had  at  that  time  so  true 
an  appreciation  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  character  that  I  knew 
that  such  remarks  would  make  no  impression  whatever 
upon  his  mind.  I  was  confirmed  in  my  opinion  by  the 
information  I  received  of  the  experience  of  the  friend  of 
another  candidate  who  attempted  to  improve  his  chances 
by  repeating  to  the  President  some  of  these  remarks  of 
his  former  secretary.  The  President  at  first  replied  that 
the  secretary  was  probably  justified  in  his  observations, 
but  when  the  advocate  pressed  the  point  more  earnestly, 
he  received  a  reproof  from  the  President  which  perma 
nently  suppressed  further  effort  in  that  direction. 

The  appointment  was  made  in  November,  as  speedily 
as  was  appropriate  after  the  vacancy  occurred.  The  only 
direction  of  the  President  I  ever  consciously  violated  was 
when,  after  the  appointment,  I  had  the  satisfaction  of 
informing  the  chief  justice  that  his  appointment  had 
been  decided  upon  on  the  30th  of  the  previous  June, 
after  which  the  President  had  never  contemplated  any 
other.  Not  many  days  afterwards  I  was  shown  a  copy 
of  a  letter  to  the  President,  written  by  Mr.  Chase,  in 
which  he  expressed  his  gratitude  for  the  appointment, 
which,  he  said,  he  desired  more  than  any  other.  Thus 
was  the  entente  cordiale  restored  between  these  two  em 
inent  Americans,  never  again  to  be  broken  or  interrupt 
ed.  Among  the  sorrowing  hearts  around  the  dying  bed 
of  the  republic's  greatest  President,  there  was  none  more 
affectionate  than  that  of  his  chief  justice  and  his  first 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  385 


XLIIL 

THE  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  WASHINGTON   IN  1864.— THE  BATTLE 
OF    MONOCACY. 

THE  demonstration  against  the  city  of  Washington  by 
a  Confederate  army  under  General  Early  in  July,  1864, 
was  one  of  the  important  events  of  the  war.  It  has 
originated  so  many  issues  of  fact  that  the  search  for  its 
true  history  has  become  obstructed  by  serious  difficul 
ties.  There  were  reasons  at  the  time  why  the  Federal 
authorities  did  not  wish  to  magnify  the  danger  with 
which  it  threatened  the  capital,  and  after  the  retreat 
of  his  army  General  Early  seems  to  have  been  in 
fluenced  by  motives  acting  in  the  same  direction.  Since 
the  close  of  the  war,  the  event  has  caused  an  extended 
discussion.  On  one  side,  the  tendency  has  been  to  treat 
the  fights  on  the  Monocacy  and  before  Washington  as 
lively  skirmishes  rather  than  real  battles,  while  General 
Early  has  persistently  denied  that  the  capture  of  Wash 
ington  formed  any  part  of  the  plan  of  his  campaign. 

I  was  in  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  and  had  a 
lively  interest  in  the  movements  of  General  Early.  I  saw 
as  much  as  any  civilian  of  the  movements  of  our  own  forces. 
I  witnessed  the  fighting  in  front  of  Fort  Stevens,  and  I 
know  whether  the  terror  and  consternation  existed  which 
General  Early  supposes  his  so-called  feint  to  have  created. 
I  think  I  am  able  to  give  pertinent  evidence  upon  sev 
eral  issues  which  the  Confederates  have  raised. 

In  June,  1864,  all  the  available  troops  in  the  vicinity 
of  Washington  had  been  sent  to  General  Grant,  who 
25 


386  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

was  pressing  Richmond  by  the  slow  and  sure  processes 
of  a  siege.  A  mixed  collection  of  home-guards,  conva 
lescents,  and  department  employes,  with  a  very  small 
number  of  veterans,  was  left  in  the  defences  of  Wash 
ington  and  Baltimore,  which  was  intended  to  hold  them 
until  reinforced  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  in  case 
either  city  should  be  threatened  by  a  Confederate  army. 
At  Point  Lookout,  below  the  capital,  on  the  Maryland 
bank  of  the  river,  was  a  camp  of  about  twenty  thousand 
rebel  prisoners,  all  veterans  made  vigorous  by  rest  and 
Federal  rations,  who  were  much  wanted  by  General 
Lee  to  recruit  his  army. 

The  signal  service  between  the  Confederates  within 
the  city  of  Washington  and  their  friends  outside  the 
defences  was  perfect.  Flags  by  day,  lights  and  rock 
ets  by  night,  kept  General  Lee  fully  advised  of  every 
thing  important  for  him  to  know.  He  was  as  thor 
oughly  informed  of  the  defences  of  "Washington,  and 
the  number  and  effectiveness  of  the  forces  by  which  they 
were  garrisoned,  as  General  Grant  or  any  officer  of  the 
Federal  army.  Grant  having  undertaken  a  regular  siege 
of  Richmond  which  would  occupy  much  time,  General 
Lee  represented  to  President  Davis  "  the  great  benefit 
that  might  be  drawn  from  the  release  of  these  (rebel) 
prisoners,"  and  his  ability  to  "  devote  to  this  purpose 
the  whole  of  the  Maryland  troops."  "  I  think  I  can 
maintain  our  lines  against  General  Grant,"  he  had  writ 
ten,  "  but  I  am  at  a  loss  where  to  find  a  proper  leader." 
"  Of  those  connected  with  this  army,  I  think  Colonel 
Bradley  Johnson  the  most  suitable."  Colonel  Johnson 
was  a  native  of  Maryland,  perfectly  familiar  with  the 
country  between  the  lines  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio, 
and  Northern  railroads,  with  Point  Lookout,  and  in  fact 
with  the  entire  topography  of  Maryland. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  387 

It  was  supposed  at  the  time  that  General  Lee,  having 
a  full  knowledge  of  the  details  of  the  situation,  devised 
from  his  point  of  view  an  effective  campaign,  and  that 
he  determined  to  send  a  third  of  his  army,  under  Gen 
eral  Early,  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley  by  forced 
marches,  across  the  Potomac,  into  Maryland.  There  a 
division  of  cavalry,  under  Colonel  Bradley  T.  Johnson, 
would  press  on  to  Point  Lookout  and  release  the  pris 
oners,  guarded  by  a  few  colored  soldiers,  destroying  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  and  the  Northern  railroads  on  his 
way.  Early  with  his  army  would  swoop  down  upon 
and  capture  Washington  before  any  troops  from  tlie 
Army  of  the  Potomac  could  reach  it.  He  would  clothe 
and  arm  the  prisoners  from  his  captured  plunder,  and 
with  his  army  thus  raised  to  over  forty  thousand  veter 
ans  inside  the  defences,  he  could  compel  Grant  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Richmond,  and  would  be  able  to  hold  Wash 
ington  against  the  whole  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

We  also  supposed  that  this  campaign  only  failed  of 
success  by  a  narrow  margin.  It  was  thought  that  of 
his  three  corps  of  infantry,  General  Lee  sent  the  second, 
or  Stonewall  Jackson's  veterans,  with  forty  field-guns, 
a  large  body  of  cavalry,  and  Breckinridge's  division  of 
infantry,  in  all  not  less  than  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
under  General  Early,  on  the  mission.  That  the  latter, 
moving  down  the  valley  without  resistance  or  delay, 
crossed  the  Potomac  into  Maryland,  and  on  the  7th  of 
July  was  within  forty-five  miles  of  Washington ;  that 
up  to  this  point  all  went  well  with  the  Confederate 
army.'  We  believed  that  Early  then  sent  Bradley  T. 
Johnson,  from  his  left  wing,  on  the  mission  to  Point 
Lookout ;  but  the  stubborn  resistance  of  General  Lew. 
Wallace,  and  less  than  six  thousand  men  at  the  Monoc- 
acy  River,  cost  General  Early  a  loss  of  over  two  thou- 


388  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

sand  men,  and,  what  was  of  infinitely  greater  consequence 
to  him,  the  loss  of  two  days,  the  8th  and  9th  of  July, 
after  which,  abandoning  his  wounded  on  the  morning 
of  the  10th,  he  moved  to  Kockville,  where  he  halted 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  defences  of  Washington.  But 
instead  of  assaulting  them  on  the  morning  of  the  llth, 
he  postponed  the  attack  until  daylight  of  the  12th, 
when,  finding  the  veterans  of  the  Sixth  Corps  in  the 
trenches,  he  abandoned  the  campaign,  recalled  Johnson  on 
his  way  to  Point  Lookout,  and  lost  no  time  in  withdraw 
ing  his  invading  army  to  the  south  side  of  the  Potomac. 
It  was  not  until  some  years  after  the  close  of  the 
war  that  the  Confederate  leaders  undertook  to  correct 
what  had  been  up  to  that  time  the  general  conclusion 
of  students  of  our  war  history.  In  1877,  General  Long, 
Early's  chief  of  artillery,  and  later  the  biographer  of 
General  Lee,  published  his  account  of  Early's  campaign, 
from  which  we  learn  that  the  capture  of  Washington 
and  the  release  of  the  prisoners  at  Point  Lookout  were 
not  its  objectives.  "  Its  object  was  simply  a  diversion 
in  favor  of  General  Lee's  operations  about  Richmond," 
and  "  General  Early  was  too  prudent  and  sagacious  to 
attempt  an  enterprise  with  a  force  of  eight  thousand 
men  which,  if  successful,  would  be  of  temporary  bene 
fit."  The  account  also  informs  us  that,  "  after  spread 
ing  dismay  for  miles  in  every  direction,  .  .  .  Early 
proceeded  to  within  cannon-shot  of  Washington,  re 
mained  in  observation  long  enough  to  give  his  move 
ment  full  time  to  produce  its  greatest  eifect,  and  then 
withdrew  in  the  face  of  a  large  army  and  recrossed  the 
Potomac,"  thus  ending  "  a  campaign  remarkable  for 
having  accomplished  more  in  proportion  to  the  force 
employed,  and  for  having  given  less  public  satisfaction, 
than  any  other  campaign  of  the  war." 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  389 

Sixteen  years  after  the  war,  General  Early  made  pub 
lic  his  "version  of  the  facts"  of  this  campaign.  His 
article  of  fifteen  printed  octavo  pages  does  not  once 
mention  the  prisoners  at  Point  Lookout,  and  is  largely 
devoted  to  an  effort  to  show  that  his  army  was  so  very 
small,  and  the  Union  force  opposed  to  him  so  very  large, 
that,  using  his  words,  "  an  attempt  to  capture  "Washing 
ton  at  any  time  after  my  arrival  was  simply  prepos 
terous.  If  I  had  been  able  to  reach  Washington  sooner, 
Grant  would  have  sent  troops  to  its  rescue  sooner,  and 
hence  there  was  never  any  prospect  of  my  capturing 
that  city.  It  was  not  General  Lee's  orders  or  expecta 
tion  that  I  should  take  Washington.  His  order  was 
that  I  should  threaten  the  city,  and  when  I  suggested 
to  him  the  probability  of  my  being  able  to  capture  it, 
he  said  that  it  would  be  impossible." 

There  are  several  other  statements  in  General  Early 's 
article  which  we  shall  hereafter  compare  with  undis 
puted  facts,  and  leave  others  to  form  their  own  conclu 
sions.  Enough  has  been  quoted  from  it  to  present  the 
principal  issue.  Was  the  real  object  of  this  campaign 
the  release  of  the  Confederate  prisoners  and  the  capture 
of  Washington,  or  was  it  merely  a  scare,  a  diversion  in 
favor  of  General  Lee,  restricted  both  in  plan  and  execu 
tion  to  a  mere  threat  against  the  capital  ? 

The  strongest  witness  against  the  General  Early  of 
1881  is  General  Early  in  1864. 

On  the  14th  of  July,  only  two  days  after  his  retreat 
from  the  defences  of  Washington,  General  Early,  at 
Leesburg,  made  his  first  report  to  General  Lee.  It  was 
before  any  question  had  arisen,  when  all  the  facts  were 
fresh  in  his  mind.  In  it,  after  giving  his  reasons  for 
retreating,  he  says:  "He  (Johnson)  was  on  his  way 
to  Point  Lookout,  when  my  determination  to  retire  made 


390  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

his  recall  necessary.  .  .  .  I  am  sorry  I  did  not  succeed 
in  capturing  ^Washington  and  releasing  our  prisoners  at 
Point  Lookout,  but  the  latter  was  impracticable  after  I 
determined  to  retire  from  Washington."  After  this 
statement,  it  seems  a  waste  of  words  for  General  Early 
to  deny  that  the  capture  of  Washington  and  the  release 
of  the  prisoners  were  seriously  intended,  and  that  they 
were  the  substantial  objects  of  the  campaign. 

The  importance  of  a  battle  is  determined  by  its  ulti 
mate  consequences  rather  than  its  immediate  results.  If 
that  fought  on  the  Monocacy  did  delay  General  Early, 
so  as  to  save  the  capital  from  his  assault  and  probable 
capture,  it  was  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  world, 
and,  with  the  events  which  immediately  followed  it,  de 
serves  a  more  complete  account  than  it  has  hitherto  re 
ceived.  In  his  "  Personal  Memoirs,"  referring  to  Early's 
retreat,  General  Grant  says :  "  There  is  no  telling  how 
much  this  result  was  contributed  to  by  General  Lew. 
Wallace's  leading  what  might  well  be  considered  almost 
a  forlorn  hope.  If  Early  had  been  but  one  day  earlier, 
he  might  have  entered  the  capital  before  the  arrival  of 
the  reinforcements  I  had  sent.  Whether  the  delay  caused 
by  the  battle  amounted  to  a  day  or  not,  General  Wal 
lace  contributed  on  this  occasion,  by  the  defeat  of  the 
troops  under  him,  a  greater  benefit  to  the  cause  than 
often  falls  to  the  lot  of  a  commander  of  an  equal  force 
to  render  by  means  of  a  victory." 

It  is  singular  that  the  numerical  strength  of  General 
Early's  army  has  never  been  given.  General  Early  must 
know  what  it  was.  He  argues  at  great  length  to  show 
that  it  was  very  small ;  why  does  he  not  give  the  fig 
ures  ?  It  was  an  army  of  veterans,  trained  by  Stonewall 
Jackson ;  it  was  opposed  by  raw  and  undisciplined  forces, 
with  the  single  exception  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  In  such  a 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  391 

case  numbers  are  a  secondary  consideration.  General 
Geary  joined  Sherman  in  Tennessee  leading  a  division 
12,000  strong.  On  the  "  march  to  the  sea"  its  numbers 
were  only  3300,  and  yet  in  General  Geary's  opinion  the 
effective  strength  of  his  division  was  never  greater  than 
when  it  marched  into  the  city  of  Savannah.  As  the  Con 
federate  leaders,  in  speaking  of  the  strength  of  Early's 
army,  deal  only  in  the  most  general  statements,  and  we 
are  never  to  know  from  them  what  it  was,  we  are  com 
pelled  to  rely  upon  estimates  and  secondary  evidence. 
"Where  numbers  are  given  on  all  occasions  previous  to 
1864,  the  Second  Corps  was  the  largest  of  the  three  com 
prising  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  "With  its  high 
reputation  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  its 
strength  was  relatively  reduced.  In  addition  to  the  Sec 
ond  Corps,  General  Early  had  Breckinridge's  division  of 
infantry,  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  body  of  cavalry 
large  enough  to  serve  the  purposes  of  his  army,  after  he 
had  detached  Johnson  with  a  force  deemed  sufficient  to 
release  the  prisoners  at  Point  Lookout. 

The  information  received  from  General  Sigel  by  Gen 
eral  Wallace  was  that  Early  was  advancing  with  an 
army  of  30,000  men.  After  fighting  him  the  whole  day 
of  the  9th,  in  part  for  the  purpose  of  developing  his 
force,  General  "Wallace  was  of  opinion  that  it  numbered 
over  18,000,  exclusive  of  Breckinridge's  infantry  and 
the  entire  force  of  artillery  and  cavalry.  Medical  In 
spector  Johnson,  who  was  within  the  Confederate  lines 
at  Monocacy  during  the  9th  and  10th  of  July,  reported 
that  they  estimated  their  strength  at  25,000,  exclusive 
of  a  cavalry  force  of  5000  to  6000.  Until  the  Confeder 
ate  officers,  who  know,  give  the  details  of  their  own 
forces,  no  injustice  will  be  done  by  placing  the  strength 
of  this  invading  army  at  25,000  men. 


392  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

The  Monocacy  is  a  crooked  river,  which  runs  in  a 
southerly  direction  into  the  Potomac.  About  three  miles 
west  of  it  is  the  city  of  Frederick,  and  three  or  four 
miles  farther  west  is  a  range  of  hills  extending  from  the 
Potomac  in  a  northerly  direction,  called  the  Catoctin 
Mountains.  The  Washington  Pike  crossed  the  river  by 
a  wooden  bridge,  and  the  Baltimore  Pike  by  what  was 
called  the  "  stone  bridge."  The  railroad  crossed  within 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  lower  of  these  two  bridges, 
which  were  about  two  and  a  half  miles  from  each  other. 

As  soon  as  Wallace  learned  that  a  Confederate  army 
had  entered  Maryland,  and  that  its  cavalry  was  approach 
ing  Frederick,  he  removed  his  little  force  so  as  to  delay 
the  Confederate  advance.  He  knew  that  every  hour  of 
such  delay  was  an  hour  gained  for  reinforcements  to 
reach  Washington  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Ac 
cordingly,  on  the  5th  of  July,  he  pushed  his  2GOO  men 
out  of  Baltimore  by  railroad  to  the  east  bank  of  the 
Monocacy,  hoping  to  hold  the  bridges  against  any  at 
tack  of  cavalry. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  General  Grant  had  sent  the  Third 
Division  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  under  General  Ricketts,  to 
reinforce  General  Wallace  at  Baltimore.  When  this  di 
vision  reached  the  place  of  embarkation,  on  the  James, 
Quartermaster  General  Pitkin,  as  a  favor  to  his  friend 
and  fellow-Vermonter,  Colonel  Henry,  of  the  Tenth  Ver 
mont,  gave  his  detachment,  which  also  comprised  the 
One  Hundred  and  Sixth  New  York,  the  fastest  steamer, 
a  favor  which  also  secured  to  the  two  regiments  severe 
service  and  hard  fighting.  The  detachment  reached  Bal 
timore  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the  division,  and  hurried 
on  board  a  train  of  freight  cars,  which  arrived  at  Fred 
erick  at  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  8th. 

General  Wallace  informed  Colonel  Henry  that  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  393 

Confederate  signal  officers  were  watching  from  the  Ca- 
toctin  hills,  behind  which  Early  was  gathering  his  forces 
for  an  advance,  and  that  his  object  being  delay,  he  de 
sired  to  make  a  show  of  as  strong  a  force  as  possible. 
Colonel  Henry,  therefore,  advanced  beyond  Frederick  to 
the  foot  of  the  mountain,  where  he  marched  and  counter 
marched  from  hill  to  hill,  threw  up  mock  breastworks, 
withdrew  his  men  under  cover,  and  marched  them  to 
other  positions,  showing  his  regiment  in  different  places 
until  his  men,  who  were  not  in  the  secret,  thought  he 
must  have  become  insane.  About  six  o'clock  General 
Wallace  was  informed  that  a  heavy  body  of  infantry  was 
moving  in  a  direction  to  obtain  control  of  the  Washing 
ton  Pike  and  endanger  his  lines  of  retreat.  He  accord 
ingly  withdrew  from  Frederick  to  the  line  of  the  Monoc- 
acy  River.  Before  the  Tenth  Vermont  could  be  withdrawn 
the  Confederate  cavalry  had  possession  of  the  pike  be 
tween  Frederick  and  the  river,  only  three  miles  distant, 
and  Colonel  Henry  was  compelled  to  make  a  long  cir 
cuit  until  he  reached  the  stone  bridge,  and  then  march 
down  the  river  to  the  wooden  bridge,  where  he  was  or 
dered  to  report.  This  march  of  twelve  miles  in  the 
night  so  delayed  him  that  it  was  daybreak  before  he 
reached  his  position. 

The  second  detachment  of  the  Sixth  Corps  had,  in  the 
meantime,  arrived.  The  cowardly  desertion  of  the  rail 
road  agent  and  the  telegraph  operator  left  the  rest  of 
the  division  at  Monrovia,  eight  miles  away,  where  orders 
could  not  reach  them,  and  they  were  thus  prevented  from 
participating  in  the  battle. 

At  early  dawn  General  Wallace  made  his  dispositions 
for  battle.  His  right  formed  an  extended  line,  two  miles 
long,  from  the  railroad  bridge  to  the  stone  bridge,  and  was 
placed  under  the  command  of  General  Tyler.  Colonel 


394  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Brown,  with  his  command  of  ten  companies  from  the 
One  Hundred  and  Forty-ninth  and  One  Hundred  and 
Fifty-ninth  Ohio,  and  the  company  of  mounted  infantry 
under  Captain  Lieb,  was  posted  at  the  stone  bridge, 
with  orders  to  hold  it ;  for  upon  the  holding  of  that 
bridge  depended  the  security  of  the  right  flank  and  the 
line  of  retreat  to  Baltimore.  The  remaining  portions 
of  General  Wallace's  original  force  were  posted  along 
the  river  above  the  railroad. 

On  the  left,  where  the  principal  attack  wrould  proba 
bly  be  made,  were  placed  the  3350  veterans  under  Gen 
eral  Ricketts,  in  a  line  which  reached  from  the  railroad 
to  a  point  below  the  wooden  bridge.  The  end  of  the 
line  wras  held  by  the  Tenth  Yermont,  under  Colonel 
Henry,  and  next  to  it  was  its  companion  regiment  on 
many  bloody  fields,  the  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  New 
York,  under  Colonel  Seward.  Colonel  Clendenin's  cav 
alry  were  still  farther  down  the  river  to  watch  the 
ford. 

A  line  of  skirmishers,  seventy-five  men  of  the  Tenth 
Yermont,  under  Captain  Davis,  and  two  hundred  men  of 
the  Potomac  Home  Brigade,  under  Captain  Brown,  ex 
tended  in  a  semicircle  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  be 
low  the  wooden  to  a  point  above  the  railroad  bridge.  It 
should  have  been  under  the  command  of  a  lieutenant- 
colonel,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned  by  Yermonters, 
because  on  that  day  he  kept  away  from  his  command. 
Captain  Brown  and  his  men  were  wTholly  inexperienced ; 
he  surrendered  the  command  to  Captain  Davis,  whose 
men  held  the  centre  of  the  line  where  it  crossed  a  hill, 
from  which  the  field  on  the  left  was  in  full  view. 

The  battle  opened  early.  At  half-past  eight  a  body 
of  Confederates  came  down  the  pike,  directly  upon  the 
Federal  skirmish  line.  Captain  Davis  and  his  men 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  395 

opened  upon  them  as  soon  as  they  came  within  range, 
and  the  enemy  were  handsomely  repulsed. 

The  Confederates  now  brought  up  their  artillery,  and 
firing  and  sharp  skirmishing  began  all  along  the  line. 
About  half-past  ten  the  first  charge  of  the  enemy  was 
made.  A  body  of  Confederates  moved  around  the  left 
flank  of  the  Northern  army,  forded  the  river,  and  ad 
vanced  up  the  eastern  bank,  appearing  from  the  woods 
in  line  of  battle.  General  Bicketts  was  compelled  to 
change  front  to  the  left,  with  his  right  resting  on  the 
river,  thus  bringing  his  line  under  an  enfilading  fire  from 
the  enemy's  artillery.  Although  he  formed  his  whole 
force  into  a  single  line,  that  of  the  enemy  was  so  long 
that  it  overlapped  it.  Every  man  on  the  left  was  thus 
put  into  the  fight,  not  one  being  held  in  reserve. 

The  enemy's  first  line  was  met  with  a  heavy  fire  from 
the  Tenth  Yermont  and  the  One  Hundred  and  Sixth 
New  York.  Several  times  the  line  was  broken,  and 
their  colors  fell.  The  efforts  of  the  Confederates  to 
rally  and  re-form  their  line  were  ineffectual,  and  they 
were  compelled  to  retreat  into  the  woods,  defeated. 
Within  an  hour  the  enemy  advanced  his  second  line, 
stronger  and  more  numerous  than  the  first,  and  with 
the  steady  step  and  firm  bearing  of  veterans.  But  they 
could  not  move  the  veterans  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  Par 
tially  protected  by  the  Thomas  house  and  the  cut  through 
which  the  road  passed,  they  poured  a  fire  into  the  Con 
federate  line  which  nothing  human  could  withstand.  For 
a  half-hour  the  line  held  its  position  until  the  ground 
was  covered  with  the  fallen,  and  then  again  retreated. 

General  "Wallace  and  his  staff  witnessed  the  battle 
from  a  hill  in  the  rear  of  the  line  opposite  the  railroad. 
He  knew  that  he  was  blocking  the  way  of  an  army  which 
must  push  him  aside  at  any  cost,  and  that  the  next  ad- 


396  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

vance  would  be  in  force  large  enough  to  be  irresistible. 
But  he  was  there  to  stay,  to  obstruct  the  Confederate 
advance  as  long  as  he  possibly  could,  and  the  conduct  of 
Ricketts's  veterans  showed  him  that  all  that  could  be 
done  by  three  thousand  men  they  would  do.  His  order 
to  retire  was  not  given. 

There  was  now  the  hour  or  two  of  sharp  skirmishing 
and  artillery  fire  which  usually  precedes  a  charge.  Gen 
eral  Gordon,  with  his  entire  division,  had  crossed  at  the 
ford,  and  moved  up  the  river,  bringing  with  him  the 
shattered  remains  of  the  defeated  brigades.  About  three 
o'clock  they  again  began  to  emerge  from  the  woods. 
First  came  a  heavy  line  of  skirmishers,  followed  by  a 
first,  and  shortly  by  a  second,  line  of  battle.  For  a  full 
hour  the  fight  went  on,  over  one  of  the  bloodiest  fields 
of  the  war.  The  Confederate  loss  was  by  far  the  heav 
ier,  for  they  were  on  the  open  field,  while  the  Sixth  Corps 
veterans  were  in  part  protected.  As  the  first  and  sec 
ond  were  successively  repulsed  after  stoutly  maintaining 
the  fierce  contest,  the  third  and  heaviest  Confederate 
line  came  out  of  the  woods  down  the  hill  behind  which 
they  made  their  formation. 

General  Wallace  saw  that  it  was  time  to  20.     He  gave 

o  o 

the  order  to  retire  on  the  Baltimore  Pike,  and  the  greater 
portion  of  his  left  wing  slowly  obeyed  the  command. 
But  the  Tenth  Vermont  and  One  Hundred  and  Sixth 
New  York,  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  line,  were  shut  off 
from  Wallace's  view  by  an  intervening  hill,  and  the  order 
did  not  reach  them.  Several  men  were  sent  to  them 
with  orders,  but  were  all  shot  down  by  the  fire  which 
swept  the  entire  distance  to  be  crossed.  The  regiments 
were  out  of  ammunition,  except  as  they  borrowed  it  from 
the  boxes  of  the  fallen,  and  there  was  no  ammunition 
train  from  which  they  could  be  supplied.  But  they 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  397 

stood  their  ground,  fighting-  and  checking  the  advance 
of  the  enemy,  until  their  fire  slackened,  and  the  advanc 
ing  line  had  almost  encircled  them. 

At  last  a  mounted  orderly  dashed  over  the  hill  in  their 
rear,  galloped  within  speaking  distance  of  Colonel  Henry, 
and  shouted,  "  General  Wallace  says,  '  For  God's  sake, 
bring  your  regiment  out,  if  you  can,  to  the  Baltimore 
Pike.' "  It  was  a  difficult  order  to  obey.  In  their  rear 
was  a  high  board  fence,  at  the  foot  of  a  steep  hill  cov 
ered  by  a  corn-field.  On  all  the  other  sides  were  lines 
of  advancing  Confederates.  The  Vermonters  scale  the 
fence  and  ascend  the  hill,  swept  by  screaming  shells  and 
showers  of  bullets.  Near  the  top  the  color -sergeant  gives 
out,  and  declares  that  he  can  go  no  farther.  Strong  arms 
seize  both  sergeant  and  colors,  and  bear  them  onward. 
The  Confederates,  yelling  to  the  Vermonters  to  halt  and 
surrender,  follow  them  half-way  up  the  ascent,  but  they 
cannot  stand  the  pace,  and  give  up  the  pursuit.  Colonel 
Henry  re-forms  the  remnant  of  his  regiment,  safe  for  the 
time,  outside  the  line  of  fire.  Their  comrades  of  the 
One  Hundred  and  Sixth  New  York,  placed  in  the  line 
on  their  right,  pass  around  the  hill  through  a  tempest 
of  missiles  hurled  upon  them  from  three  sides,  and  those 
who  do  not  fall  escape  to  the  rear,  wrhere  for  the  time 
we  leave  them,  and  turn  to  the  right  of  the  Federal  line. 

"When  the  order  to  retreat  is  given,  the  stone  bridge 
on  the  Baltimore  Pike  becomes  all-important,  for  its  loss 
is  the  loss  of  Wallace's  line  of  retreat.  A  large  body  of 
Confederates  are  charging  down  the  Pike  from  the  west, 
to  hurl  themselves  against  Colonel  Brown  and  his  ten 
Ohio  companies.  General  Tyler,  without  wraiting  for  or 
ders,  gathers  up  a  few  men  along  the  river,  and  rushes 
to  Brow^n's  support.  The  Confederates  halt  and  recoil 
before  the  hot  and  heavy  fire.  General  Wallace  gallops 


398  KECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

up,  and  shouts  to  Colonel  Brown,  through  the  roar  of 
musketry,  that  the  bridge  "  must  be  held  until  his  last 
regiment  has  cleared  the  country  road  by  which  the 
army  is  retreating,  and  has  passed  down  the  Pike  tow 
ards  Newmarket  and  Baltimore."'  Brown  and  Tyler, 
with  their  men,  keep  the  bridge  until  five  o'clock,  when 
the  rear  of  the  last  retiring  regiment  is  well  on  its  way 
down  the  Pike  to  Newmarket.  By  this  time  the  Con 
federates  have  surrounded  them.  By  the  ordinary  rules 
of  fighting,  they  are  captured.  But  the  men  keep  their 
ranks,  and,  with  Colonel  Brown,  fight  their  way  through 
the  encircling  line.  Then  Tyler  and  his  staff  dash  into 
the  woods  and  escape. 

The  army  has  now  all  retreated,  except  the  skirmish- 
line  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river.  These  skirmishers 
have  had  a  lively  day.  Their  line  of  retreat  was  by  the 
wooden  bridge,  but  this  was  burned  about  half -past  ten, 
and,  before  it  was  fired,  such  of  Captain  Brown's  men 
as  were  on  the  left  crossed  to  the  east  bank.  During 
the  long  day  of  fighting,  nearly  all  of  Captain  Brown's 
command  on  the  right  of  the  line  quietly  passed  over 
the  railroad  bridge  without  waiting  for  orders,  leaving 
a  few  of  their  comrades  with  Captain  Brown  and  Cap 
tain  Davis,  with  his  seventy -five  Vermonters,  to  hold 
the  Pike  and  do  the  fighting.  Captain  Davis,  in  the 
centre  of  his  line,  occupies  the  crest  of  a  hill,  from  which 
he  sees  all  the  fighting  on  Ricketts's  left.  During  the 
skirmish  which  precedes  the  last  attack,  he  sends  a  sol 
dier  to  his  lieutenant  -  colonel,  who  should  be  present  for 
orders.  The  soldier  finds  him  far  in  the  rear,  and  returns 
with  the  inspiring  message  that  that  officer  "  supposed 
Captain  Davis  got  off  before  the  bridge  was  burned." 

Earlier  in  the  day  an  incident  has  happened  here  which 
had  a  share  in  the  safety  of  the  capital.     When  General 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  399 

Ricketts  changed  front  on  the  left,  to  meet  the  first  Con 
federate  charge,  he  opened  a  gap  in  the  line  of  defence 
opposite  the  railroad  bridge.  Wallace  has  no  force  which 
he  can  send  to  fill  it.  About  eleven  o'clock  General  Wal 
lace,  from  the  hill  on  which  he  overlooks  the  field,  dis 
covers  a  body  of  Confederates  stealing  down  the  river 
under  cover  of  the  bushes  towards  the  railroad  bridge. 
It  is  a  very  exciting  time.  He  has  no  men  to  despatch 
to  the  bridge — in  a  few  minutes  a  stream  of  the  enemy 
will  be  pouring  over  the  bridge  through  the  gap,  which 
will  cut  his  line  in  the  middle,  and  inevitably  cause  his 
defeat.  The  Confederates  are  perfectly  concealed  from 
the  skirmish-line,  and  are  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the 
bridge.  They  are  about  to  make  the  rush,  when  a  vol 
ley  of  musketry  seems  to  rise  out  of  the  ground,  and  is 
poured  into  their  very  faces.  Many  of  them  fall,  others 
reel  and  hesitate ;  another  volley  is  fired  into  them ;  they 
turn  and  rush  to  the  rear.  Davis  has  had  his  eye  on 
the  bridge,  for  he  may  have  occasion  to  use  it.  He  has 
anticipated  this  movement,  and  sent  a  small  detachment 
from  his  little  force  to  lie  concealed  in  the  bushes  and 
watch  it.  They  have  watched  it  to  a  purpose. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  the  position  of  Captain  Davis 
becomes  (to  use  his  own  expression)  "peculiar."  He 
has  seen  the  colors  of  his  own  regiment  borne  up  the 
hill  and  over  it  to  the  rear,  followed  by  the  regiment 
and  a  crowd  of  pursuing  Confederates.  As  far  as  he  can 
see,  the  entire  Federal  line  has  retired.  He  was  ordered 
to  hold  the  position  where  he  was  placed ;  it  is  not  the 
custom  of  his  men  to  change  position  without  orders. 
But  the  enemy  is  pouring  down  the  railroad,  and  in  a 
few  moments  will  sweep  him  into  the  river.  No  man  of 
his  seventy-five  will  move  without  an  order.  The  mo 
ment  has  come  when  he  has  no  alternative.  He  gives 


400  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  order,  his  men  form,  and  march  on  the  double-quick 
to  the  railroad  bridge,  which  has  no  floor,  and  across 
which  they  step  from  tie  to  tie.  The  pursuing  Confed 
erates  press  after  with  shouts  of  "  Halt  and  surrender !" 
They  pour  their  volleys  into  the  backs  of  the  Yermont- 
ers  from  a  distance  of  fifty  yards.  The  dead  and  wound 
ed  fall  into  the  water  forty  feet  below,  one  of  the  latter 
to  survive  the  battle  and  the  war.  The  Confederates  over 
take,  and  actually  seize  and  capture  four  or  five  of  the 
little  company.  The  survivors  reach  the  eastern  bank 
and  rush  into  the  bushes.  But  they  keep  together,  and 
follow  the  retreating  army,  leaving  more  than  a  third  of 
their  number  upon  the  bloody  field.  Davis,  wrho  is  a 
man  of  slight  physique,  has  used  up  all  his  strength,  and 
is  marched  to  the  bivouac  of  his  regiment,  sound  asleep, 
between  two  stronger  soldiers. 

Twelve  miles  from  the  field  all  the  detachments  of 
the  army  have  come  together.  They  wheel  into  a  con 
venient  field  and  encamp  for  the  night.  Wallace  lies 
down  upon  Henry's  blanket,  and  before  both  fall  asleep 
finds  time  to  tell  him  that  he  is  "  as  cool  and  brave  a 
man  as  ever  stood  on  a  battle-field." 

There  wrere  no  prisoners  in  this  battle  except  such  as 
were  captured  by  the  actual  laying  on  of  Confederate 
hands.  But  Wallace  left  fully  one  third  of  his  entire 
force  on  the  field,  and  the  thirty-three  hundred  and  fifty 
veterans  lost  sixteen  hundred  of  their  number.  Early 
reported  a  Confederate  loss  of  only  six  or  seven  hundred. 
But  there  is  strong  circumstantial  evidence  that  it  was 
much  heavier.  In  all  the  fighting  the  Union  veterans 
were  protected  by  natural  defences,  while  the  attacking 
Confederates  had  to  advance  for  seven  hundred  yards 
over  the  open  field.  More  than  four  hundred,  so  se 
verely  wounded  that  Early  could  not  move,  but  left 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  401 

them  behind  in  Frederick,  indicate  a  greater  loss ;  and 
a  Virginian,  with  whom  Early  made  his  headquarters 
at  Leesburgh,  declared  that  the  Confederate  general  told 
him  that  his  loss  exceeded  three  thousand. 

Perhaps  no  Southern  leader  could  better  judge  of  the 
severity  of  a  battle  from  personal  experience  than  Gen 
eral  Gordon.  In  his  report,  made  within  two  weeks  after 
the  battle,  he  said :  "  I  desire  to  state  a  fact  of  which  I 
was  an  eye-witness,  and  which,  for  its  rare  occurrence 
and  the  evidence  it  affords  of  the  sanguinary  character 
of  this  struggle,  I  consider  worthy  of  official  mention. 
One  portion  of  the  enemy's  second  (?)  line  extended  along 
a  branch,  from  which  he  was  driven,  leaving  many  dead 
and  wounded  in  the  water  and  upon  the  banks.  This 
position  was  in  turn  occupied  by  a  portion  of  Evans's 
brigade  in  the  attack  upon  the  enemy's  third  (?)  line.  So 
profuse  was  the  flow  of  blood  from  the  killed  and  wound 
ed  of  both  these  forces  that  it  reddened  the  stream  for 
more  than  one  hundred  yards  below" 

Although  General  Early  had  a  heavy  force  of  cavalry, 
he  made  no  attempt  to  pursue  the  retreating  army  of 
General  Wallace.  His  objective  point  was  Washington. 
The  fighting  had  occupied  the  day.  In  his  report  from 
Leesburgh,  he  wrote  that  he  was  "  compelled  to  leave 
about  four  hundred  wounded  men  in  Frederick  because 
they  could  not  ~be  transported"  He  had  no  lack  of  trans 
portation  at  this  time,  for  he  had  captured  horses  and 
wagons  enough  to  supply  his  army.  He  left  these  four 
hundred  because  they  were  too  severely  wounded  to  en 
dure  transportation,  and  took  with  him  such  as  could 
bear  the  journey.  There  was  no  force  now  to  obstruct 
his  march.  The  Washington  Pike  was  open — a  good 
road  through  a  country  teeming  with  abundance.  He 
compelled  the  small  city  of  Frederick,  under  threat  of 
26 


£02  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

the  torch,  to  pay  him  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  in 
good  "  Northern  Federal  money,"  and  "  brought  off  over 
one  thousand  horses."  "  On  the  morning  of  the  10th 
[we  use  General  Early 's  words],  I  moved  towards  Wash 
ington,  taking  the  route  by  Rockville,  and  then  turning 
to  the  left,  to  get  on  the  Seventh  Street  Pike.  The  day 
was  very  hot,  and  the  roads  exceedingly  dusty,  but  we 
marched  thirty  miles,"  which  must  have  brought  him, 
on  the  night  of  Sunday,  the  10th  of  July,  within  sight 
of  the  defences  of  the  capital.  "  On  the  morning  of  the 
llth  we  continued  the  march,  but  the  day  was  so  exces 
sively  hot,  even  at  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning,  and 
the  dust  so  dense,  that  many  of  the  men  fell  by  the  way, 
and  it  became  necessary  to  slacken  our  pace ;  neverthe 
less,  when  we  reached  the  right  of  the  enemy's  fortifica 
tions,  the  men  were  almost  completely  exhausted,  and 
not  in  condition  to  make  the  attack.  Skirmishers  were 
thrown  out,  and  moved  up  to  the  vicinity  of  the  fortifi 
cations."  Here  we  leave  him  saying,  "I  determined  at 
first  to  make  an  assault" — to  observe  that  there  were 
good  grounds  for  the  general  conclusion  from  his  forced 
marches,  hot  haste,  and  other  indications,  that  General 
Early  was  not  engaged  in  a  mere  theatrical  display,  but 
that  he  did  seriously  intend  to  attack  Washington,  and 
that  the  men  who  barred  his  advance  for  forty -eight 
hours  performed  a  signal  service,  and  earned  the  en 
during  gratitude  of  their  countrymen,  although  they 
fought  a  losing  battle  on  the  Monocacy. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  403 


XLIV. 

EARLY  BEFORE  WASHINGTON  IN   1864.— BATTLE  OF  FORT 
STEVENS. 

DURING  Saturday  and  Sunday,  July  9th  and  10th,  the 
Confederate  sympathizers  in  Washington  were  anxiously 
listening  for  the  sound  of  Early's  guns.  They  knew  his 
purpose,  his  strength,  and  the  weakness  of  the  city,  of 
which  he  was  expected  to  take  possession  without  much 
resistance.  The  War  Office  certainly  had  all  the  infor 
mation  that  Wallace  could  give  them.  It  was  a  part  of 
that  information  that  about  25,000  veteran  Confederate 
soldiers  had  passed  the  Monocacy  on  the  pike  leading 
to  Washington,  that  they  were  marching  rapidly  in  the 
direction  of,  and  on  Saturday  evening  were  within  thirty- 
five  miles  of,  the  capital.  Of  all  this  the  loyal  citizens 
knew  nothing.  The  week  closed  on  Saturday  without 
their  imagining  that  the  city  was  in  any  danger,  or  that 
any  thought  for  their  personal  safety  was  necessary. 
The  story  of  Early's  further  movements  will  be  given  as 
its  Washington  aspect  was  presented. 

It  is  true  that  for  some  days  the  summer  atmosphere 
had  been  full  of  rumors  of  Confederate  invasion.  Every 
few  hours  a  newspaper  "  extra  "  was  announced.  One 
had  certain  information  that  the  Confederates  had  en 
tered  Maryland  in  force — that  Washington  and  Balti 
more  were  to  be  cut  off  from  the  North  and  captured — 
that  the  capital  would  be  attacked  within  twelve  hours. 
The  next  issue  declared  the  rumor  to  be  an  idle  scare, 
and  that  the  only  Confederates  north  of  the  Potomac 


404:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

were  a  few  cavalrymen  on  a  raid.  It  was  the  general 
opinion  that  the  authorities  would  not  expose  the  city 
to  any  danger,  and  that  any  considerable  portion  of  the 
army  of  Northern  Virginia  would  not  be  detached  and 
sent  on  an  expedition  northward  without  the  knowledge 
of  General  Grant.  If  he  knew  that  such  an  expedition 
had  been  undertaken,  he  could  certainly  have  sent  a  force 
to  protect  the  capital  against  it.  It  was  the  third  year  of 
the  war.  In  1861  such  reports  would  have  disturbed  us. 
Now,  citizens  had  become  in  a  measure  rumor-proof, 
and  went  about  their  business  as  coolly  as  if  there  had 
not  been  a  Confederate  within  a  week's  march  of  the 
city. 

I  had  closed  my  house,  and  my  family  were  living  with 
me  at  Willard's^  for  a  few  days  before  sending  them  to 
New  England  to  pass  the  season  of  oppressive  heat. 
On  the  morning  of  Monday,  the  llth  of  July,  we  were 
taking  a  late  breakfast.  The  morning  papers  had  ac 
counts  of  a  skirmish,  two  days  before,  on  the  Monocacy, 
above  Baltimore.  They  all  agreed  that  it  was  only  a 
skirmish,  with  no  very  important  consequences.  But 
the  details  appeared  to  indicate  that  several  thousand 
men  had  been  engaged,  and  that  General  Wallace  had 
been  severely  handled. 

Three  army  officers  breakfasted  with  us ;  two  of  them 
were  on  their  way  to  the  front.  They  ridiculed  the  sug 
gestion  that  any  considerable  force  had  been  detached 
from  Lee's  army  and  sent  northward  without  the  knowl 
edge  of  General  Grant.  If  he  knew  it,  he  had  acted  ac 
cordingly.  The  rebels  had  quite  enough  to  do  in  the 
vicinity  of  Richmond.  "Washington,  they  said,  was  in 
no  more  danger  than  Boston.  I  was  inclined  to  the 
same  opinion.  So  much  had  been  said  about  the  im 
portance  of  protecting  Washington,  so  many  veteran 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  405 

regiments  had  been  detained  there  when  they  were 
needed  in  the  field,  that  it  seemed  impossible  that  the 
city  should  now  be  exposed  to  danger. 

The  third  officer  was  the  brigadier  in  command  of  the 
Invalid  Corps,  who  had  taken  but  little  part  in  the  con 
versation,  and  expressed  no  opinion.  As  we  were  about 
to  separate,  he  observed  to  me  that  he  was  going  to  visit 
the  outposts,  that  the  morning  was  pleasant,  and  if  I  had 
nothing  better  to  do,  perhaps  I  would  like  to  join  his 
party.  If  so,  he  would  have  a  horse  ready  for  me  at  his 
quarters  on  Fifteenth  Street  opposite  the  Treasury  at 
ten  o'clock,  at  which  hour  he  intended  to  start.  I  cor 
dially  accepted  his  invitation,  and  reported  at  his  quar 
ters  at  the  appointed  time. 

The  first  part  of  this  excursion  was  delightful. 
Mounted  on  spirited  animals,  preceded  by  a  small  es 
cort  of  cavalry,  we  took  the  road  towards  Georgetown. 
The  air  was  fresh  and  cool,  the  roses  and  flowering 
plants  loaded  the  reviving  breeze  with  their  perfume, 
and  the  birds  were  singing  in  the  trees  which  shaded 
the  broad  avenue,  which  was  as  quiet  as  I  had  ever  seen 
it  on  the  Sabbath.  Bright-eyed  children  at  play,  ladies 
taking  their  morning  walk,  and  all  the  other  indications 
of  summer  life  in  the  city,  suggested  thoughts  of  rest 
ful  peace,  which  for  the  moment  divested  the  mind  of 
all  remembrance  of  the  miseries  and  anxieties  of  war. 

We  rode  over  the  venerable  pavements  of  George 
town  to  its  outskirts,  now  ascending  a  slight  hill,  now 
going  down  into  a  wooded  valley,  bathing  our  horses 
feet  in  the  clear  brooks  which  we  forded.  We  passed 
through  Tenallytown  and  out  a  short  distance  on  the 
road  beyond.  On  the  summit  of  the  highest  ridge  there 
abouts  we  were  halted  by  a  picket-guard  of  a  dozen 
men.  The  necessary  words  and  salutes  passed,  the  offi- 


406  RECOLLECTIONS  OP   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

cer  in  command  appeared  and  entered  into  conversation 
with  our  brigadier.  To  the  latter's  question  whether 
this  was  the  last  picket,  the  officer  gave  an  affirmative 
reply. 

Sweeping  the  northern  horizon,  my  eyes  rested  on  the 
broad  cleared  hillside  across  the  valley.  It  appeared  to 
be  the  camp  of  an  army.  There  were  army- wagons, 
pieces  of  artillery,  caissons,  unharnessed  horses,  tethered 
near  by,  a  few  shelter  tents,  and  all  the  paraphernalia 
of  a  camp  in  which  the  men  were  at  rest.  I  could  not 
clearly  make  out  any  of  the  flags.  Very  little  calcula 
tion  was  necessary  to  show  that  the  men  numbered  some 
thousands. 

"  Whose  corps  is  that,  general  ?"  I  asked,  pointing  in 
the  direction  of  the  camp. 

"  We  think  it  is  Early's,  but  do  not  certainly  know. 
It  may  be  Breckinridge's,"  he  answered. 

"  Great  heavens !"  I  exclaimed.  "  Do  you  mean  to 
say  that  those  are  Confederates !" 

"  There  is  no  possible  doubt  of  that,"  he  replied.  "  If 
you  doubt  it,  you  can  satisfy  yourself  by  riding  down  to 
their  picket  at  the  bottom  of  the  valley.  I  am  not  sure 
that  you  will  be  permitted  to  return.  I  am  going  to 
show  you  another  and  a  larger  camp,  if  we  can  get  with 
in  sight  of  the  Blair  mansion  at  Silver  Springs." 

"  Thanks,"  I  said,  "  I  am  not  at  all  curious.  General, 
I  must  ask  you  to  excuse  me  for  leaving  you  so  uncere 
moniously.  It  has  just  occurred  to  me  that  I  have  a 
most  important  engagement  at  Willard's  at  this  hour. 
I  must  keep  it.  I  do  not  care  to  take  a  look  at  Silver 
Springs.  Yonder  view  satisfies  me,  fully." 

"  I  thought  it  would,"  he  observed.  "  I  saw  that  you 
did  not  comprehend  the  situation,  and  therefore  invited 
you  to  ride  out  here  and  judge  for  yourself.  I  would 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  407 

like  to  have  you  make  the  circuit  on  the  north  side  of 
the  city.  But  that  will  take  time,  and  I  shall  very  prob 
ably  find  some  of  the  roads  obstructed.  I  can  guess 
your  appointment  at  Willard's.  This  may  yet  be  a  good 
day  to  send  your  family  north — if  they  can  get  there  ? 
Yesterday  would  have  been  better." 

"  They  would  have  gone  three  days  ago  if  I  had  had 
any  suspicion  of  that,"  I  said,  indicating  the  Confederate 
camp.  "  But  tell  me,  what  is  your  estimate  of  the  Con 
federate  force  now  before  the  city  ?" 

"For  some  reason  the  War  Office  does  not  care  to 
have  that  subject  discussed.  At  daylight  this  morning 
I  had  reports  from  three  independent  sources.  They 
agree  substantially  that  Early  has  Swell's  old  corps 
entire,  and  a  part  of  another,  numbering  over  20,000 
infantry,  and  forty  guns,  with  about  6000  cavalry. 
The  infantry  and  guns  were  counted  by  a  scout  before 
they  left  Maryland  Heights.  Wallace  developed  their 
force  at  Monocacy.  He  estimated  it  at  over  20,000,  be 
sides  the  cavalry.  One  squadron  under  Bradley  T.  John 
son  has  gone  around  Baltimore  to  strike  the  railroads 
on  the  north.  McCausland's  and  Eosser's  cavalry  are 
roaming  over  the  country  between  this  city  and  Baltimore. 
They  can  take  the  railroad  any  time  they  choose." 

"  Then  the  city  is  in  great  danger!"  I  said.  "What 
good  can  come  of  concealing  it  ?" 

"  There  is  but  one  way  that  it  can  be  saved,"  he  re 
sponded.  "  Grant  must  have  sent  men  by  steamer.  The 
only  question  is  whether  they  will  arrive  in  time.  I 
supposed  Early  would  have  attacked  this  morning.  He 
is  at  Silver  Springs  now.  We  think  he  must  have  had 
a  hard  battle  with  Wallace  day  before  yesterday,  and  is 
giving  his  men  a  rest.  He  will  certainly  attack  to-night 
or  to-morrow  morning." 


408  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

It  was  time  for  me  to  leave ;  I  stood  not  on  the  order 
of  my  going.  I  did  not  draw  rein  until  I  reached  the 
Treasury,  whence  I  returned  the  tired  horse  to  its  quar 
ters  by  a  messenger. 

The  report  at  the  close  of  business  on  Saturday  lay  on 
my  office  table.  A  glance  at  it  showed  me  that  every 
note  and  bond  in  the  office  had  been  sent  to  its  destina 
tion  by  the  mail  of  Saturday  evening.  I  closed  the  door 
of  my  room  again  and  started  to  leave  the  building.  On 
my  way  out  I  called  at  the  treasurer's  office,  which  a 
man  was  just  entering  with  a  package  of  empty  canvas 
mail-sacks.  I  found  General  Spinner,  the  treasurer,  Mr. 
Tuttle,  his  cashier,  and  three  or  four  of  his  principal 
clerks,  engaged  in  filling  mail  sacks  with  Treasury  notes 
and  other  securities.  All  were  working  with  great  ear 
nestness  and  expedition. 

"You  are  busy,  general!"  I  observed.  "I  have  just 
seen  what  convinces  me  that  you  are  not  wasting  your 
time,  that  you  are  engaged  in  a  work  of  necessity." 

"  I  have  not  time  to  be  angry !"  he  exclaimed.  "  Did 
the  authorities  give  you  any  notice  of  our  danger  ?" 

"None  whatever,"  I  answered.  "I  have  only  this 
moment  discovered  it  for  myself." 

"  Nor  did  they  to  me.  I  have  a  small  steamboat — no 
matter  where.  I  can  take  any  bonds  or  money  you  may 
have.  I  think  it  better  to  move  in  light-marching  or 
der,  and  to  carry  nothing  but  money  or  securities — if 
we  decide  to  move !" 

"  Thank  you,  I  have  nothing  of  that  description.  I 
shall  try  and  move  my  household  by  rail.  I  shall  stay 
myself,  and  take  whatever  comes." 

At  the  hotel  our  effects  were  literally  dumped  into  our 
trunks  by  my  direction,  and  my  family  prepared  for  in 
stant  movement.  At  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Eailroad 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  409 

station,  I  learned  that  a  train,  just  arrived,  reported  the 
road  uninterrupted.  Another  train  would  leave  for 
Philadelphia  within  an  hour.  Within  less  than  two 
hours  from  my  first  view  of  the  Confederate  force  we 
were  all,  together  with  two  friends  to  whom  I  offered 
the  opportunity,  speeding  northward  at  the  rate  of  forty 
miles  an  hour.  At  Baltimore  I  left  the  rest  of  the  party, 
having  first  written  a  despatch  in  cipher,  which  they 
were  to  send  me  if  they  reached  Philadelphia.  In  due 
time  I  received  it  at  the  Fountain  Hotel  and  knew  they 
were  out  of  harm's  way. 

This  was  the  last  train  that  passed  over  the  railroad 
northward  until  the  burned  bridges  were  rebuilt  after 
Early's  retreat.  The  next  train  that  left  Washington 
was  looted  by  Harry  Gilmor's  detachment  of  Johnson's 
cavalry.  He  had  been  a  conductor  on  the  railroad,  and 
knew  where  to  strike  it.  Upon  this  train  were  General 
Franklin,  General  D.  W.  C.  Clarke,  Executive  Secretary 
of  the  Senate,  with  his  family,  and  other  prominent  per 
sons.  Their  trunks  were  rifled,  and  everything  of  value 
taken  or  destroyed.  General  Franklin  adroitly  escaped 
from  the  Confederates  the  same  day  of  his  capture. 

During  that  evening  I  learned  more  about  the  fight 
on  the  Monocacy.  There  were  wounded  men  at  the 
station,  and  among  them  I  found  some  Yermonters. 
They  said  that  their  regiment  (the  Tenth  Vermont)  had 
had  some  heavy  fighting — had  been  compelled  to  re 
treat  by  sheer  force  of  numbers,  and  was  then  at  the 
Belay  House,  on  the  road  to  Washington.  They  could 
form  no  idea  of  the  enemy's  force  except  that  it  was 
very  large,  and  as  they  were  not  pursued  and  the  princi 
pal  fight  was  in  defence  of  the  pike  to  Washington,  they 
inferred  that  the  Confederates  were  on  the  road  to  that 
city. 


410  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

I  called  upon  some  acquaintances  and  spent  the  even 
ing  in  walking  about  the  city.  I  saw  no  evidences  of 
"  dismay  or  consternation."  No  one  was  fleeing  north 
ward.  The  train  on  which  my  family  went  received  no 
rush  of  passengers,  as  would  have  been  quite  natural. 
But  I  did  see  many  evidences  of  preparation  and  stern 
determination  to  fight  and  defend  the  city.  The  street 
windows  of  stores  and  dwellings  were  barred  and  being 
made  secure.  It  was  reported  that  General  Wallace  had 
returned  to  the  city,  that  he  was  organizing  and  arm 
ing  the  volunteers  for  its  defence,  who  were  presenting 
themselves  in  great  numbers. 

Towards  midnight  I  went  to  the  Fountain  Hotel,  but 
not  to  sleep.  The  danger  to  the  capital  of  the  nation 
was  too  imminent ;  and  at  dawn  I  arose,  went  to  the 
crowded  station,  and  took  the  first  train  for  Washing 
ton.  I  was  the  only  passenger.  At  the  way  stations 
and  road  crossings  the  mounted  Confederates  were 
numerous,  but  as  we  were  running  into  the  city,  which 
they  regarded  as  already  virtually  in  their  hands,  we 
were  not  molested. 

At  the  depot  in  Washington  a  surprise  awaited  me. 
From  the  direction  of  the  intersection  of  Pennsylvania 
Avenue  and  Seventh  Street  came  the  sound  of  enthu 
siastic  cheering.  I  should  not  have  been  more  surprised 
by  an  outburst  of  cheers  from  a  funeral  procession. 

"What  does  this  cheering  mean?"  I  asked  of  the  first 
colored  cab  driver  I  encountered. 

"  I  reckon  it's  Gen'l  Sedgwick's  ole  army,  massa  !"  he 
replied.  "  Dey'se  goin'  out  to  hab  a  little  talk  with 
Gen'l  Early  dis  mo'nin'.  I  reckon  Gen'l  Early  can't 
wait  for  'em.  He's  done  gone  souf,  I  reckon." 

I  made  my  way  to  Seventh  Street  and  partially 
through  the  crowd.  There  was  no  mistake.  Those 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

sturdy  veterans  were  marching  with  furled  banners,  to 
the  beat  of  a  single  drum  at  the  head  of  each  regiment. 
Standing  on  the  top  of  my  carriage,  I  not  only  recog 
nized  the  cross  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  but  also  the  faces  of 
a  lot  of  Vermonters.  It  was  gratifying  to  see  the  citi 
zens  rushing  into  the  ranks,  as  they  rested  on  their  arms, 
with  baskets  of  eatables,  buckets  of  water,  and  a  hearty 
welcome  to  their  deliverers.  A  Yermonter  assured  me 
that  a  large  portion  of  the  Sixth  Corps  was  already  at  the 
front,  and  a  part  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  just  returned 
from  JSTew  Orleans,  was  to  follow  them.  They  marched 
with  swinging  stride  out  on  Seventh  Street,  and  with  a 
lighter  heart  I  made  my  way  to  the  Treasury. 

The  arrival  of  the  Sixth  Corps  removed  our  anxiety 
for  the  safety  of  the  capital.  Even  the  Confederates 
regarded  these  redoubtable  veterans  as  invincible.  Still, 
I  hoped  that  Early  would  not  retire  without  a  battle, 
which,  if  possible,  I  intended  to  see.  Directing  the  clerks 
in  my  office  to  make  everything  snug,  I  gave  them  the 
rest  of  the  day  for  a  vacation,  and  ordered  my  horses 
and  light  wagon  to  be  at  the  Treasury  promptly  at  one 
o'clock.  I  sent  to  Secretary  Stanton  for  a  pass  to  the 
front,  which  he  accorded  me,  with,  however,  an  earnest 
warning  not  to  use  it,  as  a  heavy  battle  now  seemed 
imminent  on  the  north  side  of  the  city. 

As  I  hope  to  give  not  only  the  first,  but  an  accurate 
account  of  the  battle  of  Fort  Stevens,  a  sketch  of  the 
topography  of  the  locality  seems  necessary.  The  ex 
tensions  of  Seventh  Street  and  Fourteenth  Street  united 
in  a  single  highway  about  three  miles  north  of  the  city 
limits,  which,  after  crossing  two  ranges  of  hills,  extended 
still  northward,  passing  the  residence  of  the  elder  Blair 
at  Silver  Springs.  On  the  crest  of  the  first  of  these 
ranges,  about  one  hundred  yards  west  of  the  road,  was 


412  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

Fort  Stevens,  with  Fort  Eeno  about  the  same  distance 
east  of  the  highway.  There  were  other  forts  in  close 
proximity.  Beyond  these  forts  the  road  descended  into 
a  valley,  where,  about  a  third  of  a  mile  from  the  forts, 
were  farm-houses  with  their  outbuildings,  around  which 
the  land  was  under  cultivation.  Passing  these,  the  road 
ascended  the  opposite  slope  for  a  half-mile  or  more,  and 
then  crossed  the  second  range  of  hills.  This  slope  for 
about  a  mile  on  either  side  of  the  highway  had  been 
cleared,  but  was  now  covered  with  a  thick  growth  of 
bushes.  Farther  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  road  the 
hillside  and  valley  were  broken  by  wooded  ravines.  The 
two  forts  had  just  been  connected  by  a  trench,  the  earth 
from  which  had  been  thrown  up  on  the  outside  into  a 
breastwork,  which  crossed  and  effectually  obstructed  the 
highway. 

I  invited  Edward  Jordan,  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury, 
and  H.  C.  Fahnestock,  of  the  banking-house  of  Jay  Cooke 
&•  Co.,  to  drive  out  to  the  front  with  me.  The  road 
was  crowded  with  soldiers.  They  had  passed  scores 
of  rum-shops,  but  not  a  man  was  intoxicated,  and  they 
made  way  for  us  to  pass,  with  some  good-natured  badi 
nage  about  "  home-guards,"  and  going  into  battle  with 
a  "  pair  of  horses  and  a  Concord  wagon."  On  the  last 
rise  to  the  forts,  the  road  was  unobstructed,  and  the 
horses  carried  our  light  wagon  up  to  the  trench  at  a 
lively  pace.  The  trench  was  well  filled  with  men  of  the 
Sixth  Corps,  most  of  them  lying  down  and  taking  mat 
ters  very  coolly.  A  tall,  angular  captain  came  out  as 
we  approached,  slowly  walked  around  and  surveyed 
my  team,  then  placing  one  foot  on  the  hub  of  the 
fore  wheel  of  the  wagon,  in  the  broadest  Yankee  dialect 
observed, 

"  Got  a  good  pair  of  hosses  there,  judge.    Them's 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  413 

Morgan  bosses.  You  don't  often  see  'em  gray.  They 
are  most  always  bay." 

"  I  do  think  they  are  a  pretty  good  team,"  I  said, 
pleased  with  his  commendation. 

"  Naow,  I  wouldn't  wonder  if  them  bosses  might  be 
wuth  a  couple  of  hundred  apiece — that  is,  if  they  was 
sound  and  kind,  and  hadn't  no  tricks  about  'em." 

"  They  cost  more  than  that — I  consider  them  worth 
three  or  four  times  the  sum  you  name,"  I  said. 

"  No  ?  Yew  don't  say  so  !"  he  exclaimed.  "  Wall !  I 
don't  know  but  they  be.  Hosses — that  is,  good  bosses — 
well-matched  and  good  steppers,  is  hard  to  git."  He 
seemed  to  be  pondering  the  subject,  again  walked  around 
them,  looked  them  over,  and  continued  with  the  same 
deliberation : 

"  Judge,  if  I  owned  a  good  pair  of  gray  Morgan 
bosses,  sound  and  kind  and  good  steppers,  wuth,  say, 
twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  dollars,  I  wouldn't  let  'em 
stand  right  there,  not  very  long !  Because  a  boss  was 
shot  plumb  dead  right  there  not  a  half -hour  ago." 

To  turn  the  team  around  and  move  from  that  exposed 
elevation  was  the  work  of  a  moment.  I  had  not  the 
slightest  idea  that  we  were  under  fire.  The  captain 
had  been  so  entertaining  that  I  had  not  looked  over  the 
earthwork.  Now,  looking  down  into  the  valley,  though 
not  a  rebel  was  visible,  I  saw  from  the  bushes  and  behind 
the  logs  frequent  little  jets  of  white  smoke  spurt  out  in 
a  vicious  manner ;  and  in  spite  of  the  opposing  wind  I 
could  now  hear  the  crack  of  rifles,  and  the  buzzing 
sound  over  our  heads,  dying  away  in  the  distance,  I 
knew  was  the  ping  of  minie  bullets.  The  captain  fol 
lowed  us.  He  called  a  colored  man  out  of  the  ditch, 
told  him  to  take  my  team  to  a  place  he  indicated,  and 
look  after  them  until  I  returned,  and  he,  possibly,  might 


414  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

earn  a  quarter.  Upon  my  expressing  some  surprise,  he 
said : 

"  Ob,  I  know  them  hosses,  judge.  You  bought  'em 
of  William  Drew,  at  the  Burlington  Fair !  And  I  know 
you  too,  judge.  I've  heerd  you  in  the  old  Court  House 
in  Middlebury,  lots  of  times.  Don't  you  remember  the 
c  Cornwall  Finish '  Merino  Case  ?  I  was  on  that  jury. 
I  am  -  — ,  of  Starksboro'.  That  darkey  is  all  right. 
He  has  froze  to  me.  He'll  take  good  care  of  the  team." 

"  But  you  may  be  called  into  action !"  I  said. 

"  No  such  luck  as  that !"  he  replied.  "  Early  is  pull 
ing  foot  for  Virginia,  These  fellows  are  his  rear  guard. 
He  didn't  count  on  meeting  the  Old  Sixth.  He  found 
we  had  come,  and  soon  after  he  left.  I  wish  Wright 
would  let  us  go  in.  We'd  get  a  sight  of  his  coat-tails, 
if  we  didn't  overhaul  him." 

I  recognized  the  captain  as  an  Addison  County  farmer. 
My  friends  left  me  here,  and  it  was  hours  before  I  saw 
them  again.  The  darkey  drove  my  wagon  into  a  ravine 
in  the  rear  of  a  building  used  as  a  hospital,  and  I  re 
turned  to  the  ditch.  I  was  crawling  up  to  look  over  the 
earthwork,  when  the  captain  called  me  down.  "  That 
won't  do !"  he  said.  "  There's  too  much  lead  up  there ! 
You'd  better  watch  the  boys,  and  do  as  they  do." 

He  took  me  to  a  place  where  a  large  stick  of  square 
timber  lay  on  top  of  the  earth- work,  raised  a  little  above 
it,  thus  leaving  a  space  through  which  the  whole  region 
beyond  was  visible.  "  You'll  be  safe  there,  if  you  don't 
forget  and  raise  your  head  too  high,"  he  said ;  then  left 
me  and  returned  to  his  company. 

I  lay  there  and  watched  the  movements  of  the  Con 
federates  for  half  an  hour.  They  were  all  under  cover, 
and  nothing  could  be  seen  of  them  but  the  smoke  from 
their  guns.  In  the  early  morning,  when  they  had  in- 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION. 

tended  to  storm  the  forts,  they  had  occupied  the  oppo 
site  hill,  and  had  filled  the  clusters  of  buildings  of  which 
I  have  spoken.  There  had  been  a  sharp-shooter  behind 
every  stump  and  log  and  boulder,  up  to  within  a  hun 
dred  yards  of  our  lines.  From  all  these  places  they 
were  firing  at  every  man  exposed  on  our  side.  The 
captain  said  that  before  the  Sixth  Corps  came  their  fire 
had  been  effective,  and  the  loss  on  our  side  heavy. 

I  was  interested  in  watching  our  own  men.  Only  a 
few  of  them  were  firing,  and  after  each  shot  they 
dropped  back  into  the  ditch  to  reload  their  rifles.  One 
of  them  had  a  target-rifle  which  would  weigh  thirty 
pounds,  and  a  field-glass.  How  he  contrived  to  bring 
such  a  piece  of  heavy  artillery  into  action,  I  do  not  know. 
He  was  as  deliberate  as  if  firing  at  a  mark.  After  one 
discharge  he  continued  looking  through  his  glass  for  a 
long  time.  He  then  dropped  back  into  the  ditch  and 
quietly  remarked,  "  I  winged  him  that  time !"  He  pointed 
to  a  fallen  tree,  behind  which,  he  said,  a  particularly 
dexterous  sharp-shooter  had  been  firing  all  the  morning, 
killing  two  men  and  wounding  others.  He  had  borrowed 
the  target-rifle  to  stop  him,  and  thought  he  had  done  it, 
"  for  he  didn't  show  up  any  more !" 

Leaving  the  ditch,  my  pass  carried  me  into  the  fort, 
where,  to  my  surprise,  I  found  the  President,  Secretary 
Stanton,  and  other  civilians.  A  young  colonel  of  artil 
lery,  who  appeared  to  be  the  officer  of  the  day,  was  in 
great  distress  because  the  President  would  expose  him 
self,  and  paid  little  attention  to  his  warnings.  He  was 
satisfied  the  Confederates  had  recognized  him,  for  they 
were  firing  at  him  very  hotly,  and  a  soldier  near  him 
had  just  fallen  with  a  broken  thigh.  He  asked  my  ad 
vice,  for  he  said  the  President  was  in  great  danger. 

"What  would  you  do  with  me  under  like  circum 
stances  ?"  I  asked. 


416  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

"  I  would  civilly  ask  you  to  take  a  position  where  you 
were  not  exposed." 

"  And  if  I  refused  to  obey  ?" 

"  I  would  send  a  sergeant  and  a  file  of  men,  and  make 
you  obey." 

"  Then  treat  the  President  just  as  you  would  me  or 
any  civilian." 

"  I  dare  not.  He  is  my  superior  officer ;  I  have  taken 
an  oath  to  obey  his  orders." 

"He  has  given  you  no  orders.  Follow  my  advice, 
and  you  will  not  regret  it." 

"  I  will,"  he  said.  "  I  may  as  well  die  for  one  thing 
as  another.  If  he  were  shot,  I  should  hold  myself  re 
sponsible." 

He  walked  to  where  the  President  was  looking  over 
the  parapet.  "  Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "you  are  stand 
ing  within  range  of  five  hundred  rebel  rifles.  Please 
come  down  to  a  safer  place.  If  you  do  not,  it  will  be 
my  duty  to  call  a  file  of  men,  and  make  you." 

"  And  you  would  do  quite  right,  my  boy !"  said  the 
President,  coming  down  at  once.  "  You  are  in  command 
of  this  fort.  I  should  be  the  last  man  to  set  an  example 
of  disobedience !" 

He  was  shown  to  a  place  where  the  view  was  less 
extended,  but  where  there  was  almost  no  exposure. 

It  was  three  o'clock.  General  D.  D.  Bidwell's  brig 
ade  of  five  veteran  regiments  now  marched  through  Fort 
Stevens  out  upon  the  open  space  in  front,  where  they 
were  extended  into  two  lines,  threw  out  skirmishers,  and 
then  all  lay  flat  upon  the  ground.  The  Confederate  fire 
was  so  hot  that  in  the  little  time  required  for  this  ma 
noeuvre  one  third  of  the  men  of  this  brigade  were 
killed  or  wounded.  I  had  supposed  that  a  battle 
field  was  filled  with  the  shrieks  and  groans  of  the 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  417 

wounded  and  the  dying.  There  was  nothing  of  the 
kind,  scarcely  a  spasmodic  action,  and  in  the  majority 
of  cases  those  who  had  been  struck  by  the  enemy's 
balls  seemed  rather  to  be  lying  quietly  down.  These 
veterans,  under  this  heavy  fire,  went  about  their  work 
as  coolly  as  though  on  parade. 

There  was  a  flag  raised,  and  thirty  guns  from  four 
forts  opened  fire  at  the  same  instant.  Six  guns  from 
Fort  Stevens  simultaneously  hurled  their  shells  against 
the  clusters  of  buildings  in  the  valley.  We  heard  the 
shells  strike,  and  saw  them  explode,  throwing  up  a  mass 
of  dust  and  lime.  A  body  of  Sixth  Corps  men  came  out 
from  the  rear  of  the  fort  and  poured  their  fire  at  short 
ran^e  into  the  crowd  of  rebels  that  rushed  from  the 

o 

buildings  like  bees  from  a  hive,  across  the  open  space 
to  the  bushes.  In  less  time  than  is  required  to  write 
the  fact,  there  was  a  winrow  of  fallen  men  heaped  en 
tirely  across  this  space.  ISTow  thick  and  fast  the  shells 
dropped  into  the  bushes  on  the  hillside.  Hurrying 
crowds  of  Confederates  rushed  from  either  side  into 
the  highway  and  packed  it  full.  Into  these  living 
masses  the  artillerymen  now  directed  their  galling  fire. 
They  had  just  returned  into  a  fort  which  they  had  pre 
viously  garrisoned  for  a  year,  and  knew  the  range  of 
every  tree  and  object.  One  could  follow  the  course  of 
the  shells  by  their  burning  fuses.  They  rose  in  long, 
graceful  curves,  screaming  like  demons  of  the  pit,  then 
descending  with  like  curves  into  the  crowds  of  running 
men,  they  appeared  to  explode  as  they  touched  the 
ground.  The  men  swayed  outward  with  the  explosion, 
but  many  fell,  and  did  not  rise  again.  After  the  retreat 
of  the  last  Confederates,  the  bodies  lay  so  near  each 
other  that  they  almost  touched.  It  was  beautiful  artil 
lery  work,  but  its  results  were  horrible. 
47 


418  RECOLLECTIONS   OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

The  shelling  ceased.  Instantly,  the  brigade  lying 
on  the  ground  was  up  and  away.  Over  fences  and 
other  obstructions,  dashing  through  the  bushes,  here 
and  there  halting  a  moment  to  re-form  their  broken 
lines,  -they  went  over  the  hillside,  clearing  away  every 
Confederate,  until  they  reached  the  summit  of  the  ridge, 
where  were  buildings  in  which  many  of  the  enemy  were 
captured.  They  then  halted  and  formed  in  line  of  bat 
tle  at  right  angles  to  the  highway. 

Every  Confederate  not  captured,  killed,  or  wounded, 
had  now  retreated  over  the  hill,  out  of  our  view.  I  sup 
posed  the  battle  was  over,  when  one  of  the  officers  stand 
ing  near  me  exclaimed,  "There  they  come!"  and  a 
squadron  of  cavalry,  appearing  over  the  crest  of  the  hill, 
charged  upon  what  seemed  to  be  our  doomed  line  of 
battle.  They  were  dashing  onward  to  the  sound  of  the 
famous  rebel  yell.  It  looked  as  though  that  rushing 
mass  of  men  and  horses  would  brush  away  that  thinned 
line  of  men  like  the  dew.  But  now  the  jets  of  smoke 
darted  from  them  in  rapid  succession,  and  riderless  horses 
dashed  out  from  the  cavalry.  Slower  and  slower  still 
became  its  advance,  more  frequent  were  the  jets  of  smoke 
from  the  line  of  infantry,  until  the  horsemen  came  to 
an  actual  halt,  seemed  to  quiver  for  a  moment,  then 
wheeled  and  disappeared  over  the  hill  to  be  seen  no 
more.  Again  had  a  charge  of  cavalry  been  resisted  and 
defeated  by  infantry  in  line  of  battle,  and  the  last  armed 
rebel  who  was  ever  to  look  upon  the  figure  of  liberty 
on  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  had  disappeared  forever. 

The  fighting  was  over,  but  the  experiences  of  the  day 
were  not  yet  ended.  I  went  back  to  my  horses,  found 
them  well  cared  for,  and  then  went  on  to  the  field  of  bat 
tle.  Men  with  stretchers  were  already  carrying  off  the 
wounded  and  collecting  the  dead.  A  few  yards  beyond 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  419 

our  works  I  met  two  men.  One,  tall  and  powerful, 
was  leaning  heavily  upon  the  other,  a  boy  who  was  car 
rying  the  guns  of  both.  The  former  asked  me  if  I  knew 
where  the  field-hospital  was?  After  directing  him  to 
it  I  inquired  where  he  was  hurt.  He  replied  by  open 
ing  his  shirt  and  exposing  the  path  of  a  minie-bullet 
directly  through  his  chest.  I  took  his  name,  and  after 
wards  traced  him,  found  that  he  recovered,  and  was, 
when  last  heard  from,  a  healthy  man.  His  surgeon 
said  that  the  wound  was  received  during  the  exhalation 
of  the  air  from  his  lungs.  Had  the  ball  entered  the 
lungs  during  inhalation,  the  wound  must  have  been  fatal. 

The  buildings  in  the  valley,  which  had  been  fired  by 
the  shells,  burned  very  slowly,  and  were  only  now  fully 
aflame.  On  all  the  floors,  on  the  roofs,  in  the  yards, 
within  reach  of  the  heat,  were  many  bodies  of  the  dead 
or  dying,  who  could  not  move,  and  had  been  left  behind 
by  their  comrades.  The  odor  of  burning  flesh  filled  the 
air ;  it  was  a  sickening  spectacle ! 

Near  a  large  fallen  tree  lay  one  in  the  uniform  of  an 
officer.  His  sword  was  by  his  side,  but  his  hand  grasped 
a  rifle.  What  could  have  sent  an  officer  here  to  act  as 
a  sharp-shooter  ?  I  placed  my  hand  on  his  chest  to  de 
tect  any  sign  of  life.  It  encountered  a  metallic  sub 
stance.  I  opened  his  clothing,  and  took  from  beneath 
it  a  shield  of  boiler-iron,  moulded  to  fit  the  anterior  por 
tion  of  his  body,  and  fastened  at  the  back  by  straps  and 
buckles.  Trusting  to  this  protection,  he  had  gone  out 
that  morning  gunning  for  Yankees.  In  the  language  of 
a  quaint  epitaph  in  Yernon,  Yt.,  upon  one  who  died  from 
vaccination, 

"  The  means  employed  his  life  to  save, 
Hurried  him  headlong  to  the  grave  !" 

Directly  over  his  heart,  through  the  shield  and  through 


420  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

his  body,  was  a  hole  large  enough  to  permit  the  escape 
of  a  score  of  human  lives. 

I  had  not  forgotten  the  sharp-shooter  "winged"  by 
the  target-rifle.  There,  behind  the  log,  he  lay,  on  his 
back,  his  open  eyes  gazing  upwards,  with  a  peaceful  ex 
pression  on  his  rugged  face.  In  the  middle  of  his  fore 
head  was  the  small  wound  which  had  ended  his  career. 
A  single  crimson  line  led  from  it,  along  his  face,  to  where 
the  blood  dropped  upon  the  ground.  A  minie-rifle,  dis 
charged,  was  grasped  in  his  right  hand ;  a  box,  with  a 
single  remaining  cartridge,  was  fast  to  his  side.  The 
rifle  and  cartridge-box  were  of  English  make,  and  the 
only  things  about  him  which  did  not  indicate  extreme 
destitution.  His  feet,  wrapped  in  rags,  had  coarse  shoes 
upon  them,  so  worn  and  full  of  holes  that  they  were  only 
held  together  by  many  pieces  of  thick  twine.  Kagged 
trousers,  a  jacket,  and  a  shirt  of  what  used  to  be  called 
"  tow-cloth,"  a  straw  hat,  which  had  lost  a  large  portion 
of  both  crown  and  rim,  completed  his  attire.  His  hair 
was  a  mat  of  dust  and  grime ;  his  face  and  body  were 
thickly  coated  with  dust  and  dirt,  which  gave  him  the 
color  of  the  red  Virginia  clay. 

A  haversack  hung  from  his  shoulder.  Its  contents 
were  a  jack-knife,  a  plug  of  twisted  tobacco,  a  tin  cup, 
and  about  two  quarts  of  coarsely  cracked  corn,  with, 
perhaps,  an  ounce  of  salt,  tied  in  a  rag.  My  notes,  made 
the  next  day,  say  that  this  corn  had  been  ground  upon 
the  cob,  making  the  provender  which  the  Western  farmer 
feeds  to  his  cattle.  This  was  a  complete  inventory  of  the 
belongings  of  one  Confederate  soldier. 

How  long  he  had  been  defending  Richmond  I  do  not 
know.  But  it  was  apparent  that  he,  with  Early's  army, 
during  the  past  six  weeks  had  entered  the  valley  at 
Staunton,  and  had  marched  more  than  three  hundred 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  421 

miles,  ready  to  fight  every  day,  until  now,  when  in  the 
front,  he  was  acting  as  a  sharp-shooter  before  "Washing 
ton.  He  was  evidently  from,  the  poorest  class  of  South 
ern  whites.  I  detached  his  haversack  and  its  contents 
from  his  body  and  carried  them  away. 

I  noticed  many  of  the  Confederate  dead  who  were 
clothed  in 'blue,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  hats,  which 
were  of  many  shapes  and  sizes,  they  would  have  closely 
resembled  our  own  men.  Where  the  brigade  had  formed 
which  afterwards  charged  the  Confederates  and  drove 
them  over  the  hill,  there  were  many  Federal  dead.  It 
was  subsequently  reported  that  our  loss  here  exceeded 
two  hundred  and  fifty.  The  time  could  not  have  been 
longer  than  ten  minutes  before  they  were  all  lying  flat 
on  the  ground. 

It  was  after  nightfall  when  we  started  to  return  to 
the  city.  The  soldiers  on  their  way  to  the  front,  having 
been  notified  that  the  fight  was  ended,  had  bivouacked 
in  the  fields,  and  left  the  road  clear,  so  that  we  made 
rapid  progress.  On  our  left,  a  single  heavy  gun  from  a 
fort  at  intervals  sent  a  shell,  with  a  screaming  rush,  in 
the  direction  of  the  retreating  Confederates,  like  some 
wild  animal  growling  his  anger  at  the  escape  of  his 
prey.  It  was  the  last  gun  of  the  attack  upon  Washing 
ton.  We  carried  the  news  of  the  retreat  of  the  Confed 
erates  to  the  city,  and  that  night  its  inhabitants  slept 
soundly,  free  from  alarm  or  anxiety. 

In  order  to  show  the  disparity  between  his  own  and 
the  Union  forces  on  the  12th  of  July,  General  Early  has 
made  a  singular  combination  of  figures.  It  is  said  that 
^figures  never  lie,  but  sometimes  they  come  closer  to  a 
false  impression  than  the  Confederate  general  did  to  the 
capture  of  Washington.  Although  such  was  not  the 
fact,  let  it  be  assumed,  as  he  claims,  that  within  the  cir- 


422  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

cle  of  the  defences  of  the  capital  there  were  about  20,000 
men — quartermasters ;  laborers,  who  had  never  had  a 
gun  in  their  hands ;  district  militia,  of  doubtful  alle 
giance  ;  department  clerks,  and  soldiers  only  half  cured 
of  their  wounds.  No  one  then  familiar  with  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Washington  will  doubt  that  the  condition 
and  forces  of  the  defences  were  accurately  known  to 
General  Lee.  It  was  upon  that  knowledge  that  Early 's 
campaign  was  projected  and  executed;  that  he  came 
before  the  city ;  that  he  had  disposed  his  forces ;  that 
he  had  ordered  the  assault  at  dawn  on  Tuesday  morn 
ing.  We  must  believe  this,  for  General  Early  so  wrote 
down  the  facts  only  two  days  afterwards.  Of  what 
avail,  then,  to  take  the  census  of  males  in  the  city? 
General  Early  intended  to  strike  the  capital  before 
Grant  could  reinforce  it,  and  to  that  end  he  had  made 
a  march  of  almost  incredible  swiftness  and  severity. 
When  he  ordered  the  assault,  he  believed  he  had  reached 
Washington  with  its  situation  unchanged,  and  so  had 
accomplished  his  object.  Such  facts  cannot  be  refuted. 
They  establish  the  ultimate  fact  by  circumstantial  proof, 
which  is  declared  by  the  common  law  to  be  more  satis 
factory  than  the  positive  evidence  of  witnesses,  who  may 
be  mistaken,  while  circumstances  are  always  consistent 
with  each  other.  It  must  therefore  be  accepted  as  a  fact 
of  history  that  the  capture  of  Washington  and  the  re 
lease  of  the  Confederate  prisoners  at  Point  Lookout  were 
the  objectives  of  Early 's  campaign. 

Nor  is  the  exact  hour  of  his  arrival  before  Washington 
any  more  important.  At  Frederick  he  was  only  thirty- 
five  miles  from  the  capital.  In  his  report  of  July  14th 
he  says,  "  On  the  morning  of  the  10th,  I  moved  towards 
Washington,  taking  the  route  via  Rockville,  and  then 
turning  to  the  left  to  get  on  the  Seventh  Street  Pike. 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  423 

The  day  was  very  hot,  and  the  roads  exceedingly  dusty, 
~but  we  marched  thirty  miles"  He  passed  the  night  of 
the  10th  within  five  miles  of  Washington.  Presump 
tively,  he  could  have  attacked  next  morning,  when  a 
considerable  portion  of  his  force  was  at  Silver  Spring 
and  above  Georgetown,  within  two  miles  of  the  defences. 
His  own  statement  of  the  positions  of  his  force  on  the 
llth  is  very  indefinite.  The  first  detachment  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  did  not  reach  the  defences  until  after  four  in  the 
afternoon.  Had  he  made  the  attack  on  the  morning  of 
the  llth,  he  would  have  found  the  city  in  the  condition 
supposed  by  General  Lee  when  the  campaign  was  pro 
jected.  The  Confederate  army  would  have  met  with 
no  resistance  except  from  raw  and  undisciplined  forces, 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  General  Grant,  and  it  was  sup 
posed  of  General  Lee  also,  would  have  been  altogether 
inadequate  to  its  defence.  Its  capture  and  possession  for 
a  day  would  have  been  disastrous  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union.  Early  would  have  seized  the  money  in  the 
Treasury,  the  archives  of  the  departments,  the  immense 
supplies  of  clothing,  arms,  and  ammunition  in  store ;  he 
would  have  compelled  General  Grant  to  raise  the  siege 
of  Richmond ;  he  would  have  destroyed  uncounted  mill 
ions  in  value  of  property,  and  he  would  have  had  the 
same  opportunity  to  retreat  of  which  he  availed  himself 
next  day. 

But  with  his  veterans  behind  the  defences,  he  would 
have  had  no  occasion  to  retreat.  The  released  prisoners 
at  Point  Lookout  in  two  days  would  have  added  20,000 
to  the  strength  of  his  army.  The  Confederates  of  Mary 
land  would  have  swarmed  to  his  assistance,  and  he  could 
certainly  have  held  the  capital  long  enough  to  give  Great 
Britain  the  excuse  she  so  much  desired,  to  recognize  the 
Confederacy  and  break  the  blockade.  After  the  danger 


424  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

had  passed,  when  its  magnitude  became  apparent,  there 
was  but  one  opinion  among  the  friends  of  the  Union. 
It  was  that  we  had  escaped  a  loss  of  prestige  and  prop 
erty,  compared  with  which  previous  disasters  would  have 
been  trifling,  and  probably  a  blow  fatally  destructive  to 
the  Union  cause. 

And  there  is  another  record  which  will  be  held  in 
honor  so  long  as  and  wherever  courage  is  held  to  be  a 
virtue  among  men.  It  is  the  page  which  is  filled  with 
the  story  of  ^lonocacy,  where  the  streams  ran  blood,  in 
experienced  men  fought  like  veterans,  and  veterans  like 
the  legionaries  of  Caesar.  When  the  children  of  the  re 
public  are  asked  what  it  was  that  brought  Early's  cam 
paign  to  naught  and  saved  the  capital,  let  them  be  taught 
to  answer,  "  General  Wallace  and  his  command  at  the 
battle  of  Monocacy,  and  the  arrival  of  the  gixth  Corps 
within  the  defences  of  the  capital." 

As  promised,  I  proceed  to  compare  other  statements 
of  General  Early  with  facts  which  no  one  has  ever  ques 
tioned.  Possibly  they  may  have  a  bearing  upon  the 
credibility  of  other  statements  of  his  which  are  contro 
verted.  In  his  report  of  July  14th,  after  stating  that  he 
had  "  moved  his  force  up  to  the  vicinity  of  the  fortifica 
tions"  (of  the  capital),  he  says:  "Late  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  12th,  the  enemy  advanced  in  line  of  'battle  against 
my  skirmishers  (of  Rode's  division),  and  the  latter  being 
reinforced,  repulsed  the  enemy  three  times" 

No  other  account  of  the  proceedings  of  that  day  makes 
any  mention  of  any  repulse  of  Federal  troops,  nor  of  any 
advance  by  them  "  in  line  of  battle."  In  his  article  pub 
lished  long  after  the  war,  General  Early  referred  to  this 
advance  as  an  affair  which  occurred  late  in  the  after 
noon  of  the  12th,  between  some  troops  sent  out  from  the 
works  and  "  a  portion  of  the  troops  in  my  front  line." 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  425 

General  Long  has  omitted  all  mention  of  such  an  event. 
The  account  which  I  have  given  of  the  fighting  before 
the  works  on  that  afternoon  could  be  confirmed  by  two 
thousand  witnesses.  The  only  line  of  battle  that  after 
noon  was  formed  by  Bidwell's  brigade,  after  they  had 
charged  over  the  valley  and  up  to  the  crest  of  the  hill, 
opposite  the  fort,  and  driven  every  Confederate  over  the 
hill  and  out  of  sight  of  Washington.  And  this  brigade 
was  not  repulsed ;  on  the  contrary,  it  went  up  the  hill  at 
a  speed  scarcely  outstripped  by  the  pursued  Confederates. 
On  the  top  of  the  hill  these  veterans  did  form  in  line  of 
battle,  and  were  charged  upon  by  the  Confederate  cavalry. 
But  it  was  the  cavalry,  and  not  the  Union  force,  which 
was  repulsed  and  retreated.  If  the  subject  were  open  to 
argument,  it  might  be  asked  for  what  possible  purpose 
a  force,  attacked  when  it  was  behind  breastworks,  went 
out  to  form  a  line  of  battle  in  front  of  them !  JN"o,  this 
is  a  statement  that  cannot  possibly  be  true. 

General  Early  frankly  confesses  that  some  of  his  men 
who  were  captured  before  Washington  "  did  some  very 
tall  talking  about  my  (his)  strength  and  purposes."  He 
says  that  he  himself  told  a  "sympathizer"  that  he 
"  would  not  mind  so  small  a  force  as  20,000  in  the  earth 
works  of  Washington."  Such  observations  are  so  very 
difficult  to  explain,  that  we  may  leave  them  with  the 
comment  that  they  do  not  increase  our  confidence  in  the 
evidence  of  the  witness  who  made  them. 

Both  General  Early  and  General  Long  have  asserted 
frequently,  and  with  great  apparent  satisfaction,  that  the 
Confederate  advance  "  threw  the  authorities,  civil  and 
military,  at  the  Federal  capital,  as  well  as  the  whole  pop 
ulation  of  Washington,  into  a  wild  state  of  alarm  and 
consternation."  Similar  statements  have  been  so  fre 
quently  made  that  they  have  been  countenanced  by  some 


426  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

Union  writers  since  the  war,  who  have  no  personal  knowl 
edge  on  the  subject.  General  Early  even  claims  that  the 
universal  "  wild  dismay "  so  upset  the  Northern  judg 
ment  as  to  disqualify  it  from  forming  any  reliable  con 
clusions,  and  that  it  led  to  the  most  exaggerated  esti 
mates  of  the  Confederate  forces. 

These  statements  are  destitute  of  the  least  shadow  of 
foundation,  for  a  reason  which  is  conclusive.  The  Union 
men  in  Washington  had  not  the  slightest  knowledge  of 
the  existence  of  the  danger.  No  confidence  was  placed 
in  the  press,  which  as  often  contradicted  as  it  asserted  the 
fact  of  Eaiiy's  advance,  and  all  its  statements  were  upon 
rumor.  It  may  be  assumed  that  those  who  had  the  cus 
tody  of  the  money  and  securities  would  have  been  in 
formed  as  early  as  others,  but  until  the  Sixth  Corps  was 
in  sight  of  the  capital  on  Monday,  neither  the  treasurer 
nor  the  register  had  any  knowledge  on  the  subject.  Had 
I  supposed  there  was  even  danger  of  possible  delay  on 
the  railroads,  I  should  have  sent  away  my  family,  who 
were  staying  with  me  at  a  hotel.  When  they  finally 
left  the  city  on  Monday,  I  offered  to  a  party  of  acquaint 
ances  the  opportunity  of  going  by  the  same  train,  and 
told  them  what  I  had  seen  above  Georgetown.  But  they 
were  so  confident  that  only  cavalry  raiders  were  around 
the  city  that  they  declined,  and  consequently  Major  Gil- 
mor  relieved  them  of  their  luggage  at  the  Gunpowder 
River  the  next  morning. 

There  was  indignation  in  Washington  when  the  facts 
were  known,  but  there  was  no  scare  and  no  fear.  And 
the  indignation  was  directed  against  our  own  authori 
ties,  and  not  against  the  Confederates,  the  former  being 
charged  with  the  defence  of  the  city.  It  was  claimed 
that  they  should  not  have  permitted  its  exposure  to  any 
danger.  Even  now,  when  we  learn  from  the  Memoirs 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  427 

of  General  Lee  that,  within  four  hours  after  the  de 
spatch  of  the  Sixth  Corps  by  General  Grant  to  the  de 
fence  of  "Washington,  a  courier  was  on  his  way  from 
General  Lee  to  General  Early  with  a  letter  giving  its 
numbers  and  destination,  wre  may  consider  it  somewhat 
remarkable  that  one  third  of  Lee's  army  could  have  been 
detached  on  the  13th  of  June,  and  marched  over  two 
hundred  miles  into  Maryland,  and  no  knowledge  of  the 
movement  have  reached  Grant  until  the  5th  of  July, 
when  he  sent  the  first  reinforcement  of  a  part  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  to  Baltimore. 

The  effect  produced  by  the  mere  presence  of  this  corps 
was  a  grand  tribute  to  the  reputation  of  its  soldiers.  No 
one  asked  what  its  numbers  were.  They  had  come,  and 
the  capital  was  saved.  The  friends  of  the  Union  at  once 
assumed  that  the  city  must  have  been  in  danger,  or  Gen 
eral  Grant  would  not  have  sent  the  Sixth  Corps  to  its 
defence.  The  inhabitants  resumed  their  ordinary  avoca 
tions  :  one  went  to  his  field,  another  to  his  merchandise, 
with  perfect  confidence  that  the  Sixth  Corps  would  take 
care  of  Washington ;  and  from  his  instant  and  precipitate 
retreat  the  belief  was  universal  that  General  Early  was 
of  the  same  opinion. 


428  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


XLY. 

THE  JUDGMENT  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN.— HIS  COOLNESS  IN 
TIMES  OF  EXCITEMENT.  —  HIS  FAITH  THAT  THE  UNION 
CAUSE  WOULD  BE  PROTECTED  AGAINST  SERIOUS  DISAS 
TER.— FOUR  OF  HIS  LETTERS  NOW  FIRST  PUBLISHED. 

THOSE  who  were  with  the  President  upon  the  three 
occasions  when  the  capital  was  supposed,  to  be  in  danger 
of  capture  know  that  in  neither  of  them,  did  he  exhibit 
any  evidence  of  excitement  or  apprehension.  The  loss 
of  the  capital  he  regarded  as  a  disaster  that  would  prob 
ably  be  fatal,  because  it  would  give  Great  Britain  a  pre 
text  for  intervening  in  our  affairs,  of  which  she  would 
certainly  avail  herself.  For  that  reason  he  did  not  be 
lieve  it  would  happen.  He  made  no  parade  of  his  faith, 
but  upon  proper  occasions  he  spoke  of  our  ultimate  suc 
cess  as  one  of  the  designs  of  the  Almighty,  and  that  he 
would  protect  the  country  against  any  disaster  from 
which  it  could  not  recover.  He  kept  General  McClellan 
in  command  in  the  campaign  which  ended  at  Antietam, 
because,  as  he  said,  he  clearly  saw  that  that  was  the 
surest  way  to  insure  the  defeat  of  General  Lee.  The 
despatch  which  first  announced  the  victory  at  Gettys- 
burgh  did  not  produce  in  him  the  slightest  emotion.  He 
read  it,  passed  it  to  a  civil  officer,  and  directed  him  to  read 
it  to  those  who  stood  around  him,  with  the  quiet  observa 
tion,  "  It  is  no  more  than  I  expected."  The  following 
letters  will  show  the  state  of  his  mind  during  Early's 
invasion,  and  I  submit  them  without  further  comment. 

On  the  10th  of  July,  at  9.20A.M.,  after  he  had  received 


AND  HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  429 

General  Wallace's  telegraphic  report,  which  stated  his 
defeat,  and  his  losses  much  heavier  than  they  proved 
afterwards  to  be,  for  he  then  supposed  that  the  Tenth 
Vermont  and  the  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  New  York 
were  captured,,  the  President  wrote  to  ex-Governor 
Swann,  at  Baltimore,  as  follows : 

"Yours  of  last  night  is  received.  I  have  not  a  single  soldier  who 
is  not  disposed  of  by  the  military  for  the  best  protection  of  all.  By 
latest  accounts  the  enemy  is  moving  on  Washington.  They  cannot 
fly  to  either  place.  Let  us  be  vigilant,  but  keep  cool.  I  hope  neither 
Baltimore  nor  Washington  will  be  sacked.  A.  LINCOLN." 

At  two  o'clock  P.M.  on  the  same  10th  of  July  he  wrote 
to  General  Grant,  at  City  Point,  as  follows : 

"  Your  despatch  to  General  Halleck,  referring  to  what  I  may  think 
in  the  present  emergency,  is  shown  me.  General  Halleck  says  we 
have  absolutely  no  force  here  fit  to  go  to  the  field.  He  thinks  that 
with  the  hundred-day  men  and  invalids  we  have  here  we  can  defend 
Washington,  and  scarcely  Baltimore.  Besides  these,  there  are  about 

eight  thousand,  not  very  reliable,  under at  Harper's  Ferry, 

with  Hunter  approaching  that  point  very  slowly,  with  what  number 
I  suppose  you  know  better  than  I. 

"Wallace  with  some  odds  and  ends,  and  part  of  what  came  up 
with  Ricketts,  was  so  badly  beaten  yesterday  at  Monocacy  that 
what  is  left  can  attempt  no  more  than  to  defend  Baltimore.  What 
we  shall. get  in  from  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  will  scarcely  be 
worth  counting,  I  fear. 

"  Now  what  I  think  is,  that  you  should  provide  to  retain  your  hold 
where  you  are,  certainly,  and  bring  the  rest  with  you  personally,  and 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  destroy  the  enemy's  force  in  this  vicinity. 
I  think  there  is  really  a  fair  chance  to  do  this  if  the  movement  is 
prompt.  This  is  what  I  think  upon  your  suggestion,  and  is  not  an 
order.  A.  LINCOLN." 

There  are  some  important  interlineations  in  this  letter. 
Speaking  of  Halleck's  opinion,  he  first  wrote  that  the 
hundred-day  men  and  the  invalids  "  may  possibly  but 
not  certainly  defend  Washington,"  and  then  erased  these 


430  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

words  and  interlined,  "  can  defend  "Washington."  As  the 
letter  was  finally  sent  it  expressed  his  opinion  that  both 
cities  could  be  defended  with  their  then  present  forces, 
and  that  Early's  army  could  be  captured  by  a  prompt 
!  movement  of  General  Grant.  It  contained  no  expression 
of  fear. 

The  President's  next  letter  is  dated  July  llth,  and  is 
to  General  Grant: 

"  Yours  of  10.30  yesterday  is  received,  and  very  satisfactory.  The 
enemy  will  learn  of  Wright's  arrival,  and  then  the  difficulty  will  be 
to  unite  Wright  and  Hunter,  south  of  the  enemy,  before  he  will  re- 
cross  the  Potomac.  Some  firing  between  Rockville  and  here  now. 

"A.  LINCOLN." 

General  Wright  with  the  advance  of  the  Sixth  Corps 
began  to  arrive  in  the  afternoon  of  the  llth,  and  the 
last  detachment  went  to  the  front  on  the  morning  of  the 
12th.  President  Lincoln  was  in  Fort  Stevens  at  two 
o'clock  P.M.,  and  remained  there  until  the  fighting  was 
over.  At  11.30  A.M.  of  the  12th  he  wrote  to  General 
Grant : 

"Vague  rumors  have  been  reaching  us  for  two  or  three  days  that 
Longstreet's  corps  is  also  on  its  way  to  this  vicinity.  Look  out  for 
its  absence  from  your  front.  A.  LINCOLN." 

These  letters  show  that  while  the  situation  was  per 
fectly  comprehended  by  the  President,  it  did  not  disturb 
the  serenity  of  his  mind  nor  excite  his  apprehension. 
Neither  on  this  occasion  nor  upon  either  of  the  Con 
federate  campaigns  north  of  the  Potomac,  did  he  have 
the  slightest  fear  of  the  capture  of  Washington. 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  431 


CHAPTER  XLYL 

ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.— A  SKETCH   OF  SOME  EVENTS  IN   HIS 

LIFE. 

I  CANNOT  conclude  this  volume  of  disconnected 
sketches  more  appropriately  than  by  a  brief  account  of 
some  events  which  exerted  a  powerful  influence  upon 
Mr.  Lincoln's  character,  and  indirectly  upon  the  fortunes 
of  the  republic.  I  shall  attempt  no  connected  biography, 
but  confine  myself  strictly  to  an  account  of  the  events 
to  which  I  have  referred. 

On  the  12th  day  of  February,  1809,  were  born  two 
men  who  each  exerted  a  more  powerful  and  permanent 
influence  upon  mankind  than  any  of  their  contempora 
ries.  The  name  of  one  was  Charles  Robert  Darwin. 
He  came  of  an  old  English  family,  renowned  for  its  con 
tributions  to  physical  science,  which  was  able  to  give  to 
its  young  representative  all  the  advantages  of  wealth 
and  position.  From  the  university,  young  Darwin  went 
as  naturalist  on  board  the  British  ship  Beagle,  engaged 
in  explorations  in  the  Southern  Ocean.  Returning  from 
this  voyage  in  the  year  1845,  he  published  the  scientific 
results  of  his  labors,  in  a  large  illustrated  volume,  and 
also  that  charming  book, "  The  Voyage  of  a  Naturalist," 
so  well  known  to  students  of  physical  science.  Then 
for  many  years  he  was  engaged  in  his  private  investiga 
tions,  and  cut  no  figure  in  scientific  literature.  But  in 
the  year  1858  (and  synonymously  with  the  "divided- 
house"  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln)  he  convulsed  the  world 
of  science  by  the  publication  of  his  "  Origin  of  Species." 


432  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

For  this  publication  Mr.  Darwin  was  denounced  by  the 
whole  Christian  world.  He  was  called  a  heretic,  a  pagan, 
a  scoffer  at  the  Bible,  a  knave  or  a  fool,  who  had  invented 
a  theory  which  led  straight  to  atheism. 

But  Mr.  Darwin  lived  to  see  his  theory  adopted  by 
the  leading  Christian  thinkers  of  his  time,  as  not  irrecon 
cilable  with  the  Bible,  and  when  he  died,  "  by  the  will 
of  the  intelligence  of  the  nation,-'  he  was  buried  in  West 
minster  Abbey,  uthe  fitting  resting-place,"  said  Dean 
Stanley,  "  and  the  monument  of  the  heroes  of  England." 

On  the  same  12th  day  of  February,  1809,  in  one  of  the 
new  settlements  of  Kentucky,  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
born.  With  none  of  the  advantages  of  wealth,  educa 
tion,  and  position,  which  assisted  the  eminent  English 
man,  the  young  Kentuckian  rose  to  greater  eminence, 
and  exerted  a  more  powerful  influence  upon  his  country 
and  his  race,  than  his  English  contemporary.  The  object 
of  this  sketch- will  be  fully  accomplished  if  it  shall  direct 
the  student  of  American  history  to  the  events  and  pro 
cesses  by  which  such  an  extraordinary  result  was  at 
tained. 

Mr.  Lincoln  once  wrote  his  own  biography  in  these 
words : 

"  Born,  February  12th,  1809,  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky. 

"  Education  defective. 

"  Profession,  a  lawyer. 

"  Have  been  a  captain  of  volunteers  in  the  Black  Hawk  War. 

"  Postmaster  at  a  very  small  office ;  four  times  a  member  of  the 
Illinois  legislature,  and  was  a  member  of  the  lower  House  of  Con 
gress." 

If  he  had  not  survived  the  year  1857,  he  would  not 
have  required  a  more  extended  biography.  It  is  a  singu 
lar  but  impressive  fact  that  all  the  events  which  have 
given  him  such  an  honorable  place  in  American  history 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  433 

were  comprised  within  the  last  seven  years  of  his  life. 
In  his  youth  and  early  manhood  there  was  nothing  very 
different  from  the  common  experiences  of  young  men 
of  poor  parents  and  his  position  in  life.  He  had  served 
through  four  sessions  of  the  state  legislature  of  Illinois, 
without  any  taint  upon  his  reputation — he  had  an  aver 
age  position  as  a  member  of  Congress  in  his  second  term ; 
he  may  have  ranked  as  the  leading  lawyer  of  his  county, 
and,  what  is  perhaps  more  to  his  credit,  he  had  acquired 
among  those  who  knew  him  most  thoroughly,  the  name 
of  "  Honest  Abraham  Lincoln."  But  he  had  done  noth 
ing  to  distinguish  himself  above  many  of  his  contempo 
raries,  or  to  give  his  name  a  place  in  history.  Had  his 
life  ended  before  the  new  year  of  1858,  he  would  have 
left  to  his  children  a  fair  reputation  as  a  lawyer,  a  good 
name  as  a  citizen,  a  small  estate,  and  the  credit  of  no  re 
markable  achievement. 

But  in  that  year,  when  he  was  already  past  middle 
life,  he  suddenly  appeared  above  the  political  horizon, 
and  so  strikingly  challenged  the  public  attention  that 
he  was  taken  out  of  private  life,  and,  without  any  inter 
vening  step,  placed  in  the  presidential  chair.  This  was 
an  extraordinary  occurrence.  It  had  not  happened  be 
fore,  to  a  really  able  man,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution.  There  must  exist  a  reason  for  it  in  some  act 
of  his  own  or  with  which  he  was  prominently  associated. 
An  act  which  produced  such  a  result  should  assist  us  in 
the  interpretation  of  his  character,  and  ought  to  be  dis 
covered  without  great  difficulty.  The  inquiry  for  it  in 
volves  some  recapitulation. 

It  appears  from  the  story  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  youth  that 
his  early  education  comprised  less  than  a  year  of  very 
ordinary  school  instruction,  and  that  the  only  books  ac 
cessible  to  him  were  the  Bible,  "The  Pilgrim's  Prog- 
28 


434:  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

ress,"  "  Burns's  Poems,"  and  Weems's  "  Life  of  Washing 
ton."  His  study  of  these  books  was  very  thorough,  for 
they  were  in  large  part  committed  to  memory.  The 
mental  exercise  involved  taught  him  how  to  think. 
During  his  public  life,  all  his  great  ideas,  his  sentences 
that  will  outlive  the  spoken  language,  have  been  wrought 
out  of  his  own  brain  with  few  or  no  adventitious  aids. 
Thus,  his  first  inaugural  address  is  said  by  those  who 
know  to  have  been  composed  with  no  assistance  but  the 
Federal  Constitution  and  one  of  Henry  Clay's  speeches. 
But  his  entire  public  life  testifies  how  thoroughly  he 
had  learned  the  power  of  thought,  a  lesson  which  few 
men  completely  master.  Judged  by  their  relations, 
some  of  his  most  matured  mental  conclusions  must  be 
referred  to  those  years  of  quiet  home  life  which  inter 
vened  between  his  retirement  from  Congress,  in  1849, 
and  his  nomination  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
in  the  summer  of  1858. 

The  decade  which  ended  in  the  year  last  named  cov 
ered  the  aggressive  campaign  of  slavery.  The  original 
slave  states  had  been  content  to  abide  by  the  Missouri 
compromise  line,  and  made  no  attempt  to  carry  their 
domestic  institution  beyond  it.  But  their  representa 
tives  in  Congress,  aided  by  Northern  votes,  secured  the 
passage  of  the  act  for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  ;  and 
encouraged  by  that  act,  and  their  short-lived  victory  in 
the  Kansas  controversy,  they  broadly  claimed  the  right 
to  carry  their  slave  property  into  free  territory.  The 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  case  of  Dred  Scott,  very  nearly  confirmed  their  claim, 
and  well-nigh  broke  down  the  last  geographical  barrier 
between  freedom  and  slavery. 

The  friends  of  human  freedom  had  never  asserted  any 
right  to  legislate  touching  slavery  in  the  slave  states  or 


AND  HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  435 

south  of  the  compromise  line.  "Within  those  limits  slav 
ery  was  conceded  to  be  a  continuing  evil,  entrenched 
in  the  Constitution.  The  most  ultra-abolitionists  had 
restricted  their  labors  to  the  attempted  abolition  of  sla 
very  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  its  exclusion  from 
the  territories.  No  public  man  had  proposed  to  attack 
slavery  within  its  consecrated  limits.  Had  the  advo 
cates  of  the  institution  abided  by  the  line  to  which  they 
had  for  a  good  consideration  agreed,  there  is  no  reason 
to  believe  that  it  would  have  ever  been  disturbed  except 
by  themselves.  But  they  would  not  abide  by  it.  They 
charged  the  North  with  an  agitation  for  which  they 
alone  were  responsible.  They  made  every  success  the 
pretext  for  some  new  aggression,  until  the  halls  of  Con 
gress  became  the  theatre  of  a  conflict  which  was  re 
newed  with  every  session  with  increasing  intensity. 

In  the  quiet  of  private  life  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  thought 
ful  observer  of  this  controversy.  He  had  taken  note  of 
the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power,  and  he  reached  the 
conclusion  that  they  would  continue  until  they  became 
intolerable.  In  the  Kansas  outrages  they  had  almost 
reached  that  point,  and  when  the  point  was  passed  he 
believed  that  the  fate  of  slavery  would  be  determined. 
He  hated  slavery,  because  it  was  oppressive  and  cruel — 
he  loved  freedom,  because  it  was  the  natural  right  of  all 
men,  ordained  by  the  Almighty.  Freedom  had  been 
fighting  a  losing  battle,  but  it  would  triumph  in  God's 
own  good  time.  He  saw  where  his  own  party  had  erred, 
and  he  worked  out  in  his  own  mind  the  lines  upon  which 
the  next  battle — the  fight  for  freedom,  could  be  won. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  mind  was  not  secretive,  but  it  was  his 
habit  not  to  disclose  the  problems  upon  which  it  was  en 
gaged  until  all  his  own  doubts  were  removed  and  his 
conclusions  settled.  This  peculiar  quality  now  received 


436  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN 

a  marked  illustration.  On  the  17th  of  June,  1858,  the 
Republicans  of  Illinois,  at  their  state  convention,  in 
Springfield,  nominated  him  as  their  candidate  for  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  He  anticipated  the  nom 
ination,  and  had  written  out  his  speech  upon  its  accept 
ance.  This  speech  seems  to  have  been  the  most  effective 
of  his  life,  and  as  momentous  as  was  ever  delivered  in 
this  republic.  Its  theme  was  the  insatiable  demands  of 
the  slave  power.  Upon  the  incontestable  authority  of 
the  Saviour  of  men,  that  "  if  a  house  be  divided  against 
itself  that  house  cannot  stand,"  he  avowed  his  own  faith 
in  these  words :  "  I  believe  this  government  cannot  per 
manently  endure,  half  slave  and  half  free." 

It  is  now  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  since  Mr. 
Lincoln  himself  gave  an  unpretending  account  of  the  oc 
casion  and  circumstances  of  this  speech.  He  spoke  of  it 
as  an  example  of  the  thoroughness  of  his  own  convic 
tions.  It  wrought  upon  his  hearers  a  conviction  equally 
thorough,  that  for  the  first  time  it  put  the  issue  between 
freedom  and  slavery  upon  its  true  ground.  We  know 
now  that  it  made  Mr.  Lincoln  President  and  drove  the 
bolt  of  death  straight  to  the  life  of  human  slavery. 

The  announcement  of  this  bold  prediction  almost  pro 
duced  a  convulsion  among  the  Republicans.  It  came 
upon  them  like  a  burst  of  thunder  from  a  cloudless  sky. 
His  friends  were  shocked — his  party  leaders  were  ap 
palled.  They  declared  that  it  destroyed  his  chances  of 
an  election ;  that  unless  he  retracted  or  modified  it,  his 
defeat  was  inevitable.  The  issue,  as  he  proposed  it,  they 
said,  involved  the  destruction  of  slavery  or  the  govern 
ment.  It  was  a  declaration  of  open  war.  "I  cannot 
change  the  fact,  nor  can  I  escape  the  conclusions  of  my 
own  judgment,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  The  statement  is  a 
truth  confirmed  by  all  human  experience.  It  has  been 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  437 

true  for  more  than  six  thousand  years — it  is  still  indis 
putably  true.  I  cannot  retract  it  without  resorting  to 
subterfuge,  and  that  I  will  not  do.  I  would  rather  be 
defeated,  with  this  expression  held  up  and  discussed  be 
fore  the  people,  than  to  exclude  it  from  my  speech  and 
be  victorious."  And  so  the  message  went  forth.  It  was 
the  result  of  his  calm  deliberation — by  it  he  would  stand 
or  fall ! 

Judge  Douglas  was  already  his  opposing  candidate. 
He  seized  upon  what  he  believed  to  be  his  opportunity 
to  destroy  Mr.  Lincoln.  In  his  reply  to  the  prediction, 
he  assumed  an  air  of  lofty  superiority — and  scornfully 
declared  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  had  been  "  prepared 
for  the  occasion."  "  I  admit  the  charge,"  said  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  "  I  have  not  a  fine  education  like  Judge  Douglas, 
and  I  cannot  discourse  on  dialectics  as  he  can,  but  I  can 
be  honest  with  the  people,  and  tell  them  what  I  believe." 
Then  he  challenged  Judge  Douglas  to  a  public  discus 
sion  ;  the  challenge  was  accepted ;  the  debate  followed, 
which  is  now  historical.  Instead  of  destroying  the  Ee- 
publican  party,  it  drew  to  it  a  majority  of  the  voters  of 
Illinois,  and  left  its  candidate,  although  defeated  by  the 
legislature,  the  most  conspicuous  of  its  leaders. 

The  influence  of  this  debate  has  not  yet  passed  away. 
Men  still  remember  and  refer,  as  an  epoch  in  their  lives, 
to  the  first  discussion  of  the  new  issue  by  these  two  can 
didates,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  on  the  9th  and  10th  of 
July,  1858.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  auditor  when  Judge 
Douglas,  on  the  9th,  delivered  a  speech  of  such  power 
that  his  admirers  believed  it  unanswerable.  But  on  the 
following  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  made  an  answer,  in  which 
he  established  a  national  reputation  as  an  orator,  and  the 
"  little  giant  of  the  West "  found  his  peer  as  a  logician 
and  his  master  in  eloquence. 


438  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

What  was  it  which  drew  such  crowds  of  plain  men  to 
every  one  of  the  seven  meetings  for  this  debate  ?  Neither 
speaker  indulged  in  oratorio  flights  or  descended  to  the 
common  level  of  the  hustings.  Mr.  Lincoln  even  dis 
dained  his  ordinary  anecdote  and  humor.  Both  sought 
to  address  the  sound  reason  of  their  auditors  by  fair 
argument  alone.  Yet  the  public  interest  in-,  the  debate 
increased  as  it  proceeded,  and  was  never  greater  than  on 
the  evening  when  it  closed.  Mr.  Douglas  had  not  been 
an  ultra  pro-slavery  man — he  had  opposed  his  own  party 
in  the  trick  by  which  it  sought  to  force  the  Lecon>pton 
Constitution  upon  the  people  of  Kansas ;  he  now  took 
very  high  ground.  He  claimed  that  he  was  the  cham 
pion  of  constitutional  rights.  He  declared  that  he  would 
maintain  and  enforce  these  rights  for  all  the  people,  and 
when  these  rights  were  recognized  he  said  he  "  did  not 
care  whether  slavery  was  voted  up  or  voted  down." 

In  his  reply  Mr.  Lincoln  spurned  aril  half-way  meas 
ures  and  men.  Was  slavery  right?  If  it  was,  then 
Judge  Douglas  ought  to  be  sustained.  If  it  was  wrong, 
then  Judge  Douglas  and  his  party  had  no  claim  to  the 
support  of  good  men.  But  slavery  was  not  right.  Sla 
very  was  degrading — it  was  cruel,  brutal — it  was  unjust 
and  wicked.  Therefore  it  was  wrong,  and  Judge  Doug 
las  and  his  party  ought  to  care,  and  ought  to  vote,  to 
put  it  down.  Freedom  was  the  opposite  of  slavery.  It 
was  noble,  just,  godlike — and  it  was  right.  It  was  the 
gift  of  the  Almighty  to  all  men.  He  would  see  that 
his  children  were  not  robbed  of  their  birthright.  Free 
dom  was  truth,  it  "  was  mighty,  and  would  prevail !" 

To  this  plain  issue  of  the  wrong  or  right  of  slavery 
Lincoln  held  his  adversary  with  an  inflexible  hand. 
Douglas  plied  him  with  questions — he  answered  them 
fully,  always  coming  back  to  the  wrong  of  slavery.  He 


AND  HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  439 

put  questions  in  return,  which  his  opponent  answered 
evasively,  and  then  strove  to  retreat  under  cover  of  the 
evasion.  Lincoln  was  the  victor  in  every  encounter. 
Finally,  he  drove  his  adversary  into  the  corner,  where 
there  was  no  escape,  and  where  he  extorted  from  him 
the  admission  that  his  party  was  committed  to  the  doc 
trine  that  slavery  was  right.  Then,  with  the  earnestness 
of  Paul,  he  demanded,  What  true  man  would  uphold 
slavery  and  wrong  against  freedom  and  the  right  and 
justice  ? 

The  great  contest  was  half  won  when  it  was  to  be 
fought  to  its  termination  in  the  light  of  day  on  its  real 
issue.  Slavery  had  declared  the  war.  It  was  not  in  its 
nature  to  recede  or  to  lay  down  its  arms  until  it  was 
victorious  or  defeated.  It  was  Lincoln  who  had  forced 
the  lighting  to  its  true  issue,  and  he,  therefore,  became 
the  natural  leader  of  the  party  of  freedom. 

In  the  new  departure  of  the  "  divided-house "  speech, 
and  in  his  powerful  demonstration  of  the  inexcusable 
wrong  of  slavery,  lay  the  secret  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  power. 
He  was  at  once  in  great  demand  as  a  political  speaker. 
In  the  Ohio  campaign  of  1859 — in  the  Cooper  Institute 
in  New  York — in  Connecticut,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode 
Island,  and  in  Kansas — everywhere  he  went,  he  drew 
large  audiences.  His  style  of  speaking  was  changed. 
He  no  longer  told  witty  stories ;  his  speeches  were  so 
solidly  argumentative  that  a  few  said  they  were  dry, 
and  the  same  critics  decided  that  their  length  made  them 
tiresome.  But  the  great  audiences  heard  them  delight 
ed,  and  complained  only  of  their  brevity.  No  theme 
had  ever  made  so  many  permanent  converts  to  his  party 
faith  as  his,  touching  the  wrong  of  slavery — no  speaker 
had  laid  it  bare  with  the  strong  sense  of  Abraham  Lin 
coln. 


440  RECOLLECTIONS  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

As  the  day  appointed  for  the  national  nominating 
convention  for  the  presidency  approached,  the  name  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  mentioned  as  one  of  the  candidates  of 
the  great  West.  But  he  was  not  regarded  as  a  strong 
candidate  in  comparison  with  Mr.  Seward,  Mr.  Chase, 
Mr.  Cameron,  or  Judge  Bates,  of  Missouri.  The  Bepub- 
lican  party  was  tinder  a  great  obligation  to  Mr.  Seward. 
His  ability  was  conceded ;  his  long  and  brilliant  services 
deserved  recognition.  It  was  supposed  by  his  friends 
that  he  would  poll  the  largest  vote  on  the  first,  and  be 
nominated  on  the  second  ballot.  But  the  convention 
witnessed  a  demonstration  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln  which 
left  no  doubt  of  the  place  he  had  secured  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people.  At  the  right  moment  the  enthusiasm  for 
him  was  lighted,  and  it  ran  over  the  convention  like  a 
prairie  fire.  It  not  only  gave  him  the  nomination,  but 
it  secured  a  solid,  hearty  union  of  all  the  members  in  his 
support. 

The  presidential  canvass  of  the  year  1860  was  unique 
in  our  political  experience.  It  required  none  of  the  acces 
sories  of  the  "  log-cabin"  campaign  of  "  Tippecanoe  and 
Tyler  too."  The  pseudonym  of  "  Bailsplitter  "  was  the 
gift  of  his  enemies.  The  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
an  inspiration.  Enthusiasm  for  his  election  pervaded 
the  country  like  an  electric  influence.  It  was  every 
where  the  same.  In  the  crowded  city  or  at  the  country 
cross-roads ;  up  in  the  mountain  hamlets,  or  out  on  the 
Western  prairies  ;  among  the  fishermen  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  the  miners  of  the  Pacific  coast,  the  political  orator 
was  heard  with  quiet  consideration  until  he  spoke  the 
name  of  Lincoln.  At  that  name,  cheers  such  as  never 
welcomed  king  or  conqueror  supplied  his  peroration. 
That  was"  the  only  campaign  in  which  every  voter  who 
deliberated  voted  for  the  same  candidate,  in  which  every 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  441 

highest  estimate  for  the  successful  candidate  was  ex 
ceeded  by  the  counted  vote. 

From  his  nomination  to  his  election  Mr.  Lincoln  calm 
ly  awaited  events.  He  came  and  went  among  his  neigh 
bors,  received  delegations  and  dismissed  them  delighted, 
but  ignorant  of  his  intentions.  He  seemed  to  be  less 
interested  in  the  result  than  his  supporters — he  received 
the  news  of  his  election  without  exultation.  He  had 
promised  no  rewards,  made  no  pledges,  and  was  free  to 
follow  whither  his  judgment  pointed  the  way. 

From  October,  when  his  election  was  assured,  until 
the  end  of  February,  the  mind  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  de 
voted  to  his  coming  work.  He  laid  it  out  with  the  care 
of  an  architect  planning  a  building.  He  studied  the  situ 
ation.  He  determined  the  general  policy  of  his  admin 
istration  with  the  greatest  care.  He  prepared  his  in 
augural  address — he  decided  upon  the  tenor  of  his 
speeches  to  be  made  on  his  journey  to  Washington — he 
well  considered  the  temper  of  mind  in  which  he  should 
first  meet  the  supporters  of  slavery.  Nothing  was  left 
to  accident  which  he  could  possibly  foresee. 

His  first  public  address  was  his  farewell  to  his  Spring 
field  friends  on  his  departure  for  the  capital.  That  ad 
dress  was  the  microcosm  of  his  future.  It  wras  an 
avowal  of  his  own  undoubting  faith  in,  and  purpose 
to  be  guided  by,  the  wisdom  of  the  Almighty.  That 
faith  and  purpose  he  repeated  upon  every  proper  occa 
sion  as  long  as  he  lived.  In  conformity  with  it,  in  all 
the  addresses  he  made  upon  his  journey,  there  was  no 
threat,  no  harsh  word,  nothing  but  kindness  for  the  whole 
people.  To  the  friends  of  the  South  he  extended  the 
hand  of  affection.  His  inaugural  address  was  full  of 
peace,  kindness,  and  good  will.  On  one  point  only  he 
was  inflexible.  He  would  perform  his  duty,  enforce 


442  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

obedience  to  the  laws,  and  keep  his  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution. 

The  advent  of  the  war  was  no  surprise  to  him.  He 
knew  that  slavery  was  so  woven  into  the  national  life 
that  it  could  not*be  wrenched  out  of  it  without  violence 
and  blood — as  he  said  afterwards,  that  "  every  drop  of 
blood  drawn  by  the  lash  must  be  repaid  by  another 
drawn  by  the  sword."  But  in  all  the  pressure  of  public 
duty  and  excitement  of  warlike  preparation  his  mind 
was  engaged  upon  measures,  not  to  punish,  but  to  pro 
tect  those  who  had  brought  war  upon  the  country  as 
the  consequence  of  their  own  reckless  acts.  Slavery, 
which  had  taken  the  sword,  must  perish  by  the  sword — 
it  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  war  would  only  cease 
with  its  destruction.  Yet  he  advocated  payment  by  the 
nation  of  the  full  value  of  the  slaves,  and  would  even 
have  removed  the  slaves  into  a  far  country  at  the  na 
tional  expense.  It  was  not  until  his  kindly  proposals 
had  been  rejected  by  those  whom  they  would  have  re 
lieved,  with  curses,  that  he  ceased  to  make  them,  and 
the  patience  of  the  loyal  North  had  been  twice  ex 
hausted  when  he  issued  the  decree  of  emancipation. 

He  came  to  his  great  office  inexperienced  in  govern 
ment — no  modern  ruler  was  ever  surrounded  by  so  many 
difficulties.  Yet  he  brought  the  nation  through  them 
all  into  the  harbor  of  permanent  peace ;  and,  looking 
back  over  his  term,  it  is  very  difficult  to  say  where  he 
took  a  wrong  course  or  committed  an  error.  Finally, 
when  he  was  strongest  in  the  love  of  a  loyal  people,  had 
won  the  friendship  of  his  former  enemies,  and  had  gained 
the  respect  of  mankind,  he  sealed  his  faithful  service 
with  his  blood,  and  was  slain  by  an  insane  assassin. 

Nor  was  the  intellectual  growth  of  Mr.  Lincoln  any 
less  remarkable.  We  have  seen  that  his  education 


AND   HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  443 

scarcely  deserved  the  name.  His  course  of  reading 
was  restricted  to  a  few  good  books,  but  his  thoroughness 
of  study  more  than  compensated  for  their  lack  of  num 
bers,  if  any  such  existed ;  for  he  has  written  many  para 
graphs  which,  in  force,  elegance,  and  beauty,  are  not 
surpassed  in  our  language.  Except  Shakespeare,  no 
writer  of  English  has  produced  so  many  that  will  out 
live  the  spoken  tongue.  His  farewell  to  his  Spring 
field  neighbors — the  closing  paragraph  of  his  first,  and 
the  last  third  of  his  second  inaugural  address — the  last 
sentence  of  his  message  to  the  third  session  of  the  Thirty- 
seventh  Congress — his  Gettysburg  speech  of  Nov.  19, 
1863,  are  examples  from  his  pen  which  will  not  suffer 
by  comparison  with  anything  written  by  Addison  or 
Irving,  Daniel  Webster,  or  that  scholarly  master  of  Eng 
lish  composition,  George  P.  Marsh.  And  where  in  our 
language  is  a  finer  antithesis  than  this,  thrown  off, 
calamo  currente,  in  the  middle  of  a  letter  in  answer  to 
strictures  on  the  conduct  of  the  war  ? — "  When  peace 
with  victory  comes,  there  will  be  some  black  men  who 
will  remember  that  with  silent  tongue,  and  clenched 
teeth,  and  steady  eye,  and  well-poised  bayonet,  they 
have  helped  on  mankind  to  this  great  consummation ; 
while  I  fear  there  will  be  some  white  ones  unable  to  for 
get  that  with  malignant  heart  and  deceitful  speech  they 
have  striven  to  hinder  and  prevent  it."  A  collection  of 
his  public  addresses  and  letters,  commencing  with  his 
farewell  to  Springfield  in  February,  1861,  and  ending 
with  the  last  made  by  him  on  April  11,  1865,  will  be 
read  hereafter  with  an  interest  as  absorbing  as  any  vol 
ume  in  the  literature  of  the  rebellion. 

Some  of  his  written  compositions  may  be  classed  as 
literary  curiosities.  In  August,  1862,  Mr.  Horace  Greeley 
had  written  to  him  an  impatient  and  dictatorial  letter, 


444:  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

charging  him  with  culpable  delay  in  the  emancipation 
of  the  slaves,  and  their  employment  in  suppressing  the 
rebellion.  Mr.  Lincoln  knew  the  force  of  short  words 
and  crisp  sentences — he  never  used  those  of  many  syl 
lables  or  pretentious  sound.  His  answer  was  all  the 
more  effective  in  that  it  took  no  note  of  Mr.  Greeley's 
temper — while  its  conclusive  statements  were  embodied 
in  four  hundred  and  thirteen  words,  of  which  three  hun 
dred  and  twro,  or  more  than  seventy-four  per  cent.,  were 
words  of  a  single  syllable. 

In  the  campaign  of  1864,  the  friends  of  General  Mc- 
Clellan,  in  Tennessee,  presented  to  him  a  protest  against 
the  oath  of  loyalty  prescribed  by  Governor  Johnson,  to  be 
taken  by  the  voters.  It  was  an  adroit  political  attempt 
to  connect  the  President  w^ith  a  subject  over  which  he 
had  no  authority,  which  he  detected  at  first  sight.  They 
wanted  an  answer.  "  I  expect  to  let  the  friends  of  George 
B.  McClellan  manage  their  side  of  this  contest  in  their 
own  way,  and  I  will  manage  my  side  of  it  in  my  wray," 
he  said.  They  were  not  satisfied,  and  wanted  an  answer 
in  writing.  A  few  days  later  he  sent  them  his.  written 
reply.  It  occupied  one  and  a  half  printed  octavo  pages ; 
in  fifteen  paragraphs,  none  of  them  more  than  three 
lines.  But  every  paragraph  was  an  answer  which  struck 
the  protest  like  a  rock  from  a  catapult. 

He  never  hesitated  to  sacrifice  euphony  to  strength. 
"  This  finishes  the  job"  he  said,  when  Illinois  had  voted, 
making  the  number  of  states  requisite  to  ratify  the  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  abolishing  slavery.  Cuthbert 
Bullitt  and  other  citizens  of  Louisiana  had  written  to 
him,  protesting  against  the  severity  with  which  the  war 
was  waged.  "  Would  you  prosecute  the  war  with  elder- 
stalk  squirts  charged  with  rose-water,  if  you  were  in  my 
position  ?"  he  demanded,  and  there  was  no  reply.  In  his 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  445 

message  to  the  extra  session  of  Congress  of  July  4, 1861, 
he  wrote  of  Southern  political  leaders,  that,  "with  re 
bellion  thus  sugar-coated,  they  have  been  drugging  the 
public  mind  of  their  section  for  more  than  thirty  years." 
Mr.  Defrees,  the  public  printer,  advised  the  omission  of 
the  compound  word,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  dig 
nified.  "  Let  it  stand !"  said  the  President;  "  I  was  not 
attempting  to  be  dignified,  but  plain.  There  is  not  a 
voter  in  the  Union  who  will  not  know  what  sugar-coated 
means." 

His  heart  was  as  tender  as  ever  beat  in  a  human 
breast.  Those  who  saw  him  standing  by  the  coffins  of 
young  Ellsworth  and  the  eloquent  Baker  knew  how  he 
loved  his  friends — how  he  sorrowed  over  their  loss.  In 
his  companionship  with  his  boys,  and  particularly  with 
the  younger,  there  was  a  most  touching  picture  of  pa 
rental  affection;  in  his  emotion  when  he  lost  them,  a  grief 
too  sacred  to  be  further  exposed.  "  He  could  not  deny 
a  pardon  or  a  respite  to  a  soldier  condemned  to  die  for 
a  crime  which  did  not  involve  depravity,  if  he  were  to 
try,"  said  an  old  army  officer.  He  shrank  from  the  con 
firmation  of  a  sentence  of  death  in  such  a  case,  as  if  it 
were  a  murder  by  his  hand.  "  They  say  that  I  destroy 
all  discipline  and  am  cruel  to  the  army,  when  I  will  not 
let  them  shoot  a  soldier  now  and  then,"  he  said.  "  But 
I  cannot  see  it.  If  God  wanted  me  to  see  it,  he  would 
let  me  know  it,  and  until  he  does,  I  shall  go  on  pardon 
ing  and  being  cruel  to  the  end."  An  old  friend  called 
by  appointment,  and  found  him  with  a  pile  of  records  of 
courts-martial  before  him,  for  approval.  "  Go  away, 
Swett !"  he  exclaimed,  with  intense  impatience — "  to 
morrow  is  butchering  day,  and  I  will  not  be  interrupted 
until  I  have  found  excuses  for  saving  the  lives  of  these 
poor  fellows !"  Many  pages  might  be  filled  with  au- 


446  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

thentic  illustrations  of  his  tenderness  and  mercy,  for 
they  were  prominent  in  his  official  life.  Three  times  I 
assisted  in  procuring  their  exercise,  each  to  the  saving 
of  a  soldier,  and  each  time  he  shared  our  own  delight 
over  our  success,  though  he  knew  not  how  his  face  shone 
when  he  felt  that  he  had  spared  a  human  life. 

In  the  presidential  campaign  of  1864  there  were  sul 
len  whisperings  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  religious  opin 
ions  nor  any  interest  in  churches  or  Christian  institu 
tions.  They  faded  away  with  other  libels,  never  to  be 
renewed  until  after  his  death.  One  of  his  biographers, 
who  calls  himself  the  "  friend  and  partner  for  twenty 
years  "  of  the  deceased  President,  has  since  published 
what  he  calls  a  history  of  his  life,  in  which  he  revives 
the  worst  of  these  rumors,  with  additions  which,  if  true, 
would  destroy  much  of  the  world's  respect  for  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  He  asserts  that  his  "  friend  and  partner  "  was  "  an 
infidel  verging  towards  atheism."  Others  have  dissem 
inated  these  charges  in  lectures  and  fugitive  sketches 
so  industriously  that  they  have  produced  upon  strangers 
some  impression  of  their  truth.  The  excuse  alleged  is, 
their  desire  to  present  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  world  "just  as 
he  was."  Their  real  purpose  is  to  present  him  just  as 
they  would  have  him  to  be,  as  much  as  possible  like 
themselves. 

It  is  a  trait  of  the  infidel  to  parade  his  unbelief  before 
the  public,  and  he  thinks  something  gained  to  himself 
when  he  can  show  that  others  are  equally  deficient  in 
moral  qualities.  But  these  writers  have  attempted  too 
much.  Their  principal  charge  of  infidelity,  tinged  with 
atheism,  is  so  completely  at  variance  with  all  our  knowl 
edge  of  his  opinions  that  its  origin  must  be  attributed  to 
malice  or  to  a  defective  mental  constitution. 

His  sincerity  and  candor  were  conspicuous  qualities  of 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  447 

Mr.  Lincoln's  mind.  Deception  was  a  vice  in  which  he 
had  neither  experience  nor  skill.  All  who  were  admit 
ted  to  his  intimacy  will  agree  that  he  was  incapable  of 
professing  opinions  which  he  did  not  entertain.  When 
we  find  him  at  the  moment  of  leaving  his  home  for 
Washington,  surrounded  by  his  neighbors  of  a  quarter 
of  a  century,  taking  Washington  for  his  exemplar,  whose 
success  he  ascribed  "to  the  aid  of  that  Divine  Provi 
dence  upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied,"  and  publicly 
declaring  that  he,  himself,  "  placed  his  whole  trust  in  the 
same  Almighty  Being,  and  the  prayers  of  Christian  men 
and  women ;"  when,  not  once  or  twice,  but  on  all  prop 
er,  and  more  than.;  a  score  of  subsequent  occasions,  he 
avowed  his  faith  in  an  Omnipotent  Ruler,  who  will  judge 
the  world  in  righteousness — in  the  Bible  as  the  inspired 
record  of  his  history  and  his  law;  when  with  equal 
constancy  he  thanked  Almighty  God  for,  and  declared 
his  interest  in,  Christian  institutions  and  influences  as  the 
appointed  means  for  his  effective  service,  we,  may  as 
sert  that  we  know  that  he  was  neither  an  atheist  nor 
an  infidel,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  sincere  believer  in  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faith.  In  fact, 
he  believed  so  confidently  that  the  Almighty  was  mak 
ing  use  of  the  war,  of  himself,  and  other  instrumentalities 
in  working  out  some  great  design  for  the  benefit  of  hu 
manity,  and  his  belief  that  he  himself  was  directed  by 
the  same  Omniscient  Power  was  expressed  with  such 
frankness  and  frequency,  that  it  attracted  attention,  and 
was  criticised  by  some  as  verging  towards  superstition. 
His  public  life  was  a  continuous  service  of  God  and  his 
fellow-man,  controlled  and  guided  by  the  golden  rule, 
in  which  there  was  no  hiatus  of  unbelief  or  incredulity. 
Here  I  might  well  stop,  and  submit  that  these  charges 
do  not  deserve  any  further  consideration.  But  I  know 


448  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

how  false  they  are,  and  I  may  be  excused  if  I  record 
one  of  my  sources  of  knowledge. 

The  emphatic  statement  made  by  the  President  to 
Mr.  Fessenden,  that  he  was  called  to  the  Treasury  by 
a  Power  higher  than  human  authority,  I  have  already 
mentioned.  His  calm  serenity  at  times  when  others 
were  so  anxious,  his  confidence  that  his  own  judgment 
was  directed  by  the  Almighty,  so  impressed  me  that, 
when  I  next  had  the  opportunity,  at  some  risk  of  giving 
offence,  I  ventured  to  ask  him  directly  how  far  he  be 
lieved  the  Almighty  actually  directed  our  national 
affairs.  There  was  a  considerable  pause  before  he 
spoke,  and  when  he  did  speak,  what  he  said  was  more  in 
the  nature  of  a  monologue  than  an  answer  to  my  in 
quiry  : 

"That  the  Almighty  does  make  use  of  human  agencies, 
and  directly  intervenes  in  human  affairs,  is,"  he  said, 
"one  of  the  plainest  statements  of  the  Bible.  I  have 
had  so  many  evidences  of  his  direction,  so  many  in 
stances  when  I  have  been  controlled  by  some  other 
power  than  my  own  will,  that  I  cannot  doubt  that  this 
power  comes  from  above.  I  frequently  see  my  way 
clear  to  a  decision  when  I  am  conscious  that  I  have  no 
sufficient  facts  upon  which  to  found  it.  But  I  cannot  re 
call  one  instance  in  which  I  have  followed  my  own  judg 
ment,  founded  upon  such  a  decision,  where  the  results 
were  unsatisfactory ;  whereas,  in  almost  every  instance 
where  I  have  yielded  to  the  views  of  others,  I  have  had 
occasion  to  regret  it.  I  am  satisfied  that  when  the  Al 
mighty  wants  me  to  do  or  not  to  do  a  particular  thing, 
he  finds  a  way  of  letting  me  know  it.  I  am  confident 
that  it  is  his  design  to  restore  the  Union.  He  will  do 
it  in  his  own  good  time.  We  should  obey  and  not  op 
pose  his  will." 


AND   HIS   ADMINISTRATION.  44.9 

"You  speak  with  such  confidence,"  I  said,  "that  I 
would  like  to  know  how  your  knowledge  that  God  acts 
directly  upon  human  affairs  compares  in  certainty  with 
your  knowledge  of  a  fact  apparent  to  the  senses — for 
example,  the  fact  that  we  are  at  this  moment  here  in 
this  room." 

"  One  is  as  certain  as  the  other,"  he  answered,  "  al 
though  the  conclusions  are  reached  by  different  proc 
esses.  I  know  by  my  senses  that  the  movements  of  the 
world  are  those  of  an  infinitely  powerful  machine,  which 
runs  for  ages  without  a  variation.  A  man  who  can  put 
two  ideas  together  knows  that  such  a  machine  requires 
an  infinitely  powerful  maker  and  governor :  man's  nature 
is  such  that  he  cannot  take  in  the  machine  and  keep  out 
the  maker.  This  maker  is  God — infinite  in  wisdom  as 
well  as  in  power.  Would  we  be  any  more  certain  if  we 
saw  him  ?" 

"  I  am  not  controverting  your  position,"  I  said.  "  Your 
confidence  interests  me  beyond  expression.  I  wish  I 
knew  how  to  acquire  it.  Even  now,  must  it  not  all  de 
pend  on  our  faith  in  the  Bible?" 

"  No.  There  is  the  element  of  personal  experience," 
he  said.  "  If  it  did,  the  character  of  the  Bible  is  easily 
established,  at  least  to  my  satisfaction.  "We  have  to  be 
lieve  many  things  which  WQ  do  not  comprehend.  The 
Bible  is  the  only  one  that  claims  to  be  God's  Book — 
to  comprise  his  law — his  history.  It  contains  an  im 
mense  amount  of  evidence  of  its  own  authenticity.  It 
describes  a  governor  omnipotent  enough  to  operate  this 
great  machine,  and  declares  that  he  made  it.  It  states 
other  facts  which  w^e  do  not  fully  comprehend,  but 
which  \ve  cannot  account  for.  What  shall  we  do  with 
them  ? 

"  Now  let  us  treat  the  Bible  fairly.  If  we  had  a  wit- 
29 


450  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

ness  on  the  stand  whose  general  story  .we  knew  was 
true,  we  would  believe  him  when  he  asserted  facts  of 
which  we  had  no  other  evidence.  We  ought  to  treat  the 
Bible  with  equal  fairness.  I  decided  a  long  time  ago 
that  it  was  less  difficult  to  believe  that  the  Bible  was  what 
it  claimed  to  be  than  to  disbelieve  it.  It  is  a  good  book 
for  us  to  obey — it  contains  the  ten  commandments,  the 
golden  rule,  and  many  other  rules  which  ought  to  be 
followed.  No  man  was  ever  the  worse  for  living  ac 
cording  to  the  directions  of  the  Bible." 

"  If  your  views  are  correct,  the  Almighty  is  on  our 
side,  and  we  ought  to  win  without  so  many  losses — 

He  promptly  interrupted  me  and  said,  "  We  have  no 
right  to  criticise  or  complain.  He  is  on  our  side,  and  so 
is  the  Bible,  and  so  are  churches  and  Christian  societies 
and  organizations — all  of  them,  so  far  as  I  know,  al 
most  without  an  exception.  It  makes  roe  stronger  and 
more  confident  to  know  that  all  the  Christians  in  the 
loyal  states  are  praying  for  our  success,  that  all  their 
influences  are  working  to  the  same  end.  Thousands  of 
them  are  fighting  for  us,  and  no  one  will  say  that  an 
officer  or  a  private  is  less  brave  because  he  is  a  praying 
soldier.  At  first,  when  we  had  such  long  spells  of  bad 
luck,  I  used  to  lose  heart  sometimes.  Now  I  seem  to 
know  that  Providence  has  protected  and  will  protect  us 
against  any  fatal  defeat.  All  we  have  to  do  is  to  trust 
the  Almighty  and  keep  right  on  obeying  his  orders  and 
executing  his  will." 

I  could  not  press  inquiry  further.  I  knew  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  no  hypocrite.  There  was  an  air  of  such 
sincerity  in  his  manner  of  speaking,  and  especially  in 
his  references  to  the  Almighty,  that  no  one  could  have 
doubted  his  faith  unless  the  doubter  believed  him  dis 
honest.  It  scarcely  needed  his  repeated  statements  that 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  451 

"  whatever  shall  appear  to  be  God's  will,  that  I  will  do," 
his  special  gratitude  to  God  for  victories,  or  his  numer 
ous  expressions  of  his  firm  faith  that  God  willed  our 
final  triumph,  to  convince  the  American  people  that  he 
was  not  and  could  not  be  an  atheist  or  an  infidel. 

He  has  written  of  the  Bible,  that  "this  great  Book 
of  God  is  the  best  gift  which  God  has  ever  given  to 
man,"  and  that  "  all  things  desirable  for  man  to  know 
are  contained  in  it."  His  singular  familiarity  with  its 
contents  is  even  stronger  evidence  of  the  high  place  it 
held  in  his  judgment.  His  second  inaugural  address 
shows  how  sensibly  he  appreciated  the  force  and  beauty 
of  its  passages,  and  constitutes  an  admirable  application 
of  its  truths,  only  possible  as  the  result  of  familiar  use 
and  thorough  study. 

Further  comment  cannot  be  necessary.  Abraham 
Lincoln  accepted  the  Bible  as  the  inspired  word  of  God 
— he  believed  and  faithfully  endeavored  to  live  according 
to  the  fundamental  principles  and  doctrines  of  the  Chris 
tian  faith.  To  doubt  either  proposition  is  to  be  untrue 
to  his  memory,  a  disloyalty  of  which  no  American 
should  be  guilty. 

There  are  a  few  persons  whose  perverted  minds  ex 
perience  a  satisfaction  in  imputing  to  Mr.  Lincoln  a  love 
for  coarse,  erotic  stories  and  a  habit  of  repeating  them, 
which,  if  he  had,  would  indicate  a  vulgar  stratum  in  his 
mental  structure.  If  these  persons  were  conscious  of 
the  contempt  with  which  those  who  really  knew  him 
listen  to  their  statements  that  they  have  heard  Mr.  Lin 
coln  relate  these  stories,  they  would  never  repeat  them. 
No  occupant  of  the  Executive  chair  knew  better  the  ex 
altation  of-  his  office  or  how  to  maintain  its  dignity.  If 
he  had  been  inclined  to  such  practices,  this  knowledge 


452  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

would  have  effectually  restrained  him  from  their  indul 
gence.  But  there  is  not  a  shadow  of  truth  in  these  im 
putations.  Major  Hay  and  Mr.  Nicolay,  his  secretaries, 
were  members  of  his  household  during  a  large  portion 
of  his  official  term — Mr.  Carpenter,  the  artist,  lived  in 
the  White  House  during  six  months — Professor  Henry 
sought  every  opportunity  to  be  with  him,  and  these  four 
witnesses,  who  saw  him  in  his  unconstrained  private  life, 
agree  that  neither  of  them  heard  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  lips 
any  sentence  or  word  which  might  not  have  been  re 
peated  in  the  presence  of  ladies.  The  subject  is  one 
upon  which  I  can  and  must  give  evidence.  It  was  a 
great  pleasure  to  me  to  listen  to  him,  and  I  have  several 
times  sought  to  excite  his  propensity  for  anecdote  with 
success.  In  my  own  office,  where  no  one  but  a  mes 
senger  was  present,  he  was  under  no  restraint.  Yet  I 
never  heard  him  relate  a  story  or  utter  a  sentence  which  I 
could  not  have  repeated  to  my  wife  and  daughters.  The 
story  of  young  Webster  and  the  schoolmaster,  related 
elsewhere,  was  the  least  refined  ever  told  in  my  presence. 
What  may  have  been  his  habit,  in  this  respect,  before 
his  election,  and  his  coming  to  Washington,  is  unimpor 
tant.  It  is  of  his  public  life  of  which  I  am  speaking. 
A  vulgar  story  in  the  mouth  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  would  have  been  offensive — to  none  more 
so  than  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  It  is  time  that  the  statements 
in  question  should  cease.  They  originate  in  the  prurient 
imaginations  of  their  authors.  The  friends  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  who  revere  his  memory,  should  protect  his  repu 
tation.  They  should  resent  such  imputations  in  a  man 
ner  which  will  impress  his  calumniators  if  it  does  not  re 
form  them. 

I  am  asked,  and  more  frequently  as  time  moves  on, 


AND  HIS  ADMINISTRATION.  453 

which  is  the  best  biography  of  Abraham  Lincoln? 
"Where  is  the  most  reliable  account  of  his  life  and  ser 
vices  to  be  found  ?  I  am  able  to  answer  these  inquiries 
without  hesitation.  In  my  opinion,  the  noble  work  of 
Messrs.  Mcolay  and  Hay  must  always  be  the  standard 
life  of  Lincoln.  Their  opportunities  for  observation  and 
the  collection  of  authentic  facts  were  exceptionally  good 
—their  labors  have  been  diligent  and  faithful.  Their 
volumes  constitute  a  great  storehouse  of  facts  well  ar 
ranged  and  digested.  It  would  be  faint  praise  to  say 
that  their  history  is  a  work  of  rare  merit. 

For  those  who  deem  the  work  of  these  authors  too 
comprehensive,  and  wish  to  know  what  can  be  com 
prised  in  a  single  volume,  his  life  by  Mr.  Arnold  will 
have  no  competitor.  Mr.  Arnold  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  asso 
ciate  at  the  bar,  and  his  friend  of  many  years.  The  two 
friends  were  unlike  each  other,  and  yet  I  think  Mr.  Ar 
nold  possessed  many  of  the  qualities  which  made  Mr. 
Lincoln  so  attractive.  His  book  was  a  labor  of  love,  and 
is  everywhere  worthy  of  its  subject  and  its  author.  Al 
though  Mr.  Arnold  did  not  survive  to  witness  its  publi 
cation,  and  it  lacks  the  final  polish  of  his  hand,  it  is  one 
of  the  most  reliable  of  American  biographies. 

My  pen  lingers  over  this  paragraph,  the  last  I  may 
ever  write  about  a  good  man  whom  I  honored,  respected, 
loved.  I  do  not  hope  to  make  it  worthy  of  its  theme— 
or  to  employ  it  to  better  advantage  than  to  commend 
the  history  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  careful  study  of 
all  my  countrymen.  He  came  to  his  great  office  inex 
perienced  and  almost  unknown — his  responsibilities  were 
heavier,  his  difficulties  greater  than  were  ever  encoun 
tered  by  the  head  of  any  civil  government — he  was  the 
object  of  the  unrelenting  hostility  of  his  enemies,  of  the 
fiercest  criticism  of  manv  of  his  former  friends. 


454  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN. 

His  final  triumph  was  not  long  delayed.  An  hour 
came  of  universal  victory,  when  the  nation  was  swelling 
with  a  mighty  joy  over  peace  restored  to  a  reunited 
nation.  It  was  the  last  hour  of  his  noble  life.  In  the 
very  climax  of  his  career,  when  his  mind  was  filled  with 
sympathy  for  the  vanquished  and  with  plans  for  their 
relief,  when  those  who  had  borne  arms  against  him  had 
been  overcome  by  his  noble  generosity,  when  he  had 
not  a  personal  enemy  in  all  the  republic,  he  was  stricken 
down.  It  is  an  honor  and  a  consolation  to  his  country 
men,  South  as  well  as  North,  that  he  fell  by  the  hand  of 
a  crazed  assassin. 

I  venture  the  hope  that  what  I  have  written  in  this 
volume  will  tend  to  suppress  the  aspersions  of  a  very 
small  number  of  writers  upon  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  increase 
the  interest  of  his  countrymen  in  the  study  of  his  life 
and  character.  The  time  has  not  yet  come  to  measure 
his  services,  or  to  compare  him  with  other  public  men. 
We  must  leave  that  duty  to  those  who  come  after  us, 
when  Abraham  Lincoln  shall  have  ceased  to  grow  in  the 
world's  esteem,  and  we,  wrho  saw  his  face  and  heard  his 
voice,  and  felt  the  warm  grasp  of  his  kindly  hand,  have 
passed  away.  For  the  present,  we  may  say  of  him  as 
his  biographer  wrote  of  Cicero,  that,  "  though  violent,  his 
death  was  not  untimely,"  for,  like  another  noble  man  and 
martyr,  he  was  ready  to  be  offered,  he  had  fought  a 
good  fight,  he  had  finished  his  course,  and  he  had  kept 
the  faith.  Until  we  shall  follow  him  w^here  he  shall  re 
ceive  his  crown,  let  our  hearts  be  his  shrine,  and  our 
prayer  without  ceasing  be,  "  Lord,  keep  his  memory 
green !" 


INDEX. 


Adams,  Charles  Francis,  American 
minister  in  London,  his  efforts  to 
prevent  sailing  of  Confederate  iron 
clads,  198 ;  his  confidential  de 
spatches,  199;  his  agreement  to 
indemnify  the  liberal  Englishman, 
202 ;  prevents  the  sailing  of  the 
iron-clads ;  value  of  the  service, 
210,211. 

Anderson,  Major  Robert,  favors  ar 
mored  vessels,  from  experience 
with  armored  battery  at  siege  of 
Fort  Sumter,  212. 

Armored  vessels:  Messrs.  Laird  con 
tract  to  build  two  for  the  Con 
federates,  197 ;  their  destination 
and  intended  use,  198  ;  how  their 
delivery  was  prevented  by  noble 
act  of  an  Englishman,  198-211; 
they  are  sold  to  Eastern  powers, 
208,  209  ;  iron-clads  first  suggested 
by  Major  Anderson  after  fall  of 
Sumter,  213  ;  their  use  opposed  by 
naval  officers,  214. 

Assassination  conspiracy :  Republi 
cans  refuse  to  believe  in  its  exist 
ence  ;  two  members  of  Conference 
secretly  visit  Baltimore,  February 
17th,  58;  Baltimore  Republicans 
give  details  of  the  plot,  60 ;  cool 
statements  of  an  Italian,  who  had 
betrayed  his  associates,  61 ;  con 
spiracy  at  first  believed  to  be  con 
fined  to  the  criminal  classes ;  meet 
ings  of  its  members ;  who  provided 
the  money  ?  an  actor  connected 
with  it,  60-63  ;  police  in  sympathy 
with  the  plot,  63 ;  the  schooner  and 
tug  purchased,  61-63  ;  Mr.  Lincoln 
declines  to  pass  through  Baltimore 
except  in  open  dav,  63 ;  the  facts 
communicated  to  E.  B.  Washburn, 
who  replied  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 


finally  put  himself  in  the  hands  of 
his  friends,  who  would  insure  his 
safety,  64. 

Baird,  Professor  Spencer  F.,  secretary 
of  the  Smithsonian,  238 ;  suggests 
the  Potomac  Club,  239  ;  his  energy 
and  scientific  work,  240 ;  discusses 
the  octopus,  249. 

Baker,  L.  C.,  made  chief  of  the  detec 
tive  service,  345 ;  his  lawless  pro 
ceedings,  346  ;  one  of  his  illustra 
tive  methods,  347-349  ;  his  method 
of  dealing  with  "  bounty-jumpers," 
350. 

Baltimore  city:  obstructs  passage 
of  Northern  forces ;  public  meet 
ings  to  prevent  passage  of  troops, 
120;  authorities  favor  secession, 
121 ;  the  "  Plug-Uglies,"  125-130. 

Bates,  Edward,  nominated  for  attor 
ney-general,  104. 

Baxter,  General  II.  H.,  with  ex-Gov. 
Hiland  Hall,  Levi  Underwood,  B.  D. 
Harris,  and  the  author,  delegates 
from  Vermont  to  Peace  Conference, 
19. 

Bellows,  Rev.  Dr.  II.  W.,  principal  or 
ganizer  of  the  Sanitary  Commission ; 
tenders  its  services  to  the  Surgeon- 

v  General,  who  rejects  them,  155;  his 
indignation  ;  fortunate  results  of  his 
appeal  to  the  President,  156,  157. 

Belgian  muskets  condemned,  pur 
chased  by  War  Department  at  a  low 
cost  to  arm  the  first  volunteers,  150. 

Ben  jamin,  Judah  P.,  a  Secession  leader, 
meets  other  leaders  at  house  of 
Davis,  Jan.  5,  where  final  plans  were 
agreed  upon,  29. 

Bidwell,  General  D.  D.,  charge  of  his 
brigade  at  battle  of  Fort  Stevens, 
416. 


456 


INDEX. 


Black,  Judge,  transferred  from  at 
torney-general  to  State  Department 
on  resignation  of  General  Cass,  28  ; 
his  opinion  that  Congress  had  no 
power  to  make  war  upon  a  state, 
179. 

Blair,  Montgomery,  nominated  post 
master-general,  104. 

Blair,  Colonel  Frank,  his  services  in 
the  Lincoln  campaign  of  1860,9; 
prefers  charges  against  General 
Fremont,  174. 

Blatchford,  R.  M.,  with  General  Dix 
and  George  Opdyke,  authorized  to 
expend  $2,000,000  for  public  de 
fence  in  April,  1861,  177. 

Bonds  of  the  United  States :  how 
$10,000,000  were  issued,  194;  ne 
cessity  for  their  issue  in  seventy 
hours,  195,  196 ;  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams's 
agreement  to  deposit  them  as  se 
curity  for  the  noble  act  of  an  Eng 
lishman,  201 ;  severe  labor  of  their 
issue  within  the  time  required,  204; 
success  of  the  undertaking,  208; 
statistics  of  the  magnitude  of  Treas 
ury  issues,  209 ;  more  than  half  of 
this  issue  returned  to  the  Treasury 
in  original  packages,  209. 

Bradley,  John,  a  Vermont  contractor, 
offers  to  remove  the  colored  race 
to  Texas,  337 ;  his  opinion  of  the 
President,  338. 

Breckinridge,  Vice  -  President,  prom 
ises  co-operation  with  General  Scott 
to  secure  count  of  electoral  vote  and 
declaration  of  President  Lincoln's 
election,  38 ;  his  dignity  and  firm 
ness,  43 ;  declares  the  election  of 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  44 ;  his  fidel 
ity  until  the  end  of  his  official  term, 
46  ;  his  division  forms  part  of  Gen 
eral  Earlv's  army,  in  the  campaign 
against  Washington,  in  July,  1864, 
391. 

Breech-loading  guns:  none  in  use  at 
commencement  of  the  war,  except 
Colt's  revolvers  for  the  cavalry, 
150. 

Bright,  John,  one  of  the  few  friends 
of  the  United  States  in  Great  Brit 
ain,  134. 

Buchanan,  President:  determination 
of  Secessionists  to  drive  out  loyal 
men  and  control  his  Cabinet,  28 ; 


receives  the  Peace  Conference,  32 ; 
his  intense  anxiety;  urges  mem 
bers  to  make  great  concessions  to 
the  South,  33  ;  does  not  refer  to  in 
coming  administration,  34 ;  his  re 
turn  to  private  life,  with  less  credit 
than  he  deserved,  91. 

Bushnell,  Cornelius  S.,  presses  passage 
of  bill  authorizing  iron-clads,  and 
builds  the  Galena,  215  ;  shows  Cap 
tain  Ericsson's  plans  to  the  Presi 
dent,  215  ;  the  President  favors  and 
the  Board  of  Construction  consents 
to  their  adoption,  216;  secures  the 
contract  for  the  Monitor,  which  is 
built  principally  through  his  energy, 
with  Messrs.  Winslow,  Corning,  and 
Griswold  his  associates  in  the  con 
tract,  216;  energy  of  her  construc 
tion,  217. 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  Colonel  of  the 
Eighth  Massachusetts  Regiment; 
on  steam  -  ferry  Maryland,  from 
Havre-de-Grace  to  Annapolis,  125; 
saves  the  Constitution  by  towing 
her  out  of  Annapolis ;  awaits  a 
rebel  attack  at  Annapolis  Junction, 
126-128. 

Cabinet  officers :  principle  of  their 
selection  by  President  Lincoln,  104. 

Call  for  men:  first  call  for  75,000, 
April  15,  107. 

Campbell,  Hugh,  appointed  on  com- 
Tnission  in  Department  of  the  West, 
173. 

Cameron,  Senator  Simon,  announced 
as  a  prospective  member  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  Cabinet,  81 ;  nominated 
as  Secretary  of  War,  104 ;  applied 
to  for  .rifles  for  First  Vermont,  151  ; 
his  resignation  as  Secretary  of  War, 
168;  success  as  a  manager  of  cor 
porations,  169  ;  reasons  for  his  res 
ignation;  retains  the  confidence  of 
the  President,  176 ;  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  censure  him  by  resolu 
tion  ;  his  prompt  vindication  by  the 
President,  177. 

Campaign,  political,  of  1860:  a  glimpse 
of,  8  ;  Vermont  first  pronounces  for 
Lincoln,  in  September,  8 ;  speech- 
making  in  Pennsylvania  with  Col 
onel  Blair,  11 ;  the  "Wide-awakes," 
a  meeting  in  Southeastern  New  Jer- 


INDEX. 


457 


sey,  1 2 ;  excitement  over  the  election 
returns  from  Pennsylvania,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  other  states,  13  ;  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  practically  de 
cided  in  October,  14;  Republican 
gains;  election  of  Judge  Kelley; 
counting  in  a  candidate,  15,  16. 

Cass,  General,  to  be  forced  out  of  Bu 
chanan's  Cabinet  by  Secessionists, 
29-34. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  5 ;  selected  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  for  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury;  approves  the  Republican  cau 
cus  of  members  of  Peace  Confer 
ence,  104 ;  his  opinion  that  civil 
war  was  inevitable ;  appoints  a  col 
lector  of  customs  for  Vermont;  of 
fers  the  author  a  bureau  in  the 
Treasury,  105;  wishes  to  have  loyal 
men  about  him,  109 ;  orders  the 
Treasury  to  be  defended,  112;  chair 
man  of  Republican  caucus  of  mem 
bers  of  Conference,  35  ;  announced 
as  a  prospective  member  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  Cabinet,  81 ;  directs  issue 
of  $10,000,000  in  coupon  bonds  to 
comply  with  a  pledge  of  Minister 
Adams,  195  ;  decides  that  the  secret 
of  the  English  friend  of  the  United 
States  must  not  be  disclosed  except 
by  his  authority,  210;  frauds  under 
his  administration  and  their  detec 
tion,  285  ;  opposed  to  internal-rev 
enue  system  until  compelled  to 
adopt  it,  342 ;  decides  in  favor  of 
employing  detectives  in  the  internal- 
revenue  and  customs  service,  344 ; 
evil  consequences  of  his  decision, 
346 ;  his  resignation  as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury ;  its  inadequate 
causes;  his  nomination  of  M.  B. 
Field,  370  et  seq.;  Mr.  Lincoln's  just 
estimate  of  him,  377  et  seq.  ;  Mr. 
Lincoln  makes  him  chief  justice, 
383  ;  his  gratitude  and  subsequent 
affection  for  President  Lincoln,  384. 

Cisco,  John  J.,  resigns  as  assistant 
treasurer  of  New  York,  370;  his 
fidelity  and  value,  372  ;  withdraws 
his  resignation,  376. 

Clarke,  General  D.  W.  C.,  Executive 
Clerk  of  the  Senate,  captured,  with 
his  family,  and  robbed  by  Harry 
Gilmor,  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  July  12,  1864,  409. 


Clay,  Cassius  M.,  forms  a  company  for 
defence  of  the  White  House,  115. 

Clay,  James  B.,  member  of  Conference 
from  Kentucky,  31 ;  his  cordial  re 
ception  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  ex 
presses  his  admiration  for  Henry 
Clay,  72. 

Cobb,  Secretary  Howell:  premature 
acts  of,  and  those  of  Secretary 
Floyd,  postpone  proposed  seizure 
of  Washington,  28  ;  assists  in  driv 
ing  General  Cass  from  the  Cabinet, 
and  destroys  the  public  credit,  179. 

Colored  race,  the :  their  strong  desire 
to  learn  to  read ;  a  colored  preacher, 
161 ;  his  discussion  of  the  superior 
ity  of  the  white  race  and  confidence 
in  the  President,  162-165;  four 
gray-haired  colored  scholars  taught 
by  a  boy,  166;  sources  of  early 
news  of  the  colored  people,  167; 
procession  of  their  children  from 
Sunday  -  school  reviewed  by  the 
President,  331;  enthusiasm  of  the 
colored  children  for  him,  332. 

Congress :  extra  session  called  for 
July  4,  1861,  107;  passes  the  act 
for  Board  of  Construction,  and  au 
thorizes  armored  vessels,  214. 

Gumming,  Alexander,  with  Governor 
Morgan,  authorized  to  transport 
troops  and  provide  for  public  de 
fence,  in  April,  1861 ;  defended  by 
the  President,  177. 

Curtin,  Andrew  G.,  Republican  candi 
date  for  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
in  1861 ;  his  canvass  and  election, 
9-14. 

Darwin,  Professor  Charles,  born  on 
the  same  day  with  Mr.  Lincoln ; 
their  advantages  and  personal  in 
fluence  compared,  431  et  seq. 

Davis,  Captain, with  Admiral  Smith  and 
Commodore  Paulding,  formed  the 
Board  of  Construction,  and  approved 
armored  vessels  for  the  navy,  216. 

Davis,  captain  of  Tenth  Vermont, 
holds  the  skirmish  line  at  Monoc- 
acy  all  day  with  seventy-five  men, 
394  et  seq. ;  defeats  attempt  of 
Confederates  to  cross  the  railroad 
bridge  and  break  Wallace's  line, 
398  ct  seq. ;  narrow  escape  and  cour 
age  of  his  men,  399. 


458 


INDEX. 


Davis,  David :  his  appointment  on 
commission  in  the  Department  of 
the  West,  173. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  to  be  president  of 
Confederacy  to  seize  the  govern 
ment,  Feb.  13th,  28  ;  head  of  new 
plot  to  seize  Washington,  March 
4th;  meeting  at  his  house,  Jan.  5th, 
29 ;  his  long  enmity  to  General 
Scott,  94-96;  opposes  conferring 
upon  General  Scott  the  rank  and 
pay  of  lieutenant-general,  96  ;  opin 
ion  of  General  Taylor,  his  father-in- 
law,  of  Mr.  Davis,  95  ;  commissions 
officers  of  armored  vessels  to  be 
built  in  England,  199. 

"Demand  notes,"  their  redemption 
and  destruction,  289 ;  their  origin 
and  issue,  297 ;  extraction  of  writ 
ten  signatures  upon,  298. 

Department  of  the  West:  excessive 
claims  upon  the  Treasury  in  ;  their 
disposition,  175;  Secretary  Stanton 
refuses  to  approve  them,  187;  ef 
forts  to  influence  him  to  allow 
them,  188 ;  how  they  were  paid, 
189;  claimants  accept  payment  of 
allowance  by  commission,  and  then 
bring  suit,  189  ;  they  fail  to  recover, 
190. 

Detectives,  professional :  arguments 
for  and  against  their  use  in  the 
Treasury,  342-344 ;  Secretary  Chase 
decides  to  employ  them,  344 ;  evil 
consequences  of  their  employment, 
346 ;  necessity  of  continuing  their 
use,  347-351. 

Dix,  General  John  A.,  brought  into 
the  Cabinet  by  misdeeds  of  Secre 
tary  Cobb,  28  ;  his  despatch  to 
Hemphill  Jones,  34 ;  his  influence 
in  the  Cabinet,  79,  80 ;  on  the  quiet 
of  the  inauguration,  91 ;  with  George 
Opdyke  and  R.  M.  Blatchford  author 
ized  to  expend  $2,000,000  for  arms 
and  supplies,  in  April,  1861,  177. 

Dodge,  William  E.,  member  of  the 
Conference  from  New  York,  presses 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  yield  to  the  demands 
of  the  South,  and  not  go  to  war  on 
account  of  slavery,  and  so  prevent 
the  grass  from  growing  in  the 
streets  of  Northern  cities,  74 ;  Mr. 
Lincoln's  expressive  reply,  75 ;  its 
influence  upon  the  audience,  76. 


Douglas  Democrats  praise  the  inaugu 
ral,  103. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  moves  omission 
of  formal  parts  of  certificates  dur 
ing  count  of  electoral  vote,  44 ;  his 
debate  with  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1858, 
437  et  seq. 

Early,  General  Jubal  A.,  denies  his  in 
tention  to  attack  Washington  in 
1864,  385;  his  supposed  force  and 
intentions,  387  et  seq.  ;  his  denial 
that  he  intended  to  attack  Wash 
ington,  and  his  report  of  July  14th, 
1864,  388  et  seq.;  declines  to  give 
his  numerical  force,  390  et  seq.  ; 
presses  for  Washington  after  the 
battle  of  Monocacy,  401  et  seq. ;  is 
before  Washington  with  his  army 
on  the  morning  of  July  llth,  405 
etseq.;  his  retreat,  408  etseq.;  leaves 
four  hundred  of  his  wounded  at 
Frederick,  400  et  seq. ;  confesses  a 
loss  of  three  thousand  at  the  Monoc 
acy,  401 ;  before  Washington,  403 ; 
he  does  not  give  the  strength  of  his 
force,  421 ;  denies  that  he  expected 
to  capture  Washington;  his  state 
ments  about  the  battle  in  front  of 
Fort  Stevens,  424;  the  statements 
of  himself  and  his  men,  425 ;  his 
statements  that  "  dismay  and  con 
sternation  prevailed  in  Washing. 
ton,"  426  et  seq. 

English  citizen,  an :  his  great  service 
to  our  government ;  offers  to  pro 
vide  £1,000,000  sterling  as  security 
for  an  order  to  arrest  Confederate 
iron-clads;  his  secret;  obligation  to 
keep  it,  194-210. 

Ericsson,  Captain  John,  approves  plans 
of  the  Galena,  and  furnishes  C.  S. 
Bushnell  with  plans  for  an  invulner 
able  armored  vessel,  215  ;  his  plans 
rejected  by  Board  of  Construction ; 
visits  Washington ;  the  President 
favors  his  floating-battery,  and  the 
board  reverses  its  decision,  216; 
Monitor  built  on  his  plans,  and  her 
draught  less  than  he  calculated, 
217;  Captain  Fox  calls  him  the  in 
ventor  of  the  Monitor,  234. 

Fairbanks,  Governor  Erastus,  appoints 
delegates  to  Peace  Conference,  19 ; 


INDEX. 


459 


offers  First  Vermont  Regiment, 
April  loth,  107 ;  applies  for  Enfield 
rifles  for  First  Vermont  Regiment, 
and  offers  to  purchase  their  guns 
in  preference  to  arming  them  with 
Belgian  muskets,  151. 

Fessenden,  Senator,  is  appointed  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  381 ;  de 
clines  the  appointment,  but  yields 
to  the  influence  of  President  Lin 
coln,  382  et  seq. 

Field,  David  Dudley,  member  of  Con 
ference  from  Ne\v  York  ;  final  vote 
of  New  York  on  resolutions  of  the 
Conference  by  unfair  advantage 
taken  of  his  absence,  82. 

Field,  Maunsel  B. :  his  relations  to 
Secretary  Chase ;  is  made  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  371 ;  is 
named  to  President  Lincoln  by  Sec 
retary  Chase  for  assistant  treasurer 
of  New  York ;  opposition  to  his 
nomination,  373  et  seq. 

Floyd,  Secretary  J.  B. :  his  disloyalty 
in  President  Buchanan's  Cabinet; 
leaves  the  Cabinet  charged  with 
crime,  180. 

Foot,  Senator,  of  Vermont :  esteem  of 
Vermonters  for  him ;  he  regards 
the  Conference  as  a  trick  ;  his  bold 
denunciations  of  Secessionists,  20 ; 
suggests  to  delegates  to  arm  and 
defend  themselves,  21. 

Fox,  Gustavus  V.,  a  favorite  of  Pres 
ident  Lincoln ;  Assistant  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  ;  his  impressions  about 
armored  vessels,  213 ;  favors  build 
ing  the  Galena,  215,  and  the  Mon 
itor,  216 ;  watches  progress  of  the 
Merrimac  and  predicts  her  success, 
217;  warns  the  President  that  she 
may  prove  effective,  218  ;  despatch 
from,  after  first  battle  with  the  Mer 
rimac,  223  ;  his  praise  of  Captain 
Worden  for  his  handling  of  the 
Monitor;  attributes  the  Monitor  to 
President  Lincoln,  234. 

Fractional  currency:  its  origin  and 
utility,  303 ;  large  amounts  issued 
and  redeemed ;  profit  of  the  United 
States  upon,  304 ;  wholly  made  in 
one  Treasury  bureau,  305. 

Franklin,  Captain  W.  B.,  appointed  to 
organize  and  drill  the  Treasury  reg 
iment,  113;  captured  by  Gilmor's 


cavalry,  July  12th,  1864;  his  escape 
on  the  day  of  his  capture,  409. 

Frederick,  city  of,  compelled  by  Gen 
eral  Early  to  pay  $200,000  in  Fed 
eral  money,  401. 

Fremont,  General,  appointed  to  com 
mand  the  Department  of  the  West ; 
his  extraordinary  powers,  171  ;  his 
want  of  business  ability,  172;  he 
manumits  slaves  of  rebel  owners, 
and  the  President  reverses  his  order, 
173;  his  susceptibility  to  praise; 
gives  contracts  to  all ;  General 
Blair's  charges  against  him,  174; 
his  removal  by  the  President,  and 
his  loyal  action  thereupon,  174. 

Galena,  the,  first  armored  vessel,  built 
at  Mystic,  Conn. ;  doubts  of  her  suc 
cess  ;  her  plans  approved  by  Cap 
tain  Ericsson ;  public  outcry  against 
her;  the  President  and  Captain 
Fox  her  friends,  215. 

Gault,  J.,  invents  encased  postage 
stamp ;  extent  of  its  use  as  curren 
cy,  301-303. 

Gooch,  Hon.  D.  W.,  of  Massachusetts : 
his  report  to  38th  Congress  on  con 
dition  of  exchanged  Union  prison 
ers  at  Annapolis,  325 ;  says  the 
prisoners  were  intentionally  starved 
by  the  rebel  authorities,  325. 

Grant,  General  U.  S. :  simplicity  of  his 
first  visit  to  Washington,  317;  his 
call  on  the  President  before  ad 
vance  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
319;  his  views  of  the  Union  and 
Confederate  armies,  321 ;  his  cele 
brated  telegram  of  May  llth,  1864, 
322 ;  decides  to  remove  General 
Thomas  from  command  of  the  army 
operating  against  Hood,  363 ;  waits, 
and  Thomas  defeats  Hood,  364; 
finally  does  Thomas  justice  in  his 
"  Personal  Memoirs,"  365 ;  his  esti 
mate  of  the  battle  on  the  Monoc- 
acy,  390;  sends  part  of  Sixth  Corps 
to" Wallace  in  Baltimore,  392;  in 
tended  to  reinforce  Washington  if 
attacked,  407. 

Great  Britain' favorable  to  the  North 
at  beginning  of  the  war,  132;  be 
comes  hostile — reasons  therefor, 
133;  contemptuous  treatment  of 
the  American  minister,  134 ;  de- 


460 


INDEX. 


mands  surrender  of  Mason  and  Sli- 
dell,  and  prepares  for  war,  137 ;  re 
pudiates  her  former  claims,  139; 
attributes  the  surrender  to  coward 
ice,  146 ;  unfriendliness  of  crown 
officers  to  the  United  States,  198; 
demands  security  in  £1,000,000  for 
preventing  departure  of  iron-clads, 
199;  waives  the  demand  on  notice 
that  Mr.  Adams  would  give  the  se 
curity,  208. 

"  Greenback :"  army  name  for  legal- 
tender  notes;  its  origin,  311.  See 
Legal-tender. 

Greene,  Lieutenant,  fired  the  guns  dur 
ing  first  part  of  the  battle  with  the 
Merrimac,  231 ;  his  youth  and  mod 
esty  ;  takes  command  of  the  Mon 
itor  when  Captain  Worden  was 
disabled,  226  ;  his  modest  account 
of  the  last  part  of  the  fight,  232. 

Gregory,  C.,  describes  encased  postage- 
stamp  in  Philatelic  Journal,  301. 

Griswold,  John  A.,  Corning,  &  Wins- 
low,  co-contractors  with  C.  S.  Bush- 
nell  to  build  the  Monitor,  216. 

Gurowski,  Adam :  his  sources  of  in 
formation  of  events ;  his  origin  un 
known,  26 ;  his  address  to  Northern 
members ;  details  alleged  conspiracy 
to  seize  the  government,  26  -  30 ; 
urges  members  to  go  home  and  or 
ganize  regiments,  27;  declares  that 
Lincoln's  election  determined  the 
South  on  war,  29 ;  seizure  of  Wash 
ington  on  February  13th  prevented 
by  indiscretions  of  Cobb  and  Floyd, 
28 ;  postponement  of  seizure  to 
March  4th ;  new  conspiracy  confined 
to  leaders;  to  be  managed  by  Jef 
ferson  Davis,  30  ;  Peace  Conference 
a  part  of  the  plot,  30;  declares  his 
personal  knowledge  of  the  plot  to 
assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln,  68. 

Hall,  Hiland,  ex-Governor  of  Vermont, 
delegate  to  Peace  Conference,  19  ; 
surprised  by  conversation  with  Sen 
ator  Foot,  20 ;  shocked  at  sugges 
tion  of  carrying  arms,  22  ;  his  reply 
to  a  Kentuckian  on  the  subject  of 
the  courage  of  New  England  men, 
56. 

Hamilton,  Alexander :  his  creation  of 
the  Treasury  system  of  the  United 


States,  4  ;  no  account  of  the  Treas 
ury  to  be  found  in  his  writings  or 
elsewhere  in  print,  4,  5  ;  his  checks 
against  frauds,  285. 

Harrington,  George,  First  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  109 ;  in 
vites  heads  of  bureaus  to  meeting 
for  defence  of  the  Treasury,  112; 
announces  that  Captains  Shiras  and 
Franklin  will  drill  the  Treasury  reg 
iment,  113. 

Henry,  Colonel  William  W.,  commands 
Tenth  Vermont,  which  is  sent,  under 
General  Ricketts,  to  reinforce  Gen 
eral  Wallace  at  Baltimore,  392  et 
seq. ;  gets  fastest  steamboat,  reaches 
Baltimore,  hurries  to  the  front, where 
he  arrives  on  July  8th,  392 ;  deceives 
the  Confederates,  and  reaches  the 
Monocacy  on  morning  of  July  9th, 
393 ;  receives  General  Wallace's 
order  to  retreat,  397;  brings  off  his 
regiment,  397;  General  Wallace's 
opinion  of  him,  400 ;  his  regiment 
at  the  Relay  House,  409. 

Henry,  Dr.  Joseph,  secretary  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution ;  his  char 
acter;  his  esteem  for  President  Lin 
coln,  235 ;  his  conversation  with  the 
President,  237. 

Herald,  New  York,  compelled  by  the 
people  to  display  the  "Stars  and 
Stripes,"  107. 

Hicks,  Governor  of  Maryland,  elected 
as  a  Union  candidate ;  opposes  pas 
sage  of  regiments  through  Balti 
more,  121;  his  interview  with  the 
President,  April  20th,  1861,  122; 
the  President's  answer  to  him,  123. 

Histories  of  the  war,  their  inaccuracies, 
3. 

Holt,  Judge,  of  Kentucky,  a  loyal  mem 
ber  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet;  his 
influence,  79,  80 ;  assists  in  the  or 
der  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration, 
91 ;  appointed  on  commission  in 
Department  of  the  West ;  his  jus 
tice  and  equity,  173 ;  his  fidelity 
and  loyalty  in  President  Buchanan's 
Cabinet,  1*81. 

Hospital  notes:  the  wounded  from 
the  Wilderness ;  their  sufferings 
and  exposure,  251 ;  charities  of  the 
colored  people ;  "  mammy  "  and  her 
pickles,  255 ;  the  Catholic  sisters, 


INDEX. 


461 


258;  tmgesthetics  and  their  merci 
ful  effects,  261;  the  wounded  Dane, 
263. 

Inauguration  of  President  Lincoln, 
March  4th  ;  a  bright  day,  the  city 
orderly,  soldiers  not  visible,  84 ;  pro 
cession  starts  from  Executive  Man 
sion,  with  President  Buchanan  in 
an  open  carriage ;  takes  up  Mr. 
Lincoln  at  Willard's,  and  moves 
through  a  great  multitude  of  spec 
tators  to  the  Capitol,  85, 86  ;  strong 
contrast  of  the  two  presidents,  86 ; 
Senator  Baker  introduces  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  87  ;  his  voice  distinctly  heard ; 
its  opening  received  in  silence ;  his 
declaration  that  the  laws  should  be 
executed  in  all  the  states  excites 
great  applause,  89 ;  beauty  of  his 
peroration ;  impressive  dignity  of 
his  oath  to  defend  the  Constitution, 
90, 91 ;  return  to  the  Executive  Man 
sion  without  disorder  or  disturb 
ance;  departure  of  ex -President 
Buchanan  to  private  life;  the  un 
disturbed  dignity  of  the  impressive 
ceremony  due  to  the  influence  of 
Mr.  Buchanan,  Secretaries  Dix,  Holt, 
and  Stanton,  and  General  Scott,  91, 
92. 

Johnson,  Colonel  Bradley  T.,  selected 
by  General  Lee  to  command  expe 
dition  to  release  Confederate  pris 
oners  at  Point  Lookout,  386  ;  com 
mands  division  of  cavalry  in  Early's 
campaign  in  July,  1864, 387;  moves 
against  railroads  and  for  Point 
Lookout,  389;  is  recalled  by  Gen 
eral  Earlv,  390. 

Johnson,  Waldo  P.,  member  of  the 
Conference,  afterwards  a  Confed 
erate  brigadier,  wants  to  know  how 
Mr.  Lincoln  got  through  Baltimore ; 
Mr.  Seddon's  reply,  66. 

Kelley,  William  D. :  first  meeting  with 
him  at  the  Astor  House,  in  Septem 
ber,  1861,  8;  his  first  canvass  and 
election  to  Congress,  8-15,  16. 

Laird,  Messrs.,  ship-builders,  contract 
with  Confederates  to  build  two  iron 
clad  vessels  at  Birkenhead,  197 ; 


how  their  departure  was  prevented 
by  Minister  Adams,  198-203. 

Lamon,  Ward  H.,  Mr.  Lincoln's  friend 
and  prospective  Marshal  of  the  Dis 
trict,  not  present  when  he  received 
the  Conference ;  a  member  supplies 
his  place,  71. 

Lane,  Colonel,  of  Kansas,  forms  a  com 
pany  to  defend  the  White  House,  in 
April,  1861,  115. 

Lee,  General  Kobert  E.,  a  colonel  in 
1861 ;  arrived  in  Washington  from 
Texas  about  March  1st;  General 
Scott's  high  estimate  of,  97 ;  con 
demns  secession  in  a  letter  to  his 
son,  January  23d,  1861,  in  very 
strong  terms,  98  ;  rumor  early  in 
April  that  General  Scott  would  re 
sign  and  Colonel  Lee  be  appointed 
to  command,  99 ;  resignation  of 
members  of  his  family;  resigns  his 
own  commission,  April  20th,  99 ; 
his  only  reason  that  he  did  not  de 
sire  to  draw  his  sword  against  Vir 
ginia  ;  was  this  reason  adequate  ? 
100;  influence  of  his  family;  its 
probable  effect  if  exerted  in  behalf 
of  the  Union,  101 ;  his  splendid 
genius,  military  abilities,  high  char 
acter,  and  otherwise  stainless  life 
admitted,  but  his  claimed  justifica 
tion  for  taking  up  arms  against  his 
country  and  his  flag  denied,  99-102 ; 
he  is  informed  of  all  events  in  Wash 
ington,  386 ;  plans  the  movement 
against  Washington  in  1864,  387; 
statements  of  Colonel  Long,  his 
biographer,  388. 

Lefferts,  Marshal,  colonel  of  the  Sev 
enth  New  York  Regiment,  125, 128, 
131. 

Legal -tender  notes:  their  origin  a 
necessity,  306  ;  President  Lincoln's 
opinions  of  their  legality,  307;  de 
scription  of,  310;  amounts  issued 
and  outstanding,  311;  amount  re 
duced  by  Secretary  McCulloch,  313 ; 
Congress  prohibits  further  reduc 
tion,  314;  opinion  of  Secretary 
Chase  on  their  constitutionality, 
315;  portraits  of  living  men  upon, 
prohibited,  306. 

Lewis,  Walker,  a  colored  man ;  his 
experiences  as  a  slave ;  his  appoint 
ment  as  a  messenger;  his  fidelity, 


462 


INDEX. 


159;  rules  for  his  own  observation, 
161 ;  bis  industry  and  success,  160. 
Lincoln,  Abraham :  decease  of  his 
financial  officers,  2  ;  his  charity,  7  ; 
the  campaign  of  1860,  8;  his  elec 
tion  assured  in  October,  14;  elec 
toral  vote  counted,  and  declared 
elected,  40 ;  his  peaceable  election, 
and  its  announcement  secured  by 
General  Scott  and  Vice-President 
Breckinridge,  46  ;  threats  against 
his  life  by  Southern  newspapers, 
48 ;  conspiracy  for  his  assassina 
tion  in  Baltimore  in  February,  58 ; 
consents  to  follow  advice  of  his 
friends  on  his  journey  through  Bal 
timore,  64  ;  arrival  in  Washington, 
and  his  alleged  disguise,  65  ;  disap 
pointment  caused  by  his  arrival  to 
Southerners,  66;  contempt  of  Seces 
sionists  for  his  supposed  coarseness 
and  vulgarity,  67 ;  receives  mem 
bers  of  Peace  Conference  on  the 
evening  of  his  arrival,  68 ;  desires 
acquaintance  with  Southern  mem 
bers,  69  ;  his  frankness  with  them, 
71 ;  his  reception  of  Mr.  Rives, 
James  B.  Clay,  George  W.  Sum 
mers,  and  others,  72 ;  his  answers 
to  Mr.  Seddon,  74;  to  William  E. 
Dodge,  75 ;  his  determination  to 
enforce  the  provisions  of  the  Con 
stitution,  73 ;  declines  to  discuss 
the  slavery  question,  76;  opinions 
of  Mr.  Rives,  Judge  Ruffin,  and  oth 
er  Southerners  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  77  ; 
influence  of  his  arrival  in  Washing 
ton  in  checking  growth  of  secession, 
80;  his  procession  to  the  Capitol 
on  March  4th ;  his  introduction  to 
the  audience  by  Senator  Baker,  of 
Oregon,  87 ;  his  opening  address 
received  in  silence,  88 ;  effect  of  his 
announcement  that  he  would  use 
the  National  powers  to  recover  the 
forts  and  property  of  the  nation, 
89 ;  subsequent  enthusiasm  of  the 
audience ;  his  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution,  90 ;  his  return  to  the 
Executive  Mansion,  91 ;  hated  by 
the  Secessionists,  93 ;  his  novel  se 
lection  of  his  Cabinet  officers,  104; 
his  first  call  for  seventy-five  thou 
sand  men  on  the  fall  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter,  106  ;  popular  enthusiasm  for 


him,  107 ;  his  interview  \fith  Dr. 
Wynne,  118  ;  the  governor  of  Mary 
land  and  mayor  of  Baltimore  solicit 
an  order  that  no  more  Northern 
regiments  be  permitted  to  pass 
through  Maryland,  122  ;  his  answer 
to  them,  123;  his  reception  of  the 
New  York  Seventh  and  Eighth 
Massachusetts  regiments,  129;  his 
prompt  decision  that  Mason  and 
Slidell,  captured  on  the  British 
steamer  Trent,  must  be  surren 
dered;  his  reasons  therefor,  147; 
his  influence  in  overcoming  preju 
dices  of  the  War  and  Navy  depart 
ments  against  the  volunteer  service, 
149  et  seq. ;  orders  the  surgeon- 
general  to  co-operate  with  the  San 
itary  Commission,  155  ;  confidence 
of  the  colored  people  in  him  as 
their  chosen  emancipator,  163  ;  ap 
points  Davis  Commission  on  claims 
in  the  Department  of  the  West,  and 
removes  General  Fremont,  173  ;  his 
confidence  in  Secretary  Cameron, 
176 ;  overlooks  Mr.  Stanton's  dis 
courtesy  and  appoints  him  Secre 
tary  of  War,  185  ;  his  attachment 
to  Secretary  Stanton,  186  ;  his  reply 
to  resolution  censuring  Mr.  Came 
ron,  177 ;  his  trust  in  Secretary 
Stanton,  192;  consultation  with  him 
about  issuing  bonds  on  pledge  of 
Minister  Adams,  195;  early  opin 
ions  in  favor  of  armored  vessels, 
213;  favors  construction  of  the 
Galena,  215  ;  approves  Captain 
Ericsson's  plans  for  the  Monitor, 
216;  his  confidence  that  the  Mer- 
rimac  would  not  prove  irresistible, 
and  his  faith  in  the  favor  of  the 
Almighty,  219 ;  his  confidence  in 
Captain  Worden  and  the  Monitor, 
220;  his  cheerfulness  over  news  of 
the  Merrimac's  first  victories,  222  ; 
receives  news  of  the  battle  between 
the  Monitor  and  the  Mcrrimac,  224 ; 
not  elated  by  the  Monitors  victory, 
225;  hears  Captain  Worden  de 
scribe  the  fight  on  the  deck  of  the 
Monitor,  227 ;  Captain  Fox  attrib 
utes  the  adoption  of  armored  ves 
sels  to  President  Lincoln,  234;  his 
interviews  with,  and  high  opinion 
of,  Professor  Henry,  236 ;  the  par- 


INDEX. 


463 


don  of  the  sleeping  sentinel,  265 ; 
Scott's  death  at  Lee's  Mills  ;  his 
message  to  the  President,  280 ;  his 
opinions  of  the  constitutionality  of 
legal -tender  notes,  307,  310;  his 
love  for  ballad  poetry,  309  ;  his  in 
terest  in  returned  prisoners  at  An 
napolis,  323;  his  sympathy  for  them, 

327  ;  unwilling  to  believe  they  were 
intentionally  starved  by  the  rebels, 

328  ;  his  review  of  the  colored  chil 
dren,  332 ;  his  story  of  Daniel  Web 
ster  and  the  school -master,  333; 
favors  paying  for  slaves,  335;  his 
interview  with  a  Vermont  contrac 
tor,  who  would  remove  the  slaves 
to    Texas,    337 ;    advises    General 
Grant  not  to  relieve  General  Thomas 
and  give  his  command  to  General 
Logan  before  the  battle  of  Nash 
ville,  364 ;  his  faith,  368 ;  he  accepts 
Mr.  Chase's    resignation ;    his   just 
estimate  of  Secretary  Chase ;  he  ap 
points  him  chief  justice,  371  et  seq. ; 
his   opinion  that  the  republic  did 
not  depend  on  the  life  of  any  one 
man,  377 ;  nominates  Mr.  Fessenden 
as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who 
declines  and  finally  accepts  the  ap 
pointment,  381  ;  his  influence  upon 
Mr.  Fessenden,  382 ;  witnesses  bat 
tle  at  Fort  Stevens,  416  ;  his  calm 
ness  in  times   of   excitement,  and 
confidence  that  Washington  would 
not  be  captured,  428  ;  letters  of,  to 
Governor  Swann  and  General  Grant 
now  first  published, 429, 430;  sketch 
of  some  events  in  his  life,  436  et 
seq. ;  writes  his  own  biography,  432 ; 
his  power  of  thought,  434;  origin 
and  powerful  influence  of  his  "di 
vided-house"  speech,  435  et  seq.; 
his   debate  with   Senator   Douglas 
and  Chicago  speech  of  July  10th, 
1858,436;  his  nomination  and  elec 
tion,  440  et  seq.;  his  faith   in  the 
Bible,  447  et  seq.;  the  best  histories 
of  his  life,  453. 

Logan,  General  John  A.,  ordered  by 
General  Grant  to  supersede  Thomas 
in  command  of  the  army  against 
Hood ;  waits  at  Cincinnati  until 
Thomas  defeats  Hood,  when  the 
order  is  rescinded,  363  et  seq. 

Logan,  Stephen  T.,  member  from  Illi 


nois,  moves  that  the  members  of 
the  Conference  call  in  a  body  on 
the  President-elect ;  motion  carried 
by  the  influence  of  President  Tyler, 
67. 

London  Times,  the,  opposes  secession 
before  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  132  ;  favors  secession  and  dis 
union,  133  ;  statement  of  practice 
of  Great  Britain  in  cases  like  that 
of  the  Trent,  138;  attributes  sur 
render  of  Mason  and  Slidell  to 
American  cowardice,  146. 

Long,  General :  his  account  of  Early's 
campaign  against  Washington,  388. 

Lowndes,  Francis,  a  clerk  in  the  Reg 
ister's  office,  seventy-five  years  old, 
the  first  to  sign  a  pledge  to  defend 
the  Treasury,  114. 

Lyons,  Lord,  British  minister,  friendly 
to  the  North  ;  his  person  and  char 
acter,  140 ;  his  interview  with  Sec 
retary  Seward,  141 ;  indifferent  when 
Mason  and  Slidell  are  surrendered, 
141 ;  sends  a  steamer  to  Province- 
town,  146. 

Maryland:  Governor  Hicks  and  au 
thorities  oppose  passage  of  troops; 
public  meetings  in,  120,  121. 

Mason  and  Slidell,  captured  on  British 
steamer  Trent  by  Captain  Wilkes, 
of  the  San  Jacinto,  134;  their  de 
livery  demanded  by  Great  Britain, 
137;  Mr.  Seward  agrees  to  surren 
der  them,  140 ;  they  are  sent  from 
Fort  Warren  to  Provincetown,  Cape 
Cod,  and  delivered  to  a  British 
steamer,  146  ;  their  mission  a  fail 
ure,  147;  their  complaints  of  accom 
modations,  147. 

Mason,  J.  M.,  and  John  Slidell,  Seces 
sion  leaders,  present  at  meeting  at 
Davis's  house,  January  5th,  29 ; 
Mason  to  arrange  for  Peace  Con 
ference  ;  Slidell  and  Mallory  to  call 
convention  at  Montgomery,  29. 

Massachusetts  Sixth  Regiment  fights 
its  way  through  Baltimore  ;  its  dead 
and  wounded,  116;  its  gallantry, 
117. 

McClellan,  General  George  B. :  bag 
gage  train  for  his  headquarters  de 
scribed,  317. 

McClure,  Colonel  Alexander,  conducts 


464 


INDEX. 


the  Kepublican  campaign  in  Penn 
sylvania  in  1860,  9 ;  his  efficiency, 
9-13. 

Merrimac,  the :  Confederate  Congress 
plans  her  conversion  into  an  ar 
mored  vessel  in  May,  213;  Captain 
Fox  reports  her  completion  and  pre 
dicts  her  success,  217;  sinks  the 
Congress  and  the  Cumberland,  222  ; 
her  tight  with  the  Monitor  reported, 
224 ;  described  by  Captain  Worden, 
228. 

Minnesota,  the,  runs  aground  in  Hamp 
ton  Koads  when  the  Merrimac  first 
came  out  of  Norfolk,  222 ;  it  is  de 
cided  to  burn  her,and  she  is  stripped 
for  that  purpose ;  timely  arrival  of 
Captain  Fox  saves  her,  223 ;  the 
Monitor  arrives  and  is  laid  along 
side,  224.  . 

Monitor,  the :  Captain  Ericsson's  plans 
for,  favored  by  the  President,  215  ; 
contract  for,  awarded ;  energy  of 
her  contractors,  216;  sent  to  sea 
before  she  was  completed,  217 ;  the 
.  President's  confidence  in  her  before 
the  battle,  220 ;  Captain  Fox  tele 
graphs  her  arrival  at  Newport  News, 
223 ;  his  account  of  the  battle  on 
his  return  to  Washington,  225  ;  she 
comes  to  Washington,  225  ;  Captain 
Worden  describes  her  fight  with  the 
Merrimac,  standing  on  her  deck, 
227 ;  her  success,  234. 

Monocacy,  the  battle  of:  its  impor 
tance  underrated  by  Union  author 
ities  and  by  General  Early,  385 ;  bat 
tle  of,  described,  391  et  scq.;  its 
incidents,  importance,  and  results, 
391  et  seq.  ;  General  Grant's  opin 
ion  of  its  importance,  390 ;  General 
Gordon's  opinion  of  its  sanguinary 
character,  401 ;  Tenth  Vermont  Reg 
iment,  its  account  of,  409 ;  its  place 
in  history;  it  saved  Washington 
from  capture,  424. 

Morning  Chronicle,  the,  declares  that 
Congress  must  "eat  the  leek  bran 
dished  in  British  faces,"  137. 

Morrill,  Lot  M. :  his  altercation  with 
Commodore  Stockton  in  the  Con 
ference;  his  character ;  his  coolness 
under  excitement,  52-55 ;  impresses 
Southern  members  with  a  better 
opinion  of  Northern  courage,  56. 


New  York  city:  excitement  in,  over 
the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter,  106. 

New  York  Seventh  Regiment  reported 
cut  to  pieces  in  Baltimore,  116. 

Nixon,  John  T.,  appointed  judge  of 
the  Federal  Circuit  Court  in  New 
Jersey,  8;  his  election  to  Congress 
in  October,  1861;  his  canvass,  12, 
13. 

Noyes,  William  Curtis,  states  deter 
mination  to  protect  rights  of  mem 
bers  of  Conference,  25. 

Office-seeking,  its  discouragements,  18; 
it  has  no  possible  profits ;  its  evils 
and  dangers,  353  et  seq.;  its  influ 
ence  upon  men  of  ability,  359. 

O'Neill,  Charles,  his  report  on  a  monu 
ment  to  Secretary  Stun  ton,  191. 

Opdyke,  George,  with  General  Dix 
and  R.  M.  Blatchford,  authorized  to 
expend  $2,000,000  for  public  de 
fence  in  April,  1861 ;  accounts  for 
whole  amount,  177. 

Paulding,  Commodore,  reports  govern 
ment  property  at  Norfolk  safely 
protected  on  the  18th  of  April,  114; 
chairman  of  Board  of  Construction, 
favors  construction  of  iron -clad 
vessels,  215. 

Peace  Conference,  the :  delegates  from 
Vermont,  appointed  to,  19 ;  meets 
at  Willard's  Hall,  23 ;  a  device  to 
keep  the  North  quiet,  29  ;  members 
witness  count  of  electoral  vote,  41 ; 
altercation  between  Senator  Morrill 
and  Commodore  Stockton ;  its  sup 
pression  by  President  Tyler,  52-56; 
Mr.  Seddon's  opening  speech,  51; 
change  of  Southern  opinions  of 
courage  of  Northern  men,  56 ;  re 
port  of  Committee  on  Resolutions  a 
complete  surrender  by  the  North  to 
slavery,  50-56 ;  influence  on  mem 
bers  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival  in 
Washington,  66 ;  motion  that  the 
Conference  call  on  Mr.  Lincoln  op 
posed  by  the  Secessionists ;  Pres 
ident  Tyler  declares  it  eminently 
proper;  it  passes,  and  the  president 
is  to  ascertain  when  Mr.  Lincoln 
will  receive  the  Conference,  67; 
adjourns  February  27th ;  its  res 
olutions  adopted  by  a  majority  of 


INDEX. 


465 


one  state,  secured  by  refusing  to 
accept  the  vote  of  New  York,  as 
agreed  by  a  majority  of  its  dele 
gates,  by  the  unfair  ruling  of  Pres 
ident  Tyler,  81 ;  its  resolutions  not 
considered  in  Congress,  except  by 
way  of  amendment  to  those  of  Mr. 
Crittenden ;  its  results,  except  to 
unite  the  Republicans  and  loyal 
Democrats,  nil,  82. 

Pennsylvania:  six  hundred  men,  the 
first  troops  under  the  call,  arrive  in 
Washington,  April  18th,  114. 

Phelps,  J.  W.,  colonel  First  Vermont, 
declines  discarded  Belgian  muskets 
and  wants  Enfield  rifles  for  his  reg 
iment,  151 ;  his  recognition  by  Gen 
eral  Scott,  who  sends  his  regiment 
where  active  service  was  expected, 
154. 

Pitkin,  Parley  P.,  Grant's  quarter 
master  on  the  James,  favors  Col 
onel  Henry  with  fastest  steamer  for 
Baltimore,'  392. 

"Plug- Uglies,"  the,  of  Baltimore: 
their  character ;  their  connection 
with  the  plot  to  assassinate  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  63 ;  attack  on  the 
Sixth  Massachusetts  in  Baltimore, 
125;  burn  the  bridges  and  destroy 
the  railroads,  127;  prepare  to  at 
tack  the  Northern  forces  at  Annap 
olis  Junction,  128;  their  final  de 
parture  from  Washington,  129, 

Postage-stamps :  first  used  as  currency 
by  General  Spinner,  treasurer,  300; 
are  encased  in  copper  and  used  as 
coins,  301 ;  extent  of  their  use, 
301. 

Potomac  Naturalists'  Club,  the :  its 
origin,  meetings,  and  membership, 
239,  246  ;  Robert  Kennicott,  Will 
iam  Simpson, Count  Pourtalis,  Baron 
Osten- Sacken,  Theodore  Gill,  Dr. 
Newberry,  Agassiz,  and  other  mem 
bers  and  guests,  240-245 ;  discus 
sion  of  the  giant  octopus,  246-250. 

Prisoners,  Confederate:  General  Lee 
proposes  to  President  Davis  to  send 
Colonel  Bradley  T.  Johnson  to  re 
lease  twenty  thousand  at  Point 
Lookout,  386;  General  Early's  re 
port  concerning,  389. 

Prisoners,  Union:  exchanged  at  An 
napolis,  323 ;  their  horrible  treat- 

30 


ment  and  desperate  condition,  326 ; 
its  effect  upon  their  minds,  327 ; 
sympathy  of  the  President  and  a 
lady  of  Boston  for  them,  324,  328. 
Public  men,  to  be  estimated  by  final 
results,  and  not  by  single  errors, -5. 

Register's  office :  cringing  address  of 
employes  corrected,  110;  in  excel 
lent  working  order  in  April,  1861, 
111;  issues  $10,000,000  in  coupon 
bonds  between  Friday  and  Monday, 
195;  necessity  for  it  and  how  it 
was  done,  203-211;  severe  conse 
quences  to  the  register,  205,210; 
process  of  signing  and  issuing  bonds, 
205;  entries  of  the  $10,000,000  on 
the  register's  books,  211. 

Register  of  the  Treasury :  proposes  to 
pay  balances  to  resigning  army  offi 
cers  by  checks  on  Richmond,  98 ; 
excitement  resulting  therefrom,  99; 
takes  the  oath  of  office,  109 ;  de 
clines  to  pay  deserters  from  the 
Treasury  for  fractions  of  the  month, 
111;  invites  his  clerks  to  promise 
to  defend  the  Treasury ;  their  ex 
cuses,  113. 

Regular  service,  war  and  naval :  an 
tipathy  of,  to  volunteers;  heads  of 
bureaus  old  men,  149 ;  Chief  of 
Bureau  of  Ordnance,  his  anger  at 
a  proposal  to  change  his  order,  152; 
declares  the  old  Springfield  musket 
best  for  volunteers,  153;  his  rea 
sons,  154;  regular  officers  oppose 
the  Sanitary  Commission,  155  ;  re 
quired  by  the  President  to  give  rea 
sons,  156,  overruled  by  the  Presi 
dent,  157. 

Republican  members  of  Peace  Con 
ference:  decide  to  take  action,  24; 
alarmed  and  united  by  call  on  Pres 
ident  Buchanan,  34;  resolve  to  invite 
loyal  Democrats  to  a  caucus,  then 
subsequently  form  union,  35. 

Rk-ketts,  General,  sent  by  General 
Grant  with  Third  Division  of  Sixth 
Corps  to  defence  of  Baltimore  in 
July,  1864,  392  ;  his  defence  of  the 
left"  at  the  battle  of  Monocacy,  394. 

Rives,  William  C. :  Mr.  Lincoln  desires 
to  meet  him,  69  ;  his  high  character 
and  courtly  bearing;  Mr.  Lincoln's 
cordial  reception,  72  ;  the  conversa- 


466 


INDEX. 


tion  between  them,  73 ;  Mr.  Rives 
a  close  observer  of  the  conduct  and 
conversation  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  75 ;  his 
declaration  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
been  misjudged  by  the  South,  that 
he  would  be  the  head  of  his  admin 
istration,  and  that  much  fault  could 
not  be  found  with  the  opinions  he 
had  expressed,  77. 

Ruffin,  Judge  Thomas,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  a  member  of  the  Conference 
whom  Mr.  Lincoln  wished  to  meet, 
69;  his  conversation  with  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  76  ;  regrets  Mr.  Lincoln's  pro 
nounced  opinions  against  slavery, 
but  otherwise  could  not  find  much 
fault  with  his  views,  76,  77. 

Sanitary  Commission  tendered  to  Sur 
geon-General,  and  rejected,  155; 
just  indignation  of  its  officers,  who 
appeal  to  the  President,  156;  Sur 
geon-General  called  to  account,  and 
ordered  to  accept  and  co-operate 
with  Commission,  156 ;  inestimable 
value  of  the  Sanitary  Commission 
to  the  soldiers,  157. 

Saturday  Review,  the :  opposes  seces 
sion  before  the  war ;  declares  con 
quest  of  the  South  a  hopeless  task, 
133 ;  charges  the  North  with  cow 
ardice,  146. 

Scott,  Colonel  Thomas  A.,  Assistant 
Secretary  of  War,  requires  applica 
tion  for  rifles  of  First  Vermont  to 
be  made  to  Bureau  of  Ordnance, 
151 ;  but  on  refusal  of  that  bureau 
overrules  it,  154 ;  reasons  for  his 
selection  as  Assistant  Secretary,  169 ; 
his  efforts  to  reform  the  manage 
ment  of  the  War  Office,  170;  his  ill 
success ;  reasons  for  his  return  to 
private  life,  171. 

Scott,  General  Winfield :  opposes  and 
breaks  up  first  conspiracy  to  seize 
Washington ;  collects  regulars  there 
in  January,  28 ;  facility  of  access 
to  him  in  February;  his  opinion 
of  Vermonters,  37 ;  his  declaration 
that  the  electoral  vote  should  be 
counted,  and  that  there  should  be 
no  revolution  in  Washington,  38 ; 
Vice-President  Breckinridge  prom 
ises  to  co-operate  with  him,  39;  his 
numerous  visitors,  39 ;  his  precau 


tions  on  February  13th,  41;  excites 
anger  of  Secessionists,  43 ;  peace 
able  declaration  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election  due  to  him  and  to  Mr. 
Breckinridge,  46  ;  his  reply  to  Wig- 
fall,  46 ;  refuses  to  temporize  with 
secession,  79 ;  secures  a  dignified 
and  orderly  inauguration,  92 ;  hated 
by  Secessionists ;  urges  President 
Buchanan  to  reinforce  Southern 
forts  in  December ;  proposes  to 
send  two  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
with  supplies,  to  Fort  Sumter  with 
out  informing  Secretary  Floyd,  93  ;( 
his  stern  reply  to  a  senator  who 
urged  his  desertion;  enmity  of  Jef 
ferson  Davis,  94 ;  its  origin ;  his 
severe  expressions  against  Davis, 
95 ;  declares  that  no  cause  can 
prosper  of  which  Davis  is  a  leader, 
95;  opposed  to  the  Abolitionists; 
hopes  of  a  great  Union  party  on  the 
basis  of  the  Crittenden  Resolutions  ; 
declares  that  the  North  was  the 
stronger  in  resources,  the  equal  of 
the  South  in  courage,  but  could  not 
subjugate  the  South  with  less  than 
three  hundred  thousand  men,  96 ; 
declared  in  favor  of  young  generals 
— that  he  was  too  old  and  worn-out 
for  the  command ;  his  high  estimate 
of  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee — that  he 
was,  and  would  remain,  loyal  to  the 
Union — that  he  was  equal  to  the 
command  of  the  army,  97 ;  grounds 
of  his  faith  in  Colonel  Lee,  98 ;  di 
rects  that  Northern  regiments  must 
pass  through  Baltimore,  119-121, 
122 ;  orders  First  Vermont  Regi 
ment  to  Fortress  Monroe,  151. 

Scott,  William,  a  private  of  Company 
K,  Third  Vermont,  condemned  to  be 
shot  for  sleeping  on  his  post,  271 ; 
interest  of  his  comrades,  272 ;  par 
doned  by  the  President,  276 ;  his 
death  at  Lee's  Mills  and  message 
to  the  President,  280,  282. 

Secession :  blindness  of  the  North  to 
its  progress  ;  transfer  of  money  and 
supplies  to  the  South ;  South  Caro 
lina  first  secedes,  18;  leaders  as 
sume  control  of  Peace  Conference, 
appoint  its  officers,  and  exclude  the 
press,  23,  24 ;  refuse  to  have  a  re 
cording  secretary,  25 ;  oppose  any 


INDEX. 


467 


record  of  proceedings,  25  ;  conven 
tion  to  form  confederacy  to  be  held 
at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  by  February 
14th,  29 ;  rumors  of  revolution  be 
fore  counting  of  electoral  vote,  36  ; 
Washington  crowded  with  disorder 
ly  Secessionists,  36 ;  leaders  hope 
for  a  disturbance  during  count  of 
electoral  vote,  42 ;  their  angry  de 
nunciations  of  General  Scott  for  his 
preventive  measures,  43-46;  de 
pressing  influence  upon  Southern 
members  of  Peace  Conference  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  opinions  at  his  reception, 
77  ;  ripens  during  the  last  week  but 
one  of  the  old  administration ;  six 
states  secede,  79  ;  growth  of,  in  the 
Border  states,  80;  suddenly  checked 
by  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival,  80;  effect 
of  influx  of  young  Republicans  to 
see  their  President  inaugurated,  81 ; 
they  fill  Washington  and  overflow 
to  neighboring  cities ;  a  paralysis 
for  the  time  falls  upon  secession, 
82  ;  it  condemns  inaugural  address 
as  fatal  to  the  Union,  103 ;  opens  lire 
upon  Fort  Sumter,  April  14th,  106; 
an  angry  Washington  judge,  109  ; 
he  leaves  for  the  South,  109  ;  clerks 
in  register's  office  infected  with, 
111;  Secessionists  threaten  Har 
per's  Ferry  in  April,  116;  prema 
ture  rejoicings  over  destruction  of 
New  York  Seventh  and  Eighth  Mas 
sachusetts  regiments,  128. 

Seddon,  James  A.,  Southern  manager 
of  Peace  Conference,  24;  opposes 
making  proceedings  public,  26  ; 
leader  of  Southern  members ;  his 
opinions,  ability,  and  resemblance 
to  John  Randolph,  51,  52;  his  ser 
vant  gives  him  a  note  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  arrival,  which  he  hands  to 
Johnson,  of  Missouri ;  his  contempt 
for  the  unguarded  inquiry  of  that 
gentleman,  66 ;  his  charges  against 
the  North,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  digni 
fied  answers  at  the  reception  of  the 
Conference,  73. 

"  Seven  -  thirty  "  notes :  their  issue ; 
•*  they  did  not  circulate  as  currency, 
298. 

Seward,  William  H.,  with  Mr.  Wash- 
burn,  takes  charge  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
journey  through  Baltimore,  and  es 


corts  him  safely  to  his  hotel,  65 ; 
announced  as  a  prospective  member 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Cabinet,  81 ;  his 
speech  to  a  body  of  his  constituents 
which  disclosed  none  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
purposes,  83 ;  selected  by  President 
Lincoln  for  State  Department,  104  ; 
his  negotiations  with  Lord  Lyons 
for  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell, 
140;  his  masterly  reply  to  Lord 
Russell,  142;  approved  by  the  Amer 
ican  people,  145 ;  consultation  with 
the  President  and  Secretary  Chase 
on  the  necessity  of  keeping  the  faith 
of  Minister  Adams  to  a  noble  Eng 
lishman,  195. 

Shiras,  Captain,  appointed  to  organize 
and  drill  the  Treasury  regiment, 
113. 

Sigel,  General  F.,  informs  General  Wal 
lace  of  General  Early's  advance, with 
thirty  thousand  men,  past  Maryland 
Heights,  391. 

Silver  coins,  fractional :  their  sudden 
disappearance  from  circulation,  299 ; 
necessity  of  a  substitute  for  them, 
300. 

Sixth  Corps :  Third  Division,  under 
General  Ricketts,  sent  to  reinforce 
General  Wallace  at  Baltimore,  392  ; 
its  position  on  the  Monocacy,  394 ; 
its  bravery  and  desperate  fighting 
there,  396 ;  its  heavy  losses  there, 
400 ;  the  remaining  divisions  reach 
Washington,  July  llth  and  12th, 
410;  its  part  in  the  battle  of  Fort 
Stevens,  416;  Early's  sudden  re 
treat  upon  its  arrival,  427. 

Smalley,  Judge  D.  A.,  of  Vermont,  de 
fines  the  crime  of  treason  in  his 
charge  to  a  grand  jury  in  New  York, 
47 ;  declines  to  interfere  with  seiz 
ure  of  arms  about  to  be  shipped  to 
Charleston,  49. 

Smith,  Admiral,  member  of  Board  of 
Construction  with  Commodore  Pauld- 
ing  and  Captain  Davis,  215;  approves 
construction  of  the  Monitor,  216. 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,  nominated  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  104. 

Spinner,  General  Francis  E. :  his  fidel 
ity  as  a  Treasury  officer ;  his  suffer 
ing  from  disease,  borne  heroically; 
his  death,  3  ;  suggests  payments  to 
resigning  officers  by  drafts  on  South- 


468 


INDEX. 


era  assistant-treasuries,  98 ;  prefers 
to  take  his  secession  from  the  out 
side  of  the  Treasury ;  proposes  vig 
orous  defence  of  the  Treasury,  112; 
Cornwall,  a  clerk  in  his  office,  ab 
stracts  "demand  notes;"  his  de 
tection  and  punishment,  290-295; 
uses  postage  -  stamps  in  place  of 
small  coins,  300;  collects  money 
and  securities  of  the  Treasury,  and 
prepares  for  leaving  Washington 
when  it  was  threatened  by  General 
Early  in  1864,  408. 

Stannard,  General  George  J. :  his  brill 
iant  record  in  the  war,  354 ;  he  is 
appointed  collector  of  the  district 
of  Vermont,  355  ;  he  is  ruined  by 
it,  with  some  of  his  sureties,  357 ; 
he  becomes  a  door-keeper  in  the 
gallery  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  357. 

Stanton,  Secretary  Edwin  M. :  enters 
President  Buchanan's  Cabinet,  28  ; 
his  influence  there,  79 ;  declares 
that  the  surrender  of  the  forts  in 
Charleston  harbor  would  be  crim 
inal,  80 ;  promotes  the  quiet  of  the 
inauguration,  91 ;  public  opinion  of 
him  less  favorable  than  it  should 
be,  168;  his  character  and  quali 
ties,  178 ;  his  physical  and  mental 
vigor  in  1861,  178;  his  first  act  in 
President  Buchanan's  Cabinet;  de 
clares  surrender  of  Fort  Sumtcr  a 
crime,  181 ;  his  hatred  of  cant  and 
hypocrisy,  and  of  speculative  pa 
triots,  183 ;  his  strong  prejudices 
and  caustic  criticism,  185;  his  love 
for,  and  eulogy  of,  President  Lin 
coln,  186  ;  his  appointment  as  Sec 
retary  of  War,  187;  his  refusal  to 
sanction  improper  claims;  his  firm 
ness,  188 ;  his  patriotic  character, 
190;  report  of  Charles  O'Neill's 
committee  to  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  appropriation  for  a  monu 
ment  to  Mr.  Stanton,  192;  present 
at  battle  of  Fort  Stevens,  415. 

Stars  and  Stripes :  enthusiasm  for, 
April  15th,  105;  love  for  it  abides 
forever,  108;  affection  for,  of  an  old 
Carolinian,  114. 

Stevens,  Fort,  location  of,  411 ;  battle 
of  July  12th,  1864,  412  et  seq. 

Stewart,  John  A.,  is  proposed  by  Sen 


ator  Morgan  as  assistant-treasurer 
of  New  York ;  he  declines  the  ap 
pointment,  373. 

Stimers,  Alban  C.,  chief -engineer  of 
the  Monitor,  managed  the  turret  dur 
ing  the  fight  with  the  Merrimac,  231. 

Stockton,  Commodore:  his  character; 
his  interruption  of  Senator  Morrill 
in  the  Conference ;  vigorous  action 
of  a  Northern  delegate,  53-56. 

Summers,  George  W.,  member  of  Con 
ference  from  Virginia,  31  ;  his  cor 
dial  reception  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  71 ; 
his  approval  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  state 
ment  that  he  would  obey  and  en 
force  the  Constitution  and  the  laws, 
73. 

Sumter,  Fort,  fall  of ;  its  effect  on  the 
North,  April  14th,  106. 

Taney,  Chief  Justice,  death  of,  Octo 
ber,  1864,  384. 

Thomas,  George  H. :  his  loyalty  ques 
tioned  and  defended,  360 ;  he  assists 
General  Scott  in  April,  1861,  and 
protects  the  railroads  to  Washing 
ton,  361;  he  "will  hold  Chatta 
nooga  until  we  starve,"  362 ;  moves 
against  Hood;  his  slowness;  Gen 
eral  Grant  proposes  to  remove  him 
and  give  his  command  to  Logan ; 
he  waits  under  the  President's  ad 
vice;  Thomas  fights  and  defeats 
Hood's  army;  Grant's  justice  to 
him,  362  et  seq. ;  his  unflinching 
loyalty,  365. 

Tod,  ex-Governor,  of  Ohio,  nominated 
for  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
declines,  380. 

Treasury  notes,  did  not  circulate  as 
money,  296. 

Treasury  of  the  United  States  the 
creation  of  Mr.  Hamilton  ;  no  writ 
ten  history  of ;  its  expansiveness, 
285  ;  three  frauds  upon,  and  their 
detection,  287-294 ;  frauds  upon  by 
the  warrant  clerk  of  the  secretary, 
347-351 ;  the  end  of  the  dishonest 
clerk,  352. 

"  Trent  affair,"  history  of,  132 ;  fortu 
nate  conclusion  of,  146 ;  Great 
Britain's  action  upon  it,  169. 

Trumbull,  Senator  Lyman,  a  teller  dur 
ing  count  of  electoral  vote  in  Feb 
ruary,  1861,43, 


INDEX. 


4G9 


Tyler,  ex -President  John,  president 
of  Peace  Conference,  24 ;  enforces 
rights  of  Northern  members,  26 ; 
suppresses  an  altercation  and  re 
stores  order  in  the  excited  Confer 
ence,  55  ;  instead  of  calling  on  Mr. 
Lincoln,  sends  a  note  of  inquiry 
when  he  would  receive  the  Confer 
ence — Mr.  Lincoln's  prompt  reply, 
68. 

Tyler,  General,  commands  right  wing 
at  the  Monocacy,  393  ;  goes  to  the 
assistance  of  Colonel  Brown  at  the 
bridge;  assists  in  holding  it  until 
Wallace's  army  has  passed;  is  then 
surrounded  by  Confederates,  but  es 
capes,  397  et  acq. 

Vallandigham,  Clement  L.,  introduces 
resolution  in  House  of  Representa 
tives  opposing  surrender  of  Mason 
and  Slidell,  138. 

Van  Brunt,  Captain,  commands  the 
Minnesota  when  attacked  by  the 
Merrimac,  224;  his  joy  at  the  ar 
rival  of  the  Monitor ;  informs  Cap 
tain  Worden  that  the  Merrimac  will 
probably  attack  at  daylight,  228. 

Vermont  regiments  :  First  Regiment, 
Colonel  Phelps,  tendered  to  the 
President,  April  16th,  107;  objects 
to  Belgian  discarded  muskets,  151 ; 
applies  for  Enfield  rifles,  152;  how 
it  got  them,  153;  its  colonel  com 
mended  by  General  Scott,  who  or 
ders  regiment  to  Fortress  Monroe, 
154. 

Vermont  Tenth  Regiment  holds  the 
left  of  Union  line  in  the  battle  of 
the  Monocacy ;  its  desperate  fight 
ing,  394  et  (teg. 

Virginia :  invites  a  Peace  Conference 
of  the  states  on  the  4th  of  Febru- 
arv,  19;  her  delegates  assume  its 
control,  24;  Gurowski's  opinion  of 
the  mother  of  Presidents,  27 ;  to 
provide  forces  to  seize  the  Capitol, 
86 ;  one  of  her  members  proposes 
"to  have  some  music"  before  count 
of  electoral  vote,  42;  influence  of 
Lee  family  in,  101 ;  rumors  that 
Virginia  has  seceded,  April  18th, 
114 ;  threatens  Harper's  Ferry,  116. 

Volunteers:  antagonism  of  regular 
service  to,  149-157,  169-171. 


Wadsworth,  James  S.,  a  leading  Re- 
publican,  30;  his  criticism  on  Gu- 
rowski's  speech,  31. 

Wallace,General  Lew.:  General  Grant's 
opinion  of  the  battle  of  the  Monoc 
acy,  390 ;  prepares  to  check  the 
Confederate  advance,  391 ;  is  rein 
forced  by  Ricketts  with  a  part  of 
the  Sixth  Corps,  392 ;  forms  his 
line  of  battle  on  the  Monocacy,  393 
et  seq. ;  fights  the  battle,  394  et  seq, ; 
orders  retreat,  396;  his  opinion  of 
Colonel  Henry,  of  the  Tenth  Ver 
mont,  400 ;  his  resistance  on  the 
Monocacy  saves  Washington  from 
capture,  390  et  seq.;  with  the  Sixth 
Corps  saves  Washington  from  cap 
ture,  424. 

Wallach,  ex-Mayor,  introduces  Walker 
Lewis,  a  colored  man,  to  the  regis 
ter,  158. 

Washburn,  Elihu  B.,  a  teller  during 
count  of  electoral  vote  in  February, 
1861,  43  ;  with  Mr.  Seward  takes 
charge  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  journey 
through  Baltimore  to  the  Capitol, 
64;  they  attend  him  to  Willard's 
Hotel  on  the  early  morning  of  Feb 
ruary  23d,  65. 

Washington  city:  isolated  from  the 
loyal  states  in  April,  1861,  115; 
rumors  of  rebel  attacks,  117;  dis 
appearance  of  the  "Plug-Uglics," 
129;  its  condition  and  defences 
well  known  to  General  Lee  in  1864, 
386 ;  Early's  campaign  against,  in 
1864,  387  et  seq. ;  not  supposed  by 
its  citizens  to  be  in  danger,  404 ; 
saved  from  capture  by  the  battle  of 
the  Monocacy  and  arrival  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  4  24 ;  no  dismay  or  consterna 
tion  there  on  account  of  General 
Early,  426. 

Webster,  Daniel :  President  Lincoln's 
story  of  his  boyhood,  333. 

Welles,  Gideon,  nominated  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  104;  congratulates 
Captain  Wilkes  on  the  capture  of 
Mason  and  Slidell,  135;  his  report 
to  Congress  on  the  capture,  135; 
his  claim  that  he  favored  and  Sec 
retary  Seward  first  opposed  the  sur 
render,  147;  this  claini  unfounded, 
148 ;  an  early  friend  of  armored 
vessels,  213. 


470 


INDEX. 


Wilkes,  Captain :  his  capture  of  Mason 
and  Slidell  on  the  Trent,  134;  se 
cures  the  thanks  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  135 ;  his  capture 
without  instructions,  136 ;  Lord  Rus 
sell  demands  his  dismissal  from  the 
navy,  137. 

Winslow,  Corning,  &  Griswold,  joint- 
contractors  with  C.  S.  Bushnell  to 
build  the  Monitor,  216. 

Wood,  Fernando,  mayor  of  New  York : 
his  distress  over  the  charge  of  Judge 
Smalley;  his  apology  to  Senator 
Toombs  for  not  interfering  with  the 
police  for  want  of  power,  48,  49. 

Wool,  General  John  E.,  heads  the  call 
in  Troy  to  promote  enlistments,  April 
15th,  107. 

Worden,  Captain  John  S. :  President 
Lincoln  appoints  him  to  command 
the  Monitor,  220;  the  President's 
confidence  in  him,  221 ;  his  prompt 
attack  on  the  Mcrrimac,  224 ;  his 
high  praise  from  Captain  Fox,  225  ; 


boards  the  Monitor  at  Washington 
Navy-yard  ;  his  wounds ;  affection 
of  his  men,  226 ;  the  first  naval 
officer  to  volunteer  for  the  Mon 
itor  ;  his  energy  hastens  her  com 
pletion,  228  ;  his  description  of  the 
light  with  the  Merrimac ;  points 
out  where  the  Monitor  was  weak, 
227-231;  his  first  inquiry  when, 
after  his  injury,  he  recovered  con 
sciousness,  233  ;  Captain  Fox  as 
cribes  the  victory  of  the  Monitor  to 
Captain  Worden,  234. 
Wynne,  Dr.  James :  his  escape  from 
New  York ;  his  exaggerated  reports 
of  the  loyalty  of  the  North,  and 
danger  to  persons  and  property  of 
Southerners ;  escapes  across  the 
Potomac,  118. 

Zollicoffer,  F.  K.,  a  member  of  the 
Conference  from  Tennessee ;  cor 
dially  received  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 

72. 


THE  END. 


INTERESTING  BOOKS 

ON 

UNITED  STATES  HISTORY. 


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Curtis's  Buchanan. 

Life  of  James  Buchanan,  fifteenth  President  of  the  United  States.  By 
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General  Dix's  Memoirs. 

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The  History  of  the  United  States  of  America.  First  Series. — From 
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The  First  Century  of  the  Republic. 

A  Review  of  American  Progress.  CONTENTS  :  I.  Introduction  :  Co 
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Foote's  War  of  the  Rebellion. 

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